CHINA 


UNDER  THE  EMPRESS 
DOWAGER 


0t  tUe  ®heotojia|  a 


PRINCETON,  N.  J. 


% 


% 


Purchased  by  the  Hamill  Missionary  Fund. 


Division 


DS.76/ 


Section  p' 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS 
DOWAGER 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2016 


https://archive.org/details/chinaunderempres00blan_0 


Thk  “Holy  Mother,”  Her  Majesty. T/0  IIsi. 
( !•  roni  n Photograph  taken  in”  1903. ) 


CHINA  UNDER  THE 
EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


BEING  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  LIFE  AND 
TIMES  OF  TZU  HSI 

COMPILED  FROM  STATE  PAPERS  AND  THE 
PRIVATE  DIARY  OF  THE  COMPTROLLER  OF 
HER  HOUSEHOLD 


v/ 


BY 


J.  O.  P.  BLAND  AND  E.  BACKHOUSE 


ILLUSTRATED 


Philadelphia  : J.  B.  LIPPINCOTT  COMPANY 
London  : WILLIAM  HEINEMANN 


MCMXII 


First  printed  October,  1910. 

New  Impressions,  November,  December,  1910 
February,  May,  July,  December,  1911. 


NOTE 

The  thanks  of  the  Authors  are  hereby  gratefully 
expressed  to  Miss  Katharine  A.  Carl,  for  permission  to 
reproduce  the  photograph  of  her  portrait  of  the  Empress 
Dowager ; to  Mr.  K.  Ogawa,  art  publisher  of  Tokyo, 
for  the  use  of  his  unique  pictures  of  the  Palace  at 
Peking ; to  Mr.  Geo.  Bronson  Rea,  of  the  Far  Eastern 
Review,  for  permission  to  reproduce  illustrations  originally 
published  in  that  journal ; to  Messrs.  Betines,  of  Peking, 
for  the  right  to  publish  their  views  of  the  capital  ; and 
to  the  Editor  of  The  Times,  for  his  courtesy  in  permitting 
the  inclusion  in  this  volume  of  certain  articles  written 
for  that  paper. 

London,  September  10 th,  1910. 


V 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

THE  PARENTAGE  AND  YOUTH  OF  YEHONALA  J 

II 

THE  FLIGHT  TO  JEHOL 14 

III 

THE  TSAI  YUAN  CONSPIRACY 30 

IV 

THE  FIRST  REGENCY 51 

V 

TSENG  KUO-FAN  AND  THE  TAIPING  REBELLION  (1864)  ...  64 

VI 

TZU  HSI  AND  THE  EUNUCHS 81 

VII 

A QUESTION  OF  ETIQUETTE 110 

VIII 

MAJORITY  AND  DEATH  OF  THE  EMPEROR  T’UNG-CHIH  . . . . 117 

IX 

THE  PROTEST  AND  SUICIDE  OF  WU  K’O-TU  ...  .132 

X 

TZU  HSI  BECOMES  SOLE  REGENT .148 

XI 

TZU  HSI  “ EN  RETRAITE  ” 161 

XII 

THE  REFORM  MOVEMENT  OF  1898  178 

XIII 

THE  HUNDRED  DAYS  OF  REFORM 190 

vii 


CONTENTS 


THE  COUP  DIKTAT  OF  1898  .........  201 

XV 

TZU  HSI  RESUMES  THE  REGENCY  (1898) 211 

XVI 

THE  GENESIS  OF  THE  BOXER  MOVEMENT 246 

XVII 

THE  DIARY  OF  HIS  EXCELLENCY  CHING  SHAN 251 

XVIII 

IN  MEMORY  OF  TWO  BRAVE  MEN 307 

XIX 

SIDELIGHTS  ON  TZU  HSl’s  STATECRAFT 327 

XX 

THE  FLIGHT  FROM  PEKIN  AND  THE  COURT  IN  EXILE  ....  340 

XXI 

HOW  THE  BOXER  LEADERS  DIED 363 

XXII 

THE  OLD  BUDDHA  PENITENT • . . .375 

XXIII 

THE  RETURN  OF  THE  COURT  TO  PEKING 387 

XXIV 

HER  MAJESTY’S  NEW  POLICY 417 

XXV 

THE  VALEDICTORY  MEMORIAL  OF  JUNG  LU 436 

XXVI 

HER  MAJESTY’S  LAST  DAYS 443 

XXVII 

TZU  HSl’S  DEATH  AND  BURIAL 464 

XXVIIT 

CONCLUSION 476 

APPENDIX 499 


viii 


INDEX 


517 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 

FACING  PAGE 

the  “ holy  mother,”  her  majesty  tzO  Hsi  . . Frontispiece 

map  of  Peking xii,  xiii 

THE  REGENT  PRINCE  CH’UN,  WITH  HIS  TWO  SONS,  THE  PRESENT 

EMPEROR  (STANDING)  AND  PRINCE  p’u  CHIEH  ....  4 

THE  IMPERIAL  DAIS  IN  THE  CHIAO-T’AI  HALL  . . . . . 18 

H.I.H.  P’U  JU,  COUSIN  OF  THE  PRESENT  EMPEROR,  SON  OF  THE  BOXER 

PRINCE  TSAI-YING,  AND  GRANDSON  OF  PRINCE  RUNG  ...  20 

HER  MAJESTY  TZtf  HSI  IN  THE  YEAR  1903  36 

EXTERIOR  OF  THE  CH’lEN  CH’lNG  PALACE 54 

H.M.  TZft  HSI,  WITH  THE  CONSORT  (LUNG  YU)  AND  PRINCIPAL  CON- 
CUBINE (CHIN  FEl)  OF  H.M.  KUANG-HSU,  ACCOMPANIED  BY  COURT 
LADIES  AND  EUNUCHS  ....  ....  90 

FACSIMILE  OF  LETTER  WRITTEN  BY  CHIEF  EUNUCH  LI  LIEN-YING  . 98 

INTERIOR  OF  THE  YANG  HSIN  TIEN.  (PALACE  OF  “ MIND  NURTURE.”)  122 

INTERIOR  OF  THE  I KUN  RUNG 148 

INTERIOR  OF  THE  TAI  HO  TIEN 166 

CIRCULAR  THRONE  HALL  IN  THE  GROUNDS  OF  THE  LAKE  PALACE 

LOOTED  BY  ALLIED  TROOPS  IN  1900  208 

PAVILION  ON  LAKE  TO  THE  WEST  OF  FORBIDDEN  CITY  . . .208 

THE  “ BEILEH  ” TSAI  YING,  SON  OF  PRINCE  KUNG  (CASHIERED  BY  TZU 

HSI  FOR  PRO-BOXER  PROCLIVITIES),  AND  HIS  SON  . . . 252 

H.M.  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER  AND  LADIES  OF  HER  COURT  (1903)  . 256 

THE  TA-A-KO,  SON  OF  PRINCE  TUAN,  THE  BOXER  LEADER  . . . 280 


IX 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 


REPRODUCTION  OF  PICTURE  PAINTED  ON  SILK  BY  HER  MAJESTY  TZft  HSI 


FACSIMILE  OF  A FRAGMENT  OF  THE  DIARY 299 

DAUGHTERS  OF  A HIGH  MANCHU  OFFICIAL  OF  THE  COURT  . . 302 

MARBLE  BRIDGE  IN  THE  GROUNDS  OF  THE  LAKE  PALACE  . . . 350 

IN  THE  GROUNDS  OF  THE  PALACE  IN  THE  WESTERN  PARK  . . 350 

HIS  HIGHNESS  PRINCE  TSAI  HSUN 386 

VIEW,  FROM  THE  k’uN  MING  LAKE,  OF  THE  SUMMER  PALACE  . 452 

THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER,  WITH  THE  CHIEF  EUNUCH,  LI  LIEN-YING  454 

THE  SON  OF  HEAVEN 458 


MARBLE  BRIDGE  OVER  THE  LAKE  IN  THE  WESTERN  PARK  WHICH 
SURROUNDS  THE  LAKE  PALACE  


474 


“ TI  WANG  MIAO  ” OR  TEMPLE  TO  THE  MEMORY  OF  VIRTUOUS  EM- 
PERORS OF  PREVIOUS  DYNASTIES 

PORTRAIT  OF  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER  ...  . . . 

THE  IMPERIAL  DAIS  IN  THE  CH’lEN  CH’iNG  HALL  . 

CEILING  AND  PILLARS  OF  THE  TAI  HO  TIEN 


474 

482 

498 

510 


X 


INDEX  TO  NUMBERED  MAP  OF  PEKING 


(1 ) Tung  Hua  Men,  the  East  Gate  Glorious. 

This  is  the  usual  entrance  to  the 
Forbidden  City  for  officials  attending 
audience  when  the  Court  is  there 
resident.  (It  was  here  that  was  sus- 
pended in  a basket  the  head  of  the 
foreigner  captured  by  the  Boxers  on 
‘20th  J une. ) 

(2)  Huang  Chi  Tien,  or  Throne  Hall  of 

Imperial  Supremacy.  In  this  Hall  the 
Empress  Dowager,  after  the  return  of 
the  Court  from  exile,  was  accustomed 
to  receive  her  officials  in  audience  on 
the  rare  occasions  when  she  lived  in 
the  Forbidden  City.  It  was  here  that 
her  remains  lay  for  nearly  a year 
awaiting  the  day  of  burial. 

(3)  Ning  Shou  Kung,  or  Palace  of  Peaceful 

Longevity.  Here  the  Old  Buddha 
resided  during  the  siege ; here  she 
buried  her  treasure.  She  returned 
hither  after  the  days  of  exile  and 
lived  in  it  pending  the  restoration  of 
the  Lake  Palace,  desecrated  by  the 
foreign  occupation. 

(4)  Chien  Ching  Kung,  or  Palace  of 

Heavenly  Purity.  The  Hall  in  which 
China’s  Emperors  were  accustomed  to 
give  audience  to  the  Grand  Council. 
After  the  Boxer  rising,  in  accordance 
with  the  new  ceremonial  laid  down  by 
the  Peace  Protocol,  the  Diplomatic 
Body  were  received  here.  In  this 
Hall  the  Emperor  Kuang  Hsii  dis- 
cussed and  decided  with  K’ang  Yu-wei 
the  reform  programme  of  1898,  and  it 
was  here  that  his  body  lay  awaiting 
sepulture  between  November  1898  and 
February  1909. 

(5)  Shen  Wu  Men,  or  Gate  of  Divine 

Military  Genius.  Through  this,  the 
Northern  gate  of  the  City,  the  Old 
Buddha  fled  in  the  dawn  of  the  15th 
August,  1900. 

(6)  The  Rock-garden  in  which  Her  Majesty 

used  to  walk  during  the  days  of  the 
siege  of  the  Legations  and  from  which 


she  witnessed  the  burning  of  the 
Hanlin  Academy. 

(7)  Yang  Hsin  Tien,  or  Throne  Hall  of 

Mental  Growth.  In  this  Palace  the 
Emperor  T’ung-Chih  resided  during 
the  whole  of  his  reign. 

(8)  Hsi  Hua  Men,  or  West  Gate  Glorious. 

One  of  the  main  entrances  to  the 
Forbidden  City. 

(9)  Tai  Ho  Tien,  Throne  Hall  of  Exalted 

Peace.  Used  only  on  occasions  of 
High  ceremony,  such  as  the  accession 
of  a new  Emperor,  an  Imperial 
birthday  celebration,  or  the  New  Year 
ceremonies. 

(10)  Shou  Huang  Tien,  or  Throne  Hall  of 

Imperial  Longevity.  In  this  building 
the  reigning  sovereign  unrolls  on  the 
day  of  the  New  Year  the  portraits  of 
deceased  Emperors,  and  pays  sacrifice 
to  them. 

(11)  Hsi  Yiian  Men,  Western  Park  Gate. 

It  is  through  this  that  the  Grand 
Council  and  other  high  officials  pass  to 
audience  when  the  sovereign  is  in  resi- 
dence at  the  Lake  Palace. 

(12)  At  this  gate  the  Emperor  was  wont  to 

await,  humbly  kneeling,  the  arrival  of 
the  Old  Buddha  on  her  way  to  or  from 
the  Summer  Palace. 

(13)  The  Altar  of  Silkworms,  at  which  the 

Empress  Consort  must  sacrifice  once 
a year,  and  where  the  Old  Buddha 
sacrificed  on  occasion. 

(14)  A Lama  Temple  where  the  Old  Buddha 

frequently  worshipped. 

(15)  Ta  Hsi  Tien.  The  Temple  of  the 

Great  Western  Heaven.  A famous 
Buddhist  shrine  built  in  the  reign 
of  the  Emperor  Kang  Hsi. 

(16)  The  Old  Catholic  Church  built  within 

the  Palace  precincts  by  permission  of 
the  Emperor  Kang-Hsi.  It  was  con- 
verted by  the  Empress  Dowager  into  a 
Museum  in  which  was  kept  the 
collection  of  stuffed  birds  made  by  the 
missionary  Pere  David.  Eye-witnesses 


XI 


For  index  to  this  Map  see  reverse  pages. 


INDEX  TO  NUMBERED  MAP  OF  PEKING 


of  the  siege  of  the  French  Cathedral 
in  1900  have  stated  that  the  Empress 
and  several  of  the  ladies  of  the  Court 
ascended  to  the  roof  of  this  building 
to  watch  the  attack  on  the  Christians  ; 
but  it  is  not  likely  that  they  exposed 
themselves  for  any  great  length  of 
time  in  what  must  have  been  a dan- 
gerous position. 

(17)  Tzu  Kuang  Ko  : Throne  Hall  of  Purple 

Effulgence.  The  building  in  which  the 
Emperor  is  wont  to  receive,  and 
entertain  at  a banquet,  the  Dalai 
and  Panshen  Lamas  and  certain 
feudatory  chiefs.  Before  1900,  Foreign 
Envoys  were  also  received  here. 

(18)  Ching  Cheng  Tien,  or  Throne  Hall  of 

Diligent  Government.  Used  for  the 
audiences  of  the  Grand  Council  when 
the  Court  was  in  residence  at  the  Lake 
P&ld>C6 

(19)  Li  Yuan  Tien:  Throne  Hall  of  Cere- 

monial Phoenixes.  Part  of  the  Em- 
press Dowager’s  new  Palace,  built  for 
her  in  the  early  years  of  Kuang  Hsu’s 
reign.  Here  she  received  birthday 
congratulations  when  resident  at  the 
Lake  Palace,  and  here  she  gave  her 
valedictory  audience,  just  before  her 
death. 

(20)  Ying  Tai,  or  Ocean  Terrace,  where  the 

Emperor  Kuang  Hsu  was  kept  under 
close  surveillance  after  the  coup  d’itat 
in  1898,  and  which  he  never  left 
(except  on  one  occasion  when  he 
attempted  to  escape)  between  Sep- 
tember 1898  and  March  1900.  By 
means  of  a drawbridge,  this  Ocean 
Terrace  was  made  a secure  place  of 
confinement.  After  the  return  of  the 
Court  in  1902,  His  Majesty  lived  here 
again,  but  under  less  restraint,  and  it 
was  here  that  he  met  his  death. 

(21)  At  this  point  stood  the  high  mound 

which  Her  Majesty  is  reported  to  have 
ascended  on  the  night  of  13th  June, 
1900,  to  watch  the  conflagrations  in 
various  parts  of  the  city. 

(22)  The  White  Pagoda,  built  in  the  time  of 

the  Yuan  dynasty  ( circa  1290  A.D.), 
when  the  artificial  lake  was  also  made. 

(23)  Wan  Shou  ssu,  the  Temple  of  Imperial 

Longevity.  Here  the  Empress  was 
accustomed  to  sacrifice  on  her  journeys 
to  and  from  the  Summer  Palace. 

(24)  The  residence  of  Ching  Shan,  where 

the  Diary  was  written. 

(25)  The  residence  of  Wen  Lien,  Comptroller 

of  the  Household  and  friend  of  Ching 
Shan. 

(26)  Residence  of  Jung  Lu. 

(27)  Place  of  the  Princess  Imperial,  the 


daughter  of  Prince  Kung,  whom  the 
Empress  Dowager  adopted. 

(28)  Birthplace  of  the  present  infant  Em- 

peror, Hsiian  T’ung,  son  of  Prince 
Ch’un  and  grandson  of  Jung  Lu.  In 
accordance  with  prescribed  custom,  it 
will  be  converted  into  a shrine. 

(29)  Birthplace  of  H.M.  Kuang  Hsu. 

Half  of  this  building  has  been 
converted  into  a shrine  in  honour 
of  His  Majesty,  and  the  other  half 
into  a memorial  temple  to  the  first 
Prince  Ch’un,  grandfather  of  the 
present  infant  Emperor. 

(30)  Pewter  Lane,  where  Yehonala  was 

born. 

(31)  Palace  of  Duke  Chao,  younger  brother 

of  Tzu  Hsi. 

(32)  Palace  of  Duke  Kuei  Hsiang,  elder 

brother  of  Tzu  Hsi  and  father  of  the 
present  Empress  Dowager. 

(33)  At  this  point  was  erected  the  scaffolding 

from  which  guns  were  trained  on  the 
Legations.  The  soldiers  on  duty  here 
were  quartered  in  the  house  of  Ching 
Shan. 

(34)  The  execution  ground  where  were  put 

to  death  the  Reformers  of  1898  and 
the  Ministers  who,  in  1900,  protested 
against  the  attack  on  the  Legations. 

(35)  The  residence,  in  1861  of  Tsai  Yuan, 

hereditary  Prince  Yi,  who  was  put 
to  death  by  Tzu  Hsi  for  usurping  the 
Regency. 

(36)  Residence  of  Tuan  Hua,  the  Co-Regent 

with  Tsai  Yiian,  also  allowed  to  commit 
suicide  in  1861. 

(37)  The  Imperial  Clan  Court,  in  which  is 

the  “ Empty  Chamber,”  where  the 
usurping  Princes  met  their  death. 

(38)  Residence  of  the  “Beileh”  Tsai  YTing, 

son  of  Prince  Kung,  cashiered  for 
complicity  in  the  Boxer  rising. 

(39)  The  site  of  the  Chan-Ta-ssu,  a famous 

Lama  Temple,  destroyed  by  the  French 
in  1900  for  having  been  a Boxer 
drilling  ground. 

(40)  Residence  of  the  Chief  Eunuch,  Li 

Lien-ying. 

(41)  Now  the  Belgian  Legation  premises, 

but  formerly  the  residence  of  the 
Boxer  protagonist,  Hsii  T’ung,  that 
fierce  old  Imperial  Tutor  whose  am- 
bition it  was  to  have  his  cart  covered 
with  the  skins  of  foreign  devils. 

(42)  The  Imperial  Canal,  by  way  of  which 

the  Old  Buddha  used  to  proceed  in  her 
State  barge  to  the  Summer  Palace. 

(43)  The  graves  of  the  Empress  Dowager's 

parents.  They  are  adorned  with  two 
marble  pillars,  bearing  laudatory 
inscriptions. 


XIV 


INDEX  TO  NUMBERED  MAP  OF  PEKING 


(44)  Here  was  erected  the  temporary  rail- 

way station  at  which  the  Empress 
alighted  on  her  return  from  exile. 

(45)  In  the  north-west  comer  of  the  enceinte 

of  the  Chien  Men,  a shrine  at  which 
the  Empress  Dowager  and  the  Emperor 
sacrificed  to  the  tutelary  god  of  the 
dynasty  (Kuan  Yii),  the  patron  saint  of 
the  Boxers. 

(46)  At  this  point  many  Christians  were 

massacred  on  the  night  of  13th  June, 
1900. 

(47)  Palace  of  Prince  Chuang,  the  Boxer 

leader,  mentioned  by  Ching  Shan  as 
the  place  where  the  Christians  were 
tried. 

(48)  Residence  of  Yiian  Ch’ang,  where  he 

was  arrested  for  denouncing  the 
Boxers. 

(49)  Residence  of  the  Grand  Secretary, 

Wang  Wen-shao. 

(50)  Residence  of  Yang  Li-shan,  the  Presi- 

dent of  the  Board  of  Revenue,  executed 
by  order  of  Prince  Tuan. 

(51)  Residence  of  Duke  Lan,  the  Boxer 

leader.  At  present  occupied  by 
Prince  Pu  Chun,  the  deposed  Heir  to 
the  Throne  and  a most  notorious 
reprobate. 


(52)  Tzu  Ning  Kung,  or  Palace  of  Maternal 

Tranquillity,  where  the  Empress 
Dowager  Tzu  An  resided  during 
most  of  the  years  of  the  Co- 
Regency. 

(53)  Chang  Ch’un  Kung,  or  Palace  of 

Perpetual  Spring,  where  Tzii  Hsi 
resided  during  the  reign  of  T’ung- 
Chih. 

(54)  Residence  of  the  actors  engaged  for 

Palace  performances. 

(55)  The  Nei  Wu  Fu,  or  Imperial  Household 

Department  Offices. 

(56)  The  Taoist  Temple  (Ta  Kao  Tien), 

where  the  Emperor  prays  for  rain  or 
snow. 

(57) ,  (58)  In  these  two  Palaces  resided  the 

chief  Imperial  concubines.  After  Tzu 
Hsi’s  resumption  of  the  Regency  in 
1898,  Kuang  Hsii  and  His  Consort 
occupied  small  apartments  at  the  back 
of  her  Palace,  on  the  brief  visits  of  the 
Court  to  the  Forbidden  City. 

(59)  Chung  Ho  Tien,  or  Throne  Hall  of 
Permanent  Harmony.  Here  H.M. 
Kuang  Hsii  was  arrested  in  September 
1898  and  taken  away  to  confinement 
in  the  “ Ocean  Terrace.” 


XV 


DESCRIPTIVE  LIST  OF  HIGH  OFFICIALS 


AND 

OTHER  PERSONAGES  MENTIONED  IN  THIS  ROOK 


(1)  Prince  Tun  (“  generous  ") : honorific  title  of  Yi  Tsung,  fifth  son 

of  Emperor  Tao  Kuang.  He  was  adopted  to  be  son  to  his 
uncle,  Mien  K’ai,  son  of  Emperor  Chia-ch’ing  (179G-1820). 

(2)  Prince  Tuan  (“orthodox") : honorific  title  of  Tsai  Yi,  second  son 

of  Prince  Tun  ; he  was  adopted  to  be  son  of  I- Yo,  prince  Jui, 
grandson  of  Chia-ch'ing. 

(3)  Duke  P'u  Chun  : the  son  of  Tsai  Yi.  Became  Heir  Apparent  in 

1900;  title  cancelled  in  1901.  Called  “Ta-a-Ko”  (Heir 
Apparent)  until  his  degradation. 

(4)  Beileh  Tsai  Lien  : son  of  Prince  Tun,  a Boxer  leader. 

(5)  Duke  Tsai  Lan  : third  son  of  Prince  Tim,  a Boxer  leader. 

(6)  Duke  Tsai  Ying:  fourth  son  of  Prince  Tun,  now  guardian 

of  P’u-chun. 

(7)  Prince  Kung  (“  respectful")-,  honorific  title  of  Yi  Hsin,  sixth  son 

of  Tao  Kuang.  Born  Jan.  11,  1833,  died  May  29,  1898. 

(8)  Tsai  Ch’eng : eldest  son  of  Prince  Kung  ; predeceased  his  father. 

Would  have  been  Emperor  in  the  place  of  Kuanghsu  but  for 
Tzu  Hsi’s  hostility  to  Prince  Kung. 

(9)  Tsai  Ying : second  son  of  Prince  Kung.  (Note : the  Ying  in  his 

name  is  a character  different  from  that  of  Duke  Tsai  Ying, 
No.  6).  He  was  a Boxer  leader,  subsequently  cashiered  by 
Tzu  Hsi.  Died  in  1909.  His  posthumous  rank  has  been 
restored  to  him  by  the  present  Empress  Dowager  pour  embeter 
the  Regent ; he  therefore  ranks  as  a Beileh , or  Prince  of  third 
rank.  He  was  adopted  to  be  heir  to  Prince  Chung  (Yi  Ho, 
8th  son  of  Tao  Kuang). 

(10)  P’u-Wei,  the  present  Prince  Kung  ; son  of  (9),  but  adopted  to  be 

heir  of  (8). 

(11)  P’u  Ju  : Duke.  Brother  of  Prince  Kung  (10). 


xvil 


b 


DESCRIPTIVE  LIST  OF  HIGH  OFFICIALS 


(12)  Prince  Ch’un  (“  generous  ”):  seventh  son  of  Tao  Kuang.  Born 

Oct.  16,  1840.  Died  Jan.  1,  1891. 

(13)  Tsai  Tien  : the  Emperor  Kuang  Hsii,  second  son  of  Prince 

Ch’un.  Canonized  as  Emperor  “ Virtuous  and  Illustrious  ” ; 
Married  Yehonala,  daughter  of  Duke  Kuei  Hsiang,  who 
survives  him  and  is  now  the  Empress  Dowager  Lung  Yu 
(“  blessed  and  prospe?'ous"). 

(14)  Tsai  Feng  : the  present  Regent.  Third  son  of  Prince  Ch’un  by  a 

concubine.  (His  personal  name  is  taboo.) 

(15)  P’u  Yi  : Emperor  Hsi'ian-Tung,  son  of  (14). 

(16)  Tsai  Hsiin  : fourth  son  of  Prince  Ch’un  by  an  inferior  concubine ; 

half-brother,  therefore,  of  the  Regent.  Prince  of  third  rank 
with  brevet  of  2nd  rank. 

(17)  Tsai  Tao  : own  brother  to  Regent ; fifth  son  of  Prince  Ch’un. 

(18)  Yi  Ho:  Prince  Chung  (“ beloved ”).  Eighth  son  of  Tao  Kuang, 

died  in  1868. 

(19)  Yi  Wei : (eldest  son  of  Tao  Kuang)  born  1808,  died  1831.  His 

posthumous  title  is  Yin  Chih,  or  “ secret  wisdom.” 

(20)  Tsai  Chung  : name  changed  to  Tsai  Chih  ; adopted  to  be  son 

of  Yi-wei,  his  first  cousin  once  removed. 

(21)  P’u  Lun  : son  of  (20) ; is  now  president  of  National  Assembly.  In 

the  legitimate  line  of  succession  he  was  the  rightful  heir  to  the 
Throne. 

(22)  Duke  Tsai  Tse : grandson  of  Prince  Hui,  the  fifth  son  of  Emperor 

Chia  Ch’ing.  He  married  the  Empress  Lung  Yu’s  sister.  Is 
generally  considered  one  of  the  strongest  Manchus  now  in  office. 

(23)  Yi  K’uang  : Prince  Cli'ing  (“  happy  ”),  grandson  of  seventeenth 

son  of  Emperor  Ch’ien  Lung,  on  whom  was  conferred  the  title 
“ Ch’ing.”  Is  the  doyen  of  the  Imperial  family. 

(24)  Tsai  Chen,  or  Bcitzu  Chen  : son  of  (23). 

(25)  Beileh  Tsai  Ch’u  : son  of  Prince  Fu  (“  trustworthy  ”),  ninth  son  of 

" 1 ' red  and  imprisoned  by  Tzu  Hsi 


the  same  day  that  Yuan  Shih-k’ai  was  dismissed.  He  married 
Tzu  Hsi’s  favourite  niece. 

(26)  Prince  Su  (“  reverential ”) : descended  from  a younger  son  of 

Nurhachu.  He  is  one  of  the  eight  Iron-capped  Princes,  whose 
titles  are  hereditary  for  ever. 

(27)  Prince  Cheng  (“  sedate  ”)  : named  Tuan  Hua,  one  of  the  usurping 

Regents.  An  “ Iron-capped  ” Prince  and  descendant  of 
Nurhachu. 


restored  to  office  by  Regent  on 


XV111 


DESCRIPTIVE  LIST  OF  HIGH  OFFICIALS 


(28)  Prince  Vi  (“ harmonious ”)  Tsai  Yuan:  one  ot‘  the  usurping 

Regents.  Descended  from  younger  son  of  K’anghsi. 

(29)  Prince  Yi  (P’uChing):  he  succeeded  Tsai  Tun,  his  father,  who 

was  given  the  patent  of  the  House  of  Yi.  A Boxer  prince. 

(30)  Jung  Lu  : kinsman  and  favourite  official  of  Tzu  Hsi. 

(31)  Princess  Ch'un : daughter  of  Jung  Lu  and  wife  of  Regent ; mother 

of  present  Emperor. 

(32)  Liang  K’uei : nephew  and  adopted  son  of  Jung  Lu. 

(33)  Huai  Ta  Pu(son  of  Grand  Secretary  Jui  Lin,  who  commanded  the 

Manchu  force  at  the  battle  of  Pa-li-chiao  against  the  British 
and  French  forces  in  18(j0) : a kinsman  of  Tzu  An.  He  com- 
mitted suicide  in  1900,  overcome  by  his  grief  and  wrath  at 
being  forced  by  the  Japanese  troops  to  work  at  carting  sand 
amongst  a crowd  of  coolies. 

(34)  Kuei  Hsiang : Duke  Kuei,  younger  brother  of  Tzu  Hsi  and  father 

of  Lung  Yu. 

(35)  Duke  Chao : younger  brother  of  Tzu  Hsi  and  father  of  Duke  Te. 

(36)  The  Princess  Imperial,  or  Ta  Kung  chu  : daughter  of  Prince  Kung 

(No.  7 above).  Specially  adopted  as  daughter  by  Tzu  Hsi  ; 
now  a widow  with  three  sons,  all  holding  appointments  in  the 
army. 

(37)  Ladv  Liu  : wife  (originally  concubine)  of  Jung  Lu.  The  Empress 

Dowager’s  closest  friend. 

(38)  Po  Chun  : Grand  Secretary.  Decapitated  as  the  result  of 

Su  Shun’s  jealousy  in  Hsien  Feng’s  reign ; grandfather  of 
Na  T’ung. 

(39)  Na  T’ung : Grand  Councillor  and  present  head  of  Foreign  Office. 

Probably  the  most  powerful  of  the  Regent’s  advisers  and  the 
head  of  his  party. 

(40)  Ch’i  Ying : was  Manchu  viceroy  of  Canton  after  Treaty  of 

Nanking ; was  allowed  to  commit  suicide,  at  Yehonala’s 
suggestion,  for  failing  to  procure  withdi'awal  of  the  foreign 
warships  from  Tientsin  in  1856.  He  was  considered  to  have 
leanings  to  Christianity,  which  made  him  the  more  unpopular. 

(41)  Su  Shun:  one  of  the  usurping  Regents  of  the  Tsai  Yuan 

conspiracy. 

(42)  Chon  Tsu-p’ei  : Gi'and  Secretary  during  1st  regency. 

(43)  Kuei  Liang  : Grand  Secretary  during  1st  regency. 

(44)  Ho  Shen  : the  famous  Grand  Secretary  under  the  Emperor  Ch’ien 

Lung,  who  was  allowed  to  commit  suicide  by  Chia  Ch’ing. 
Said  to  have  accumulated  i?l 4,000,000  in  bullion. 


XIX 


DESCRIPTIVE  LIST  OF  HIGH  OFFICIALS 

(45)  Ching  Shon  : Grand  Councillor  on  T’ung-Chih’s  succession. 

(46)  Mu-Yin  : Grand  Councillor  on  T’ung-Chih’s  succession. 

(47)  Kuang  Tu-han  : Grand  Councillor  on  T’ung-Chih’s  succession. 

(48)  Chiao  Yu-Ying  : Grand  Councillor  on  T’ung-Chih’s  succession. 

(49)  Muyanga : sometime  Taotai  in  Kuangsi ; father  of  Empress 

Tzu  An,  and  benefactor  of  Tzu  Hsi. 

(50)  Ch’ung  Ch’i  : father  of  A-lu-te  and  tutor  to  Heir  Apparent, 

P’u  Ch’iin.  Was  President  of  Board  of  Revenue  ; his  suicide  was 
recorded  by  Jung  Lu. 

(51)  Prince  Chuang,  Tsai  Hsiin  ( Chuang , honorific  title,  meaning 

“ austere  ”) : a Boxer  prince  and  descendant  of  younger  son  of 
Nurhachu. 

(52)  Tsai  Kung,  Duke  Rung : younger  brother  of  Prince  Chuang,  and 

now  inheritor  of  latter’s  title.  Tzu  Hsi  restored  the  hereditary 
princedom  on  the  ground  that  it  would  be  an  insult  to 
Nurhachu’s  memory  if  it  were  abolished. 

(53)  Kuei  Pao  : Minister  of  Household  under  T’ung-Chih. 

(54)  Wen  Hsi  : Minister  of  Household  under  T’ung-Chih. 

(55)  Kuei  Ching:  uncle  of  Tuan  Fang;  Minister  of  Household. 

(56)  Tuan  Fang:  ex-Viceroy;  cashiered  in  1909.  It  is  recorded  that 

on  one  occasion  the  Empress  Lung  Yu,  observing  that  he 
stared  at  her,  exclaimed  : “ Had  her  late  Majesty  been  in  my 
place,  where  would  your  head  have  been  ! ” Tuan  Fang  is 
unpopular  with  Manchus  for  his  outspokenness.  At  the  time 
of  his  cashiering,  was  impeached  by  Li  Hung-Chang’s  eldest 
grandson  and  heir,  Li  Kuo-chieh  (now  Minister  at  Brussels). 
He  lives  in  retirement,  but  is  said  to  be  intriguing  to 
secure  Lung  Y ii’s  favour  and  a post  in  the  new  cabinet. 

(57)  Ch’en  Tu-en  : one  of  Hsien  Fing’s  high  officials ; removed  from 

office  by  Tzu  Hsi. 

(58)  An  Te-hai  : favourite  eunuch  of  Tzu  Hsi ; decapitated  in  Shan- 

tung by  orders  of  her  Co-Regent,  the  Empress  Tzu  An. 

(59)  An  Wei-chun : Censor,  removed  from  office  and  banished  at 

Tzu  Hsi’s  instigation,  in  1895,  for  criticising  her  private  life. 
Restored  to  office  in  October,  1910,  by  the  Regent,  and  given  a 
high  place  at  Court. 

(60)  Chang  Chih-tung : Grand  Councillor  and  Grand  Secretary.  Died 

Oct.,  1909. 

(61)  Chang  Yin-huan  : native  of  Canton ; an  adherent  of  the 

Emperor  Kuanghsii  ; he  was  banished  by  Tzu  Hsi,  and 
decapitated  by  Prince  Tuan’s  orders.  Posthumous  honours 
have  been  conferred  on  him  by  the  Regent. 


XX 


DESCRIPTIVE  LIST  OF  HIGH  OFFICIALS 


(62)  Chao  Erh-hsiin  : a Chinese  bannerman.  Sometime  censor,  lately 

V iceroy  of  Ssii-Ch’uan. 

(63)  Chao  Shu-ch’iao  : native  of  Shensi  ; allowed  to  commit  suicide  (on 

account  of  his  Boxer  proclivities)  at  Hsi-an  Fu  in  1901. 

(64)  Ch’en  Lien-fang : famous  physician,  native  of  Ningpo. 

(65)  Ch’en  Pao-chen  : governor  of  Hupei ; Kuang  Hsii’s  adherent ; 

cashiered  by  Tzu  Hsi. 

(66)  Empress  Chia  Shun  (“  admirable  and  obedient  ”) : honorific 

title  conferred  on  A-lu-te  after  the  death  of  her  husband,  the 
Emperor  T’ung-Chih. 

(67)  Ch’i  Hsiu  : Manchu  Grand  Councillor,  and  Boxer  leader ; decapi- 

tated at  Peking  by  order  of  the  Empress  Dowager  on  the 
demand  of  the  Allies  in  1901. 

(68)  Chi  Lu : Minister  of  the  Household ; a favourite  of  Tzu  Hsi ; 

now  a devoted  adherent  of  the  Empress  Dowager,  Lung  Yii. 

(69)  Ching  Hsin  : Manchu  Grand  Secretary  and  Imperial  Clansman. 

(70)  Ching  Shan  : Manchu  Vice-President  of  a Board  (vide  biographical 

note  at  page  251 ). 

(71)  Ching  Yuan -shan : Prefect  of  Shanghai;  cashiered  in  1900  for 

requesting  Tzu  Hsi  to  restore  the  government  to  Kuang  Hsu. 

(72)  Chi  Shen-ch’ing ; a son  of  Yii  Iisien. 

(73)  Chen  Fei  : the  Pearl  concubine ; a favourite  wife  of  Kuang  Hsii ; 

murdered  by  order  of  Tzu  Hsi  on  Aug.  15,  1900.  Her 
brother,  Chih-Jui,  was  deprived  of  office  for  ten  years,  but  has 
received  the  high  post  of  Tartar  General  of  Hangchou  from 
the  present  Regent  (Sept.,  1910). 

(74)  Chu  Hung-teng  : a leader  of  the  original  Boxer  sect  in  Shantung. 

(75)  Ch’ung  Hou  : Manchu ; highest  official  in  Tientsin  at  time  of 

massacre  of  Europeans  in  1870 ; he  negotiated  the  Treaty  of 
Livadia  in  1878,  for  which  he  was  impeached  by  Chang  Chih- 
tung. 

(76)  Ch’ung  Li : Manchu  Commandant  of  Gendarmerie  in  1900 ; 

afterwards  Grand  Secretary. 

(77)  En  Ch’u  : eldest  son  of  Ching  Shan. 

(78)  En  Hai : murderer  of  German  Minister  in  June,  1900. 

(79)  En  Lin  : son  of  Ching  Shan. 

(80)  En  Shun  : near  relative  of  Ching  Shan. 

(81)  Hsii  Ching-ch’eng  : sometime  Minister  to  Berlin  and  St.  Peters- 

burg ; put  to  death  by  Tzu  Hsi  for  his  pro-foreign  pro- 
clivities ; posthumous  honours  have  been  conferred  on  him  by 
the  Regent. 


XXI 


DESCRIPTIVE  LIST  OF  HIGH  OFFICIALS 


(82)  Hsu  Shih-ch'ang : native  of  Chihli;  formerly  one  of  Yuan  Shih- 

k’ai’s  secretaries ; now  a Grand  Councillor. 

(83)  Hsu  Chih-ching  : a reformer  condemned  to  perpetual  imprison- 

ment after  the  coup  d'etat , and  released  after  the  fall  of 
Peking  in  1900. 

(84)  Hsu  Tung:  Grand  Secretary  and  Boxer  leader;  committed 

suicide  in  1900  on  fall  of  Peking. 

(85)  Hsu  Ying-ku’ei  : native  of  Canton  ; dismissed  as  a reactionary  by 

H.M.  Kuang  Hsu ; re-appointed  to  office  by  Tzu  Hsi  and 
appointed  Viceroy  of  Fuhkien  and  Chekiang. 

(86)  Hsu  Yung-yi:  a native  of  Chekiang  ; President  of  the  Board  of 

War ; put  to  death  by  Prince  Tuan  in  Aug.,  1900,  for 
sympathising  with  foreigners. 

(87)  Hui  Chang:  Manchu  Censor  and  Imperial  Clansman;  one  of  the 

moderates  in  1900. 

(88)  Hui  Cheng  : Taotai  of  Anhui ; father  of  Tzu  Hsi ; posthumously 

raised  to  a dukedom. 

(89)  Hung  Hsiu-ch’iian  : leader  of  the  Taiping  rebellion  ; committed 

suicide  at  Nanking  in  1864. 

(90)  Kang  Yi : leading  Boxer  and  prominent  Manchu  reactionary ; 

died  during  Court’s  journey  in  1900. 

191)  K’ang  Yu-wei : leader  of  the  reformers  of  1898;  sentenced  to 
death  and  price  put  upon  his  head  after  his  escape.  Will 
probably  be  pardoned  by  the  present  Regent  and  permitted  to 
return  to  China. 

(92)  Ko  Pao-hua : late  President  of  the  Board  of  Ceremonies ; was  in 

charge  of  Prince  Chuang’s  suicide. 

(93)  Kuan  Wen  : Manchu  Viceroy  of  Wuch’ang  during  the  Taiping 

rebellion  ; a colleague  of  Tseng  Kuo-fan. 

(94)  Liang  Ch’i-ch’ao  : K’ang  Yu -wei’s  colleague,  lieutenant,  and 

fellow  exile.  Will  also  probably  be  pardoned  bv  the  present 
Regent  and  given  office. 

(95)  Liao  Shou-heng  : native  of  Kiangsu ; Grand  Councillor  from 

March,  1898,  to  Dec.,  1899. 

(96)  Lien  Yuan  : Manchu  executed  by  Prince  Tuan  in  Aug.,  1900, 

for  pro-foreign  proclivities.  Has  since  received  honour  of 
canonisation  by  Decree  of  the  Regent ; he  and  Li  Shan 
(v.  below)  have  had  shrines  erected  to  their  memory  in 
Peking. 

(97)  Li  Lien-ying : successor  of  An  Te-hai  as  chief  eunuch  of 

Tzu  Hsi’s  Household. 

(98)  Li  Hsiu-ch’eng : a leader  of  the  Taiping  rebellion,  who  repre- 

sented the  intellectual  inspiration  of  that  movement. 


XXII 


DESCRIPTIVE  LIST  OF  HIGH  OFFICIALS 


(99)  Li  Hung-chang : native  of  Anhui ; Viceroy  of  Canton, 

Tientsin,  etc.,  and  Peace  negotiator  in  1900. 

(100)  Li  Hung-tsao : native  of  Chihli,  for  many  years  a Grand  Secretary 

and  Grand  Councillor. 

(101)  Lin  Hsu  : one  of  the  reformers  put  to  death  at  the  coup  d'etat: 

posthumous  honours  will  be  given  to  him  by  the  Regent. 

(1052)  Li  Ping-heng:  native  of  Manchuria;  assistant  generalissimo  in 
July,  1900;  committed  suicide. 

(103)  Prince  Li:  (honorific  title  means  “ceremony").  Personal  name 

Shih  To;  senior  of  the  eight  Iron-capped  Princes,  being  a 
descendant  of  Tai  shan,  the  second  son  of  Nurhachu  ; was  on 
the  Grand  Council  for  some  years;  still  living  (1911),  and  is 
head  of  Imperial  Clan  Court ; lost  most  of  his  fortune  in 
1900. 

(104)  Li  Shan  : Manchu  President  of  a Board  and  Comptroller  of  the 

Household  ; friend  of  Jung  Lu  ; noted  for  his  collection  of  art 
treasures;  put  to  death  by  Prince  Tuan  in  Aug.,  1900; 
Canonisation  since  conferred  on  him  bv  Regent.  ( v . 86  : Lien, 
Yuan). 

(105)  Li  Tuan-fen  : a native  of  Kueichou  and  partisan  of  Kuang  Hsu  ; 

banished  to  the  new  Dominion  by  Tzu  Hsi.  Died  in  1904. 
Has  since  received  posthumous  honours  by  order  of  the 
Regent. 

(106)  Liu  Kuang-ti : one  of  Reformers  executed  in  September  1898. 

(107)  Liu  K’un-vi : native  of  Hunan;  Viceroy  of  Nanking  in  1900. 

Chiefly  instrumental  in  preserving  order  in  the  Yangtse 
valley.  Died  in  1902,  and  canonised  as  “ Loyal  and  Sincere." 

(108)  Li  Wan-tsai : one  of  the  Taiping  leaders  ; known  as  the  “ glorious 

Prince.’’ 

(109)  Lu  Ch’uan-lin  : native  of  Chihli ; a sincerely  patriotic  and  loyal 

Chinese  official ; enjoyed  the  high  favour  of  Tzu  Hsi  and  the 
esteem  of  Kuang  Hsii.  He  came  north  with  troops  to  the 
Court’s  rescue  in  1900,  and  joined  Tzu  Hsi  at  Ta-T’ung  fu  in 
Shansi.  Died  August,  1910. 

(110)  Lii  Hai-huan  : native  of  Chihli ; sometime  Minister  to  Germany  ; 

subsequently  Director  General  of  Tientsin-Pukou  Railway ; a 
protege  of  Tzu  Hsi  ; now  out  of  office. 

(111)  Chin  Fei : the  Lustrous  concubine;  considered  a great  beauty 

because  of  her  fatness.  Is  now  a warm  supporter  of  the 
Empress  Lung  Yu  against  the  Regent  and  his  wife. 

(112)  Ma  Hsin-yi  : Viceroy  of  Nanking  ; assassinated  in  1870. 

xxiii 


DESCRIPTIVE  LIST  OF  HIGH  OFFICIALS 


(113)  Ma  Yii-k’un  : native  of  Anhui.  A rough  illiterate  soldier,  highly 

esteemed  by  Tzu  Hsi,  who  issued  a decree  bidding  her  Manchu 
kinsmen  imitate  his  loyal  devotion.  He  accompanied  the 
flight  of  the  Court  in  1 900.  Died  September,  1 908. 

(114)  Lady  Niuhulu : clan  name  of  Tzu  Hsi’s  mother. 

(115)  P’an  Tsu-yin  : native  of  Kiangsu ; a prominent  figure  at  Court 

between  1875  and  1895.  A fine  scholar  and  close  friend  of 
Weng  T’ung-ho. 

(116)  Pao  Yiin  : for  many  years  Manchu  Grand  Secretary  and 

Councillor.  Was  over  90  years  of  age  when  he  died.  Su 
Shun  tried  in  vain  to  induce  him  to  join  the  Tsai  Yuan 
conspiracy  in  1861. 

(117)  P’eng  Yii-lin  : native  of  Hunan  and  at  one  time  Secretary  to 

Tseng  Kuo-fan.  Protested  against  peace  w ith  France  in  1884. 
Died  in  1890.  A fine  type  of  the  honest  (and  anti-foreign) 
.Chinese. 

(118)  Prince  Seng-ko-lin-chin : a Mongol  prince  and  descendant  of 

Ginghis  Khan.  Killed  by  the  rebel  leader  Chang  Tsung-yii  in 
Shantung  in  1864.  Tzu  Hsi  held  him  in  high  honour. 

(119)  Shao  Yu-lien  : originally  nominated  Plenipotentiary  to  go  to 

Japan  with  peace  proposals  in  1895. 

(120)  Shen  Chin,  the  reformer  who  was  flogged  to  death  at  the  Board  of 

Punishments  by  Tzu  Hsi’s  command  (1898). 

(121)  Sheng  Hsiian-huai : formerly  Director-General  of  Railways;  now 

President  of  the  Board  of  Communications  ; native  of  Kiangsu  ; 
a great  favourite  of  the  present  Empress  Dowager. 

(122)  Sheng  Pao:  Manchu  General;  allowed  by  Tzu  Hsi  to  commit 

suicide  for  having  disobeyed  her  orders. 

(123)  Shih  Hsii : ex-Grand  Councillor;  a descendant  of  Ao  Pai,  who  was 

one  of  the  Regents  during  K’ang  Hsi’s  minority.  Senior  Grand 
Secretary  ; a staunch  adherent  of  Tzu  Hsi  and  the  present 
Empress  Dow  ager. 

(124)  Sun  Chia-nai  : native  of  Anhui.  Imperial  tutor  ( vide  biograph- 

ical notes).  Died  1909. 

(125)  Sung  Ch’ing : native  of  Shantung.  Fought  against  Allies  in  1900. 

Returned  with  Court  to  Peking,  but  died  early  in  1902. 

(126)  Sung  Te-hsi  : a favourite  eunuch  of  Tzu  Hsi,  who  called  him  her 

“ little  sleeve  dog.” 

(127)  Sung  Po-lu  : a Censor  cashiered  by  Tzu  Hsi  in  1898.  His 

honours  have  been  restored  to  him  by  the  Regent. 

(128)  Sung  Yu-lien:  confidential  eunuch  of  the  Emperor  Kuang  Hsii. 

Put  to  death  by  Tzu  Hsi  in  1898. 


xxiv 


DESCRIPTIVE  LIST  OF  HIGH  OFFICIALS 

(129)  Sun  Yat-sen  : commonly  known  as  Sun  Wen.  A revolutionary 

leader  ; hero  of  the  kidnapping  episode  at  the  Chinese  Legation 
in  London  in  1896. 

(130)  Sun  Yu-wen  : native  of  Chihli,  and  for  some  years  Grand  Councillor. 

A favourite  of  Tzu  Ilsi. 

(131)  Tan  Chung-lin  : native  of  Hunan;  Viceroy  of  Canton.  Died  at 

Peking  in  1900. 

(132)  Tang  Shao-yi  : a Lieutenant  of  Yuan  Shih-k’ai,  and  Governor  of 

Moukden ; now  out  of  office  owing  to  hostility  of  Lung  \ ii’s 
party. 

(133)  Tan  Ssu-t’ung:  one  of  the  reformers  executed  in  1898,  son  of  a 

former  governor  of  Hupii. 

(134)  Tan  Ting-hsiang:  Viceroy  of  Chihli  in  1858. 

(135)  T’ao  Mo:  native  of  Chekiang;  Viceroy  of  Canton,  where  he 

died. 

(136)  Ting  Ju-ch’ang : native  of  Anhui;  Admiral  in  Chinese  Navy; 

committed  suicide  at  Weihaiwei  in  1895.  (His  reputation 
not  so  high  among  Chinese  as  among  foreigners.) 

(137)  Ting  Pao-chen : Governor  of  Shantung  in  1869.  He  carried  out 

the  execution  of  An  Te-hai. 

(138)  Ting- Yung  : Imperial  Clansman,  and  Provincial  Treasurer  of 

Chihli  in  1900;  being  responsible  for  the  murder  of  foreign 
missionaries,  he  was  executed  by  the  Allies  in  October,  1900. 

(139)  Ts’en  Chun-hsiian : native  of  Kuangsi,  and  son  of  the  Viceroy, 

Ts’en  Yii-ying;  Governor-Elect  of  Shensi  in  1900;  a favourite 
of  Tzu  Hsi,  who  made  him  Viceroy  of  Ssuch’uan,  and  subse- 
quently at  Canton,  whence  he  suppressed  the  Kuangsi  rebellion  ; 
was  summoned  to  Peking  and  made  President  of  Yu  Ch’uan 
pu  in  1907,  but  Prince  Ching  and  his  corrupt  followers  dreaded 
his  fearless  honesty  and  induced  Tzu  Hsi  to  remove  him. 

(140)  Tseng  Kuo-ch’iian : brother  of  Tseng  Kuo-fan,  for  many  years 

Viceroy  of  Nanking. 

(141)  Tseng  Kuo-fan:  native  of  Hunan;  suppressed  the  Taiping 

rebellion. 

(142)  Tseng  Chi-tse  : eldest  son  of  the  last  named  ; Minister  to  England 

from  1878  to  1881.  Negotiated  the  Treaty  for  Russia’s 
retrocession  of  Kuldja. 

(143)  Tso  Tsung-t’ang : native  of  Hunan  and  a distinguished  general. 

Rose  to  be  Grand  Secretary  and  Councillor.  Died  in  1885. 

(144)  T’ung-Chih,  Emperor:  son  of  Tzu  Hsi. 

(145)  Tung  Fu-hsiang ; originally  a Mahomedan  bandit ; became 

imperialist  General  and  greatly  distinguished  himself  during 
the  siege  of  Legations  in  1900. 


XXV 


DESCRIPTIVE  LIST  OF  HIGH  OFFICIALS 


(146)  Tzu  An : Empress  Dowager  of  the  East,  and  daughter  of 

Mu-yang-a. 

(147)  Tzu  Hsi : the  “holy  mother-”;  Empress  Dowager. 

(148)  Wang  Chao:  reformer,  pardoned  bv  Tzu  Hsi  in  1904. 

(149)  Wang  Wen-shao : native  of  Chekiang;  sometime  Viceroy  of 

Chihli ; Grand  Councillor  and  Grand  Secretary  ; died  in  1909. 

(150)  Weng  T’ung-ho  : native  of  Kiangsu;  Grand  Secretary  and 

Councillor ; Imperial  Tutor.  Disliked  by  Tzu  Hsi,  who 
degraded  him  in  1898.  Died  1904.  All  ins  honours  post- 
humously restored  by  Regent. 

(151)  Wen  Lien;  Comptroller  of  Household;  died  in  1902. 

(152)  Wen  Ti  : Censor,  dismissed  in  1898  by  Kuang  Hsii;  subsequently 

promoted  by  Tzu  Hsi ; was  Prefect  of  K’ai-Feng  fu  when  the 
Court  stayed  there  in  November,  1901. 

(153)  Wu  K’o-tu : native  of  Kansu.  The  Censor  who  protested,  by 

committing  suicide,  against  Kuang  Hsu’s  accession. 

(154)  Wu  Ta-ch’eng : native  of  Kiangsu;  at  one  time  Governor  of 

Hunan  ; assisted  Li  Hung-chang  during  Japanese  war. 

(155)  Yang  Ju  : Chinese  Bannerman.  Envoy  to  Russia  and  Austria  in 

1896. 

(156)  Yang  Jui : one  of  the  executed  Reformers  of  1898. 

(157)  Yang  Shen-hsiu  : a Censor;  one  of  Kuang  Hsu’s  party. 

(158)  Yeh  Ming-shen  : Viceroy  of  Canton  in  1857;  captured  by  the 

British  and  taken  to  India,  where  he  died.  A great  scholar. 

(159)  Yin  Ch’ang : Manchu,  at  present  War  Minister;  a warm 

adherent  of  the  Regent,  and  friend  of  German  Emperor. 

(160)  Ying  Nien  : Manchu,  a Boxer  leader  who  committed  suicide. 

(161)  Yuan  Ch’ang:  native  of  Chekiang;  decapitated  by  Tzu  Hsi  in 

July,  1900,  for  being  pro-foreign.  Has  been  canonised  by 
present  Regent. 

(162)  Yuan  Shih-k’ai : native  of  Hunan;  Ex-Viceroy  of  Chihli  and 

Grand  Councillor ; a great  favourite  of  Tzu  Hsi.  Present 
Empress  Dowager,  for  reasons  not  clear,  opposes  his  return  to 
public  life. 

(163)  Yu  Hsien : Manchu;  massacred  the  missionaries  in  Shansi,  when 

Governor  in  1900,  and  lost  his  head  in  consequence. 

(164)  Yu  Lu  : Viceroy  of  Chihli  in  1900;  committed  suicide  after  fall 

of  Tientsin. 


XXVI 


I 


THE  PARENTAGE  AND  YOUTH  OF 
YEHONALA 

The  family  of  Yehonala,  one  of  the  oldest  of  the 
Manchu  clans,  traces  its  descent  in  direct  line  to  Prince 
Yangkunu,  whose  daughter  married  (in  1588)  Nurhachu,  the 
real  founder  of  Manchu  rule  in  China  and  the  first  direct 
ancestor  of  the  Ta  Ching  Emperors.  Yangkunu  was  killed 
at  Mukden  in  1583,  in  one  of  his  raids  upon  the  territories 
which  still  owed  allegiance  to  the  degenerate  Chinese 
sovereign  YVan  Li.  His  clan  lived  and  flourished  in  that 
region,  near  the  Corean  border,  which  is  dominated  by  the 
Long  White  Mountain,  the  true  cradle  of  the  Manchu 
stock.  He  and  his  people  seem  to  have  acquired  the  arts  of 
war,  and  much  lust  of  conquest,  by  constantly  harassing  the 
rich  lands  on  their  ever-shifting  borders,  those  rich  lands 
which  to-day  seem  to  be  about  to  pass  under  the  yoke  of 
new  invaders.  Yangkunu’s  daughter  assumed  the  title  of 
Empress  by  right  of  her  husband’s  conquests,  and  her  son  it 
was  who  eventually  wrested  the  whole  of  Manchuria  from 
the  Ming  Dynasty  and  reigned  under  the  name  of  Tien- 
Ts’ung. 

Into  this  clan,  in  November  1835,  was  born  Yehonala, 
whose  life  was  destined  to  influence  countless  millions  of 
human  beings,  Yehonala,  who  was  to  be  thrice  Regent  of 
China  and  its  autocratic  ruler  for  over  half  a century.  Her 

1 B 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


father,  whose  name  was  Hui  Cheng,  held  hereditary 
rank  as  Captain  in  one  of  the  Eight  Banner  Corps. 
Considering  the  advantages  of  his  birth,  he  was  generally 
accounted  unsuccessful  by  his  contemporaries  ; at  the  time 
of  his  death  he  had  held  no  higher  post  than  that  of  an 
Intendant  of  Circuit,  or  Taotai.  Holding  this  rank  in  the 
province  of  Anhui,  he  died  when  his  daughter  was  but  three 
years  of  age.  His  widow  and  family  were  well  cared  for  by 
a kinsman  named  Muyanga,  father  of  her  who  subsequently 
became  Empress  Consort  of  Hsien-Feng  and  Co-Regent 
with  Yehonala.  From  him  the  children  received  every 
advantage  of  education. 

Many  unfounded  and  ridiculous  stories  have  been 
circulated  in  recent  years  attributing  to  the  Empress 
Dowager  humble,  and  sometimes  disgraceful,  antecedents. 
Many  of  these  are  nothing  more  than  the  fruit  of  Yellow 
Journalism,  seeking  sensational  material  of  the  kind  which 
appeals  to  the  iconoclastic  instincts  of  its  readers.  Others, 
however,  undoubtedly  owe  their  origin  to  the  envy,  hatred 
and  malice  of  Palace  intrigues,  to  the  initiative  of  the  Iron- 
capped  Princes  and  other  high  officials  of  the  elder  branch  of 
the  Imperial  family,  many  of  whom  were  addicted  to 
besmirching  the  family  and  character  of  Tzu  Hsi  in  order  to 
inflict  “loss  of  face”  on  the  Yehonala  clan.  In  this  way, 
and  because  mud  thrown  from  above  usually  sticks,  their 
malicious  stories  were  freely  circulated,  and  often  believed, 
in  Peking  and  in  the  South  : witness  the  writings  of  Kang 
Yu-wei  and  his  contemporaries.1 2 

To  cite  an  instance.  One  of  these  mythical  stories  used 
to  be  told,  with  every  appearance  of  good  faith,  by  Prince 
Tun,  the  fifth  son  of  the  Emperor  Tao-Kuang.  This 
Prince  cherished  a grudge  against  Tzu  Hsi  because  of  his 
disappointed  ambitions : adopted  himself  out  of  the  direct 

1 As  an  example  of  unbalanced  vituperation,  uttered  in  good  faith  and 
with  the  best  intentions,  vide  The  Chinese  Crisis  from  Within  by  “ Wen  Ching,” 
republished  from  the  Singapore  Free  Press  in  1901  (Grant  Richards). 

2 


PARENTAGE  AND  YOUTH  OE  YEHONALA 


line  of  succession,  lie  had  nevertheless  hoped,  in  1875,  that 
his  son  would  have  been  chosen  Emperor.  The  story,  as  he 
used  to  tell  it,  was  that  when  the  Empress's  mother  had 
been  left  a widow  with  a large  family  (including  the  future 
ruler  of  China)  they  lived  in  the  most  abject  poverty  at  the 
prefectural  city  of  Ningkuo,  where  her  husband  had  held 
office  and  died.  Having  no  funds  to  pay  for  her  return  to 
Peking,  she  would  have  been  reduced  to  beggary  had  it  not 
been  that,  by  a lucky  accident,  a sum  of  money  intended  for 
another  traveller  was  delivered  on  board  of  her  boat  at  a 
city  on  the  way,  and  that  the  traveller,  on  learning  of  the 
mistake  and  being  moved  to  pity  at  the  sight  of  the  family’s 
destitution,  insisted  on  her  keeping  the  money.  Twenty-five 
years  later,  when  Tzu  Hsi  had  become  the  all-powerful 
Regent,  this  official  appeared  for  audience  at  Peking,  when, 
remembering  the  benefits  received  at  his  hands,  the  Empress 
raised  him  from  his  knees  and  expressed  her  gratitude  for  his 
kindness.  The  story  is  prettier  than  many  which  emanate 
from  the  same  source,  and  original,  too,  in  the  idea  of  a 
Manchu  official  dying  at  his  provincial  post  in  abject 
poverty,  but  unfortunately  for  the  truth  of  the  narrative,  it 
has  been  established  beyond  shadow  of  doubt  that  neither 
the  wife  nor  the  family  of  Tzu  Hsi’s  father  were  with  him  at 
the  time  of  his  death.  They  had  gone  on  ahead  to  Peking, 
in  anticipation  of  his  early  return  thither  to  take  up  a new 
appointment  in  the  White  Banner  Corps. 

Before  proceeding  further,  it  may  be  well  to  refer  briefly 
to  the  Yehonala  clan  and  its  position  in  relation  to  the  elder 
branch  of  the  Imperial  family,  a question  of  no  small  im- 
portance, past  and  future,  in  its  effect  on  the  history  of 
modem  China.  Jealousy  and  friction  there  have  always 
been  between  the  Imperial  house  and  this  powerful  patrician 
clan,  since  the  first  Yehonala  became  de  facto  ruler  of  the 
Empire  after  the  collapse  of  the  Tsai  Yuan  conspiracy,  but 
their  relations  became  more  markedly  strained  after  the 
coup  d'etat  in  1898,  and  although  the  wholesome  fear  of  the 

3 b 2 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


Empress  Dowager’s  “ divine  wrath  ” prevented  any  definite 
cleavage,  the  possibilities  of  trouble  were  ever  latent  in  the 
Forbidden  City.  Recent  events  at  Peking,  and  especially 
the  dismissal  of  the  Chihli  Viceroy,  Tuan  Fang,  for  alleged 
irreverence  at  the  funeral  ceremonies  of  the  late  Empress 
Dow'ager,  have  emphasised  the  divisions  in  the  Manchu 
camp  and  the  dangers  that  beset  its  Government,  now 
bereft  of  the  strong  hand  of  Tzu  Hsi.  It  is  difficult  for 
foreigners  to  form  any  clear  idea  of  the  actual  conditions  of 
life  and  of  party  divisions  in  the  Palace,  confused  as  they 
are  by  intricate  questions  of  genealogy,  of  inter-marriage 
and  adoptions  by  relatives,  of  ancient  clan  feuds.  It  should, 
however,  be  explained  that  the  Imperial  Clansmen  (known 
in  their  own  tongue  as  Aisin  Gioros)  divided  into  the 
Yellow  and  Red  Girdles,  are  the  descendants  respectively 
of  Nurhachu  himself  and  of  that  ruler’s  ancestors,  by 
virtue  of  which  ancestry  they  consider  themselves  (and 
the  Chinese  would  recognise  the  claim)  to  be  the  sang  jpur 
and  highest  nobility  of  the  Manchu  Dynasty.  The  Yehonala 
clan,  although  in  no  sense  of  Royal  blood  (as  marriages 
between  the  sovereign  and  female  members  of  a family  do 
not  entitle  that  family  to  claim  more  than  noble  rank)  owes 
its  great  power  not  only  to  its  numbers,  but  to  the  fact 
that  it  has  given  three  Empresses  Dowager  to  the  Empire  ; 
but,  above  all,  to  the  great  prestige  and  personal  popularity 
of  Tzu  Hsi.  If  recent  events  are  to  be  interpreted  in  the 
light  of  history,  and  of  her  significant  death-bed  mandate, 
the  present  leaders  of  the  Y ehonala  clan  are  determined  that 
the  present  Empress  Dowager,  the  widow  of  Kuang-Hsii, 
shall  follow  in  the  footsteps  of  her  august  aunt,  and  control 
the  business  of  the  State,  at  least  during  the  Regency.  And, 
thanks  to  Tzu  Hsi’s  far-seeing  statecraft,  the  young  Emperor 
is  a grandson  of  Jung  Lu,  and  may  be  expected  therefore  to 
reverence  the  policy  handed  down  by  the  Old  Buddha. 

One  long-standing  cause  of  suspicion  and  dissension 
between  the  parties  in  the  Palace  arises  from  the  fear  of  the 

4 


The  Regent,  Prince  Ch’un,  with  his  two  Sons,  the  Present  Emperor  (standing)  and 

Prince  P’u  Chieh. 


PARENTAGE  AND  YOUTH  OF  YEHONALA 


elder  descendants  of  Tao-Kuang  (of  whom  Prince  P’u  Lun 
and  Prince  Knng  are  the  chief  representatives)  that  the 
present  boy-Emperor,  or  his  father,  the  Regent,  will  here- 
after elevate  the  founder  of  his  branch,  the  first  Prince 
Ch’un,  to  the  posthumous  rank  of  Emperor,  a species  of 
canonisation  which  Europeans  might  consider  unimportant, 
but  which,  in  the  eyes  of  the  Chinese,  would  constitute  a 
sort  of  posthumous  usurpation  on  the  part  of  the  junior 
branch  of  the  Imperial  clan,  since  the  first  Prince  Ch’un 
would  thus  be  placed  on  a footing  of  equality  w'ith 
Nurhachu,  the  founder  of  the  Dynasty,  and  would  practically 
become  the  founder  of  a new  line.  The  first  Prince  Ch’un 
had  himself  foreseen  the  possibility  of  such  an  occurrence, 
and  had  realised  that  it  could  not  fail  to  lead  to  serious 
trouble,  for  which  reason,  as  will  be  seen  hereafter,  he  had 
taken  precautions  to  prevent  it.  It  has  not  escaped  the 
attention  of  those  whose  business  it  is  to  watch  the  straws 
that  float  down  the  stream  of  high  Chinese  policy  that,  since 
the  accession  of  the  present  child-Emperor  to  the  Throne, 
the  ancestral  sacrifices  made  at  the  mausoleum  of  the  first 
Prince  Ch’un  have  been  greatly  elaborated  in  pomp  and 
circumstance,  while  in  official  documents  his  name  has  been 
given  “ double  elevation,”  that  is  to  say,  in  the  eyes  of 
the  literati  he  is  made  to  rank  on  the  same  level  as  a reign- 
ing Emperor.  It  is  commonly  believed  by  those  Chinese 
who  are  in  a position  to  speak  with  authority  on  the  subject, 
that  when  the  Emperor  attains  his  majority,  he  will  be  led 
to  confer  further  posthumous  honours  upon  his  grandfather, 
including  that  of  “ triple  elevation,”  which  would  place  him 
on  a footing  of  equality  with  a deceased  Emperor,  and 
entitle  him  to  worship  at  a special  shrine  in  the  Temple  of 
the  Ancestors  of  the  Dynasty.  From  a Chinese  constitu- 
tional point  of  view,  the  consequences  of  such  a step  would 
be  extremely  serious  and  difficult  of  adjustment. 

The  Old  Buddha  was  a strong  partisan,  and  during  her 
lifetime  her  immediate  kinsmen  were  practically  above  the 

5 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


law,  basking  in  the  sunshine  of  her  protection  or  making 
hay  thereby,  so  that  there  was  always  a strong  undercurrent 
of  friction  between  them  and  the  Yellow  and  Red  Girdles, 
friction  of  which  echoes  frequently  reached  the  tea-houses 
and  market  places  of  the  capital.  Tzti  Hsi  delighted  to 
snub  the  Aisin  Gioros  ; in  one  Decree  she  forbade  them  to 
reside  in  the  business  quarter  of  the  city,  on  the  ground  that 
she  had  heard  it  said  that  some  of  them  were  making  money 
by  disreputable  trades.  She  was  by  no  means  beloved  of 
the  Iron-capped  princes  and  other  noble  descendants  of 
Nurhachu,  who,  while  they  feared  her,  never  ceased  to 
complain  that  she  curtailed  their  time-honoured  privileges. 

An  interesting  example  of  her  masterful  methods  of 
dealing  with  these  hereditary  aristocrats  occurred  when  one 
of  the  Imperial  Dukes  ventured  to  build  himself  a pre- 
tentious house  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  Imperial 
City,  and  overlooking  a considerable  portion  of  the  palace 
enclosure.  No  sooner  was  the  building  completed  than  the 
Old  Buddha  confiscated  it,  reprimanding  the  owner  for  his 
lack  of  decorum  in  daring  to  overlook  the  Palace  grounds, 
and  forthwith  she  bestowed  it  upon  her  younger  brother,  the 
Duke  Chao. 

Another  example  of  her  clannishness,  and  of  the  diffi- 
culties which  it  created  for  the  local  authorities,  occurred 
upon  the  establishment  of  the  new  Police  Board  at  Peking, 
three  years  after  the  return  of  the  Court  from  exile  in  1902. 
The  Grand  Councillor,  Hsu  Shih-ch’ang,  a Chinese  by  birth, 
and  a favourite  of  Her  Majesty,  was  placed  at  the  head  of  this 
new  Board,  but  he  soon  realised  that  the  lot  of  his  police- 
men, when  dealing  with  the  members  of  the  ruling  clan,  was 
by  no  means  a happy  one.  Her  Majesty’s  third  brother,  the 
Duke  Kuei  Hsiang,  was  a particularly  hardened  offender, 
absolutely  declining  to  recognise  police  regulations  of  any 
kind,  and  inciting  his  retainers  to  “gain  face  by  driving  on 
the  wrong  side  of  the  road  and  by  committing  other  breaches 
of  the  regulations.  On  one  occasion  a zealous  policeman 

C 


PARENTAGE  AND  YOUTH  OF  YEHONALA 


went  so  far  as  to  arrest  one  of  the  Duke’s  servants.  Hsu 
Shih-ch’ang,  hearing  of  the  occurrence,  promptly  ordered 
the  man’s  release,  but  the  Duke,  grievously  insulted,  insisted 
upon  an  abject  apology  from  the  head  of  the  Hoard  in 
person.  Thrice  did  the  unfortunate  Hsu  call  at  the  Duke’s 
palace  without  gaining  admission,  and  it  was  only  after  he 
had  performed  a kowtow  before  the  Duke  in  the  open 
courtyard  outside  the  palace  that  his  apology  Mas  accepted. 
An  idea  of  the  importance  of  this  incident  in  the  eyes  of 
the  Pekinese,  and  of  the  poMrer  of  the  clansmen,  may  be 
inferred  from  the  fact  that  Hsi'i  subsequently  became 
Yiceroy  of  the  Manchurian  provinces,  later  President  of  the 
Ministry  of  Posts  and  Communications,  and  in  August, 
1910,  was  elevated  to  the  Grand  Council.  On  this  occasion, 
hoMrever,  the  Old  Buddha,  learning  of  the  incident,  “ ex- 
cused ” Hsii  from  further  attendance  at  the  Grand  Council, 
and  shortly  aftenvards  he  Mras  transferred  to  Mukden. 

Yehonala’s  mother,  the  lady  Niuhulu,  survived  her  husband 
for  many  years,  residing  in  his  house  in  “ Pewter  Lane  ” 
(Hsi-la-hu-t’ung),  quite  close  to  the  Legation  quarter. 
When  her  daughter  became  Empress  Mother,  she  received 
the  rank  of  Imperial  Duchess.  She  appears  to  have  been  a 
lady  of  great  ability  and  good  sense,  distinguished  even 
amongst  the  members  of  a clan  always  noted  for  the  intelli- 
gence of  its  women  kind.  After  living  to  a ripe  old  age,  she 
Mras  buried  beside  her  husband  in  the  family  graveyard  which 
lies  Mathout  the  city  to  the  M'est,  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
Europeans’  race-course,  Mrhere  her  daughter’s  filial  piety  Mas 
displayed  by  the  erection  of  an  honorific  arch  and  the 
customary  marble  tablets.  When,  in  January  1902,  the 
Empress  DoMrager  returned  from  exile  by  railway  from 
Cheng-ting  fu,  she  gained  great  kudos  from  the  orthodox  by 
declining  to  enter  the  capital  by  the  Hankow  railway  line, 
because  that  line  ran  close  to  her  parents’  graves,  and  it 
M'ould  have  been  a serious  breach  of  respect  to  their  memory 
to  pass  the  spot  without  reverently  alighting  to  make 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


obeisance.  She  therefore  changed  her  route,  entering  Peking 
from  the  south,  to  the  great  admiration  of  all  her  people. 

Of  Yehonala’s  childhood  there  is  little  to  record  except 
that  among  her  youthful  playmates  was  a kinsman,  Jung  Lu, 
who  in  after  years  was  to  play  so  prominent  a part  in  many 
a crisis  of  her  career.  By  common  report  she  had  been 
betrothed  to  him  from  birth.  This  report  is  not  verifiable, 
but  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  great  influence  which  Jung 
Lu  exercised  over  her,  far  greater  than  that  of  any  of  her 
family  or  highest  officials,  was  founded  in  their  early  youth. 
Kang  Yu-wei  and  other  Chinese  officials  opposed  to  the 
Manchu  rule  have  not  hesitated  to  assert  that  he  was  on 
terms  of  improper  intimacy  with  her  for  years,  dating  from 
the  flight  to  Jehol,  and  before  the  decease  of  her  husband 
the  Emperor. 

Yehonala’s  education  followed  the  usual  classical  course, 
but  the  exceptional  alertness  and  activity  of  her  mind, 
combined  with  her  inordinate  ambition  and  love  of  power, 
enabled  her  to  rise  superior  to  its  usually  petrifying  influences 
and  to  turn  her  studies  to  practical  account  in  the  world  of 
living  men.  She  learned  to  paint  skilfully  and  to  take  real 
pleasure  in  the  art ; she  was  an  adept  at  the  composition  of 
verses,  as  classically  wooden  in  form  as  anything  produced  by 
the  most  distinguished  of  English  public  schools.  At  the  age 
of  sixteen  she  had  mastered  the  Five  Classics  in  Chinese  and 
Manchu,  and  had  studied  to  good  purpose  the  historical 
records  of  the  twenty-four  Dynasties.  She  had  beyond  doubt 
that  love  of  knowledge  which  is  the  beginning  of  wisdom, 
and  the  secret  of  power,  and  she  had,  moreover,  the 
chroniclers  aver,  a definite  presentiment  of  the  greatness  of 
her  destiny. 

Upon  the  death  of  the  Emperor  Tao-Kuang  in  1850,  his 
eldest  surviving  son,  aged  nineteen,  ascended  the  Throne 
under  the  reign-title  of  Hsien-Feng.  After  the  expiry  of  the 
period  of  mourning  (twenty-seven  months)  during  which 
the  new  Emperor  may  not  marry,  a Decree  was  issued 

8 


PARENTAGE  AND  YOUTH  OF  YEHONALA 


commanding  that  all  beautiful  Manchu  maidens  of  eligible 
age  should  present  themselves  at  the  Imperial  Household 
Office  which  would  make  from  them  a selection  for  the 
Emperor’s  harem.  Prior  to  his  accession,  Hsien-Feng  had 
married  the  eldest  daughter  of  Muyanga,  but  she  had  died 
before  his  coming  to  the  Throne.  Among  the  maidens  who 
obeyed  the  nuptial  Edict  were  Muyanga’s  second  daughter, 
Sakota,  and  the  young  Yehonala.  On  the  14th  of  June, 
1852,  about  sixty  of  the  beauty  and  fashion  of  the  Manchu 
aristocracy  appeared  before  the  critical  eye  of  the  widow  of 
Tao-Kuang,  who  selected  twenty-eight  from  among  them, 
and  these  she  divided  into  the  four  classes  of  Imperial 
concubines,  viz.,  “Fei,”  “Pin,”  “ Kuei  Jen,”  and  “Chang 
Tsai.”  Sakota  thus  became  a “ P in,”  and  Yehonala  a “ Kuei 
Jen”  or  “honourable  person.”  With  rare  exceptions,  these 
Imperial  concubines  are  much  more  the  servants  of  their 
mother-in-law  than  the  wives  of  their  sovereign.  In  theory, 
their  number  is  limited  to  seventy,  but  this  number  is  seldom 
maintained ; beside  them,  there  are  within  the  Palace 
precincts  some  two  thousand  female  Manchus,  employed  as 
handmaidens  and  general  servants  under  the  direction  of  the 
eunuchs.  In  all  domestic  matters  of  the  household,  the 
widow  of  the  Emperor  last  deceased  exercises  supreme 
authority,  and  although  precedent  allows  the  Emperor  to 
inspect  the  ladies  selected,  he  has  no  voice  in  their  disposition 
or  the  determination  of  their  rank. 

Thus  Yehonala  left  her  home  in  Pewter  Lane  to  become 
an  inmate  of  the  Forbidden  City,  cut  off  henceforth  from  all 
direct  intercourse  with  her  own  people.  An  aged  tiring 
woman  who  served  her  from  the  time  of  her  first  entry  into 
the  Palace  until  her  death,  is  our  authority  for  the  following 
interesting  description  of  the  only  visit  which  she  ever  paid 
to  her  family.  It  was  in  January  1857,  nine  months  after 
the  birth  of  her  son,  the  heir  to  the  Throne,  that,  by  special 
permission  of  the  Emperor,  she  was  allowed  to  leave  the 
Palace.  Early  in  the  morning,  eunuchs  were  sent  to  announce 

9 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


to  her  mother  that  her  daughter,  the  Concubine  Yi,  was 
coming  to  visit  her  at  mid-day.  There  was  much  joyful 
excitement  amongst  the  family  and  its  friends  at  this  rare 
honour.  All  the  neighbours  in  Pewter  Lane  turned  out  to 
see  the  eunuchs  and  the  yellow-draped  chair.  The  mother 
and  all  the  members  of  the  household  (including  some  of  an 
elder  generation)  ranged  themselves  on  either  side  of  the 
entrance  courtyard  as  the  chair  was  borne  within.  At  the 
head  of  the  steps  leading  to  the  inner  courtyard  the  eunuchs 
in  attendance  requested  her  to  descend  ; she  then  entered  the 
main  room,  where  she  took  the  seat  of  honour.  Her  family 
approached  respectfully  to  salute  her,  all  kneeling  except  her 
mother  and  the  elder  relatives.  A banquet  was  then  served 
at  which,  by  special  arrangement,  the  mother  took  a seat 
lower  than  that  of  the  daughter,  thus  recognising  her  position 
as  mother  of  the  Heir  Apparent.  All  present  were 
most  favourably  impressed  by  Yehonala’s  unaffected  and 
affectionate  disposition ; she  seemed  quite  unspoiled  by  the 
formalities  and  splendours  of  Court  life,  talking  with  all  the 
old  vivacity  as  a daughter  of  the  house,  showing  the  keenest 
interest  in  the  family’s  affairs,  and  particularly  in  the  educa- 
tion of  her  sisters. 

The  banquet  lasted  till  late  in  the  afternoon,  Yehonala 
asking  and  answering  innumerable  questions.  As  the  short 
January  day  drew  to  its  close,  the  eunuchs  requested  her 
to  prepare  to  return  to  the  Palace.  She  therefore  took 
an  affectionate  farewell  of  her  family,  expressing  sincere 
regret  that  her  life  must  be  cut  off  from  theirs,  but  hoping 
that  some  day  the  Emperor  might  again  permit  her  to 
visit  them.  Her  mother,  she  said,  would,  in  any  case,  be 
allowed  to  come  and  see  her  in  the  Palace.  After  distri- 
buting presents  to  all  the  members  of  her  family,  she 
entered  her  palanquin  and  was  borne  away.  She  never 
saw  her  home  again,  but  in  later  years  her  mother  used 
frequently  to  visit  her  in  the  Forbidden  City. 

Upon  entering  the  Palace,  Yehonala  proceeded  to  establish 

10 


PARENTAGE  AND  YOUTH  OF  YEHONALA 


herself  firmly  and  speedily  in  the  good  graces  of  Tao- 
Kuang’s  widow ; through  her  influence  at  first,  and  later  by 
virtue  of  her  own  charm,  she  soon  became  first  favourite 
with  her  weak  and  dissolute  lord  ; and  when,  in  April  1850, 
she  crowned  his  long  disappointed  ambitions  by  presenting 
him  with  an  heir  to  the  Throne,  her  position  was  completely 
assured.  At  the  time  of  her  entering  the  Palace,  the 
Taiping  rebellion  was  causing  great  uneasiness  at  the  capital. 
In  March  1853.  the  rebels  took  Nanking,  the  southern 
capital.  Yehonala,  who  had  already  made  it  her  business  to 
read,  and  advise  on,  all  Memorials  from  the  provinces,  used 
her  growing  influence  with  the  Son  of  Heaven  to  secure  the 
appointment  of  Tseng  Kuo-fan  as  Commander-in-Chief, 
and  to  provide  him  with  funds  for  the  raising  of  train-bands 
in  Hunan,  with  which,  and  with  the  help  of  General 
Gordon,  Tseng  eventually  suppressed  the  rebellion. 
Thus  early  she  showed  her  superiority  to  environment  and 
the  fetters  of  tradition,  displaying  at  a moment  of  national 
danger  that  breadth  of  mind  and  quick  decision  which  dis- 
tinguished her.  By  all  official  precedent,  Tseng  Kuo-fan  was 
not  available  for  service,  being  in  mourning  for  his  mother, 
but  it  was  ever  Yehonala's  opinion  that  precedents  were 
meant  to  be  subordinate  to  the  State  and  not  the  State  to 
precedents,  wherein  lies  the  mark  of  the  born  ruler. 

In  August  1855  the  widow  of  Tao-Kuang  died  and 
Yehonala,  in  recognition  “ of  her  dutiful  ministrations,”  was 
raised  to  the  rank  of  “ P’in,”  her  colleague  Sakota  having 
in  the  meanwhile  become  Empress  Consort. 

It  was  the  common  belief  of  Chinese  writers  at  this  time 
that  the  reign  of  Hsien-Feng  would  witness  the  end  of  the 
Dynasty,  which  was  held  to  have  “exhausted  the  mandate  of 
Heaven.”  All  over  the  Empire  rebellion  was  rife ; the 
sovereign  himself  was  a weak  debauchee,  incapable  of 
inspiring  either  loyalty  or  affection  in  his  people.  In  the 
eyes  of  the  literati  he  was  a degenerate,  having  none  of 
the  scholarly  tastes  which  had  made  his  five  predecessors 

11 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


famous  in  history,  nor  any  disposition  to  follow  their 
example  in  the  compiling  of  monumental  editions  of  the 
classics  and  dictionaries,  which  have  endeared  their  memory 
to  scholars.  It  was,  moreover,  considered  ominous  that 
no  heir  had  yet  been  born  to  him,  though  he  was  now 
twenty-five,  several  of  his  predecessors  having  provided  for 
the  succession  before  they  were  fifteen.  When,  therefore, 
in  April  1856,  Yehonala  gave  birth  to  a son,  and  at  the 
same  time  the  rebels  were  driven  from  the  provinces  of 
Hunan  and  Kiangsi,  it  was  felt  that  the  tide  of  evil  had 
turned  and  that  Heaven’s  favour  once  more  smiled  upon  the 
Throne. 

At  this  period,  the  health  of  the  Emperor,  stricken  with 
paralysis,  had  completely  broken  down  and  Yehonala,  by 
virtue  of  her  position  as  mother  of  the  Heir  Apparent, 
and  even  more  by  reason  of  her  masterful  character,  became 
the  real  ruler  of  the  Empire.  Her  colleague,  the  Empress 
Consort,  took  little  or  no  active  interest  in  the  business 
of  government.  In  actual  rank,  Yehonala  had  risen  to 
the  position  of  a concubine  of  the  first  grade  “Fei”  and 
was  generally  known  in  the  metropolis  as  the  “ Kuei  Fei, 
Yi,”  the  last  word  being  her  honorific  title,  meaning 
“feminine  virtue.” 

Her  advice  on  foreign  affairs  at  this  period  was  generally 
of  an  aggressive  character,  and  the  fact  is  not  matter  for 
wonder  when  we  bear  in  mind  her  youth,  her  pride  of  race 
and  her  complete  ignorance  of  foreign  countries  and  their 
resources.  On  the  return  of  the  special  Envoy  Ch’i  Ying, 
who  had  been  sent  to  endeavour  to  induce  Lord  Elgin 
to  leave  Taku  and  whose  mission  had  ignominiously  failed,  it 
was  to  the  haughty  Yehonala  that  common  report  credited 
the  Decree  which  ordered  him  to  be  presented  with  the 
“ silken  cord  ” of  self-despatch,  as  a mark  of  “ the  Throne’s 
benevolent  leniency.”  To  her  also  was  ascribed  the  Emperor’s 
refusal  to  permit  the  High  Commissioner  Yeh  at  Canton  to 
negotiate  with  the  British  on  trade  questions,  a decision 

12 


PARENTAGE  AND  YOUTH  OF  YEHONALA 


which  led  directly  to  the  capture  of  that  city  by  the  foreign 
barbarian  in  the  following  year.  In  the  records  left  by 
chroniclers  and  diarists  of  that  time  it  is  generally  noticeable 
that  the  Emperor’s  opinions  and  doings  are  ignored  and  that 
all  the  business  of  the  Imperial  City  and  the  Empire  had 
come  to  depend  on  the  word  of  Yehonala,  a fact  in  itself 
sufficiently  remarkable  in  a country  where  no  woman  is 
supposed  to  rule,  and  particularly  remarkable  when  we  bear 
in  mind  that  she  was  at  this  time  only  a concubine  and 
twenty- two  years  of  age. 

To  prevent  confusion  arising  from  the  several  names 
and  titles  of  the  Empress  Dowager,  it  should  be  explained 
that  her  family  or  clan  name  of  Yehonala  was  that  by  which 
she  was  known  to  the  world  of  Peking  before  and  at  the 
time  of  her  selection  for  the  Imperial  harem.  In  the  Palace, 
until  her  accession  to  the  rank  of  Empress  Mother  (Empress 
of  the  West),  she  was  still  Yehonala,  but  more  usually 
described  as  the  “ Yi  ” concubine.  As  co-Regent  and 
Empress  Mother,  her  official  designation,  Imperially  decreed, 
was  Tzu  Hsi,  to  which  many  other  honorifics  were  added. 
To  the  mass  of  the  people  she  was  either  the  Empress 
Dowager  ( Huang  T'ai  Hou ) or  the  Old  Buddha,  and 
towards  the  end  of  her  reign  this  last  affectionately  respect- 
ful title  was  universally  used  in  the  North. 


13 


II 

THE  FLIGHT  TO  JEHOL 

The  causes  and  history  of  the  invasion  of  North  China  by 
the  allied  forces  of  England  and  France  are  too  well  known 
to  need  re-stating  here,  but  the  part  played  by  Yehonala  in 
the  stirring  days  which  preceded  and  followed  the  flight  to 
Jehol  are  not  familiar  to  European  readers.  Most  interest- 
ing details  are  given  on  this  subject  by  a certain  Doctor 
of  Letters  and  member  of  the  Hanlin  Academy,  whose 
diary  was  printed  privately  in  narrative  form  several 
years  later,  and  from  this  document  the  following  extracts 
are  taken.  It  was  originally  entitled  “ A Record  of  Grief 
Incurable  ” and,  as  will  be  noted,  it  is  primarily  a monument 
of  filial  piety,  into  which  the  doings  of  the  barbarians,  and 
the  already  dominant  personality  of  Yehonala,  are  artlessly 
interwoven,  with  a certain  quality  of  sincerity  that  attracts. 
The  narrative  itself  is  full  of  human  interest. 

“In  the  7th  Moon  of  the  ‘Keng  Shen’  year  (August  1860), 
five  or  six  days  after  my  mother  fell  sick,  rumours  began  to 
circulate  that  the  barbarians  had  already  reached  Taku.  It 
was  generally  known  that  many  Memorials  had  reached  the 
Throne  from  the  metropolitan  and  provincial  officials,  but  as 
no  mention  of  them  had  appeared  in  the  Gazette,  it  was  only 
natural  that  there  should  he  a very  widespread  feeling  of 
uneasiness  and  many  alarming  rumours.  So  far.  however, 
there  had  been  no  fleeing  from  the  city.  His  Majesty  was 
seriously  ill,  and  it  was  known  that  he  wished  to  leave  for 
the  north,  but  the  Imperial  Concubine  Yi  and  Prince  Seng 

14 


THE  FLIGHT  TO  JEHOL 


dissuaded  him  from  this  and  assured  him  that  the  barbarians 
would  never  enter  the  city. 

“ At  this  time  my  mother  was  suffering  from  dysentery, 
but  she  ordered  the  servants  to  keep  it  from  me.  It  was 
only  one  day,  when  I noticed  a prescription  lying  on  her 
table,  that  I realised  that  she  was  indeed  seriously  ill. 
Doctor  Liu  was  in  attendance,  as  usual,  but  I never  had  any 
confidence  in  him  or  his  methods,  which  seemed  to  me  far  too 
drastic.  Nevertheless  he  had  advised  and  attended  her  for 
seven  years,  and  my  mother  and  all  her  household  placed 
implicit  confidence  in  him.  Alas,  the  Ancients  have  rightly 
said  that  a good  son  should  know  something  of  the 
principles  of  medicine,  and  surely  my  ignorance  has  been  the 
first  cause  of  my  mother’s  death.  Though  I should  give  up 
my  life  a hundred  times,  how  can  I ever  atone  for  this  ? 

“ During  the  next  few  days,  people  began  to  leave 
Peking,  for  the  report  was  spread  that  our  troops  had  been 
defeated  at  Taku,  and  that  a Brigadier  General  was  among 
the  slain ; the  garrison  had  fled  from  Pei  T’ang  and  the  forts 
were  in  the  hands  of  the  barbarians.  Prince  Seng  had  been 
ordered  by  Edict  not  to  fight  a pitched  battle,  so  that  our 
forces  were  idly  confronting  the  enemy.  Nothing  definite 
was  known  as  to  the  real  cause  of  our  defeat,  and  the  people, 
being  kept  in  ignorance,  gradually  got  over  their  first 
alarm. 

“ On  the  13th  of  the  7th  Moon,  I noticed  a change  for  the 
worse  in  my  mother’s  condition,  and  straightway  applied  for 
ten  days’  leave  of  absence  from  my  official  duties.  I kept 
her  ignorant  of  the  political  situation  and  urged  her  to 
abstain  from  worry  of  every  kind.  But  every-day  the  news 
was  worse,  and  people  began  to  leave  the  city  in  thousands. 

“ On  the  following  day,  Magistrate  Li  Min-chai  looked  in 
to  say  good-bye,  as  he  was  leaving  to  join  the  troops  in 
Anhui.  He  expressed  strong  disapproval  of  Dr.  Liu’s 
prescription  and  gave  me  one  of  his  own.  My  mother  was 
averse  to  taking  his  medicine,  but  I persuaded  her  to  do  so. 
In  the  night  she  was  suddenly  seized  with  shortness  of 
breath,  and  hastily  I sent  for  Mr.  Li,  who  assured  me  that 
this  was  in  no  way  due  to  his  medicine.  My  mother, 
however,  insisted  upon  returning  to  Dr.  Liu’s  prescription, 

15 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


so  all  I could  do  was  to  urge  him  to  compound  it  of  drugs 
less  strong  and  more  suited  to  a patient  of  my  mother’s 
advanced  years. 

“ My  mother  then  bade  me  to  prepare  her  coffin  as  she 
was  certain  that  her  death  was  near.  Fortunately  I had 
bought  the  wood  eight  years  before  at  Mukden,  and  had 
stored  it  in  a coffin  shop  in  Peking,  whence  I now  had 
it  fetched.  We  set  carpenters  to  work  in  our  court-yard, 
and  by  the  20th,  the  coffin  was  finished.  The  wood  was 
beautifully  thick,  and  the  whole  appearance  of  the  coffin 
most  creditable.  Never  could  I have  expected  that  at  such 
a time  of  haste  and  general  disorder  so  perfect  a piece  of 
work  could  have  been  produced.  The  carpenters  assured  me 
that  at  the  present  time  such  a coffin  would  cost  at  least  a 
thousand  taels  in  Peking.1  This  comforted  me  not  a little. 

“ Next  morning  the  lacquer  shop  people  sent  over  to  put 
on  the  first  coating  of  lacquer,  in  which  at  least  two  pounds 
were  used.  We  then  sent  for  the  tailor  and  six  assistants  to 
make  the  grave  clothes  and  purchased  the  materials  for  my 
mother’s  ceremonial  ‘going  away  dress.’  1 had  a long  sable 
robe  made  up,  but  next  day,  as  my  mother  appeared  to  be 
slightly  better,  I decided  to  postpone  having  the  long  outer 
robes  prepared.  Rumours  were  now  rife  that  the  barbarians 
had  already  reached  T’ungchou,  and  were  going  to  bombard 
Peking  on  the  27th,  so  that  everyone  was  escaping  who 
could  leave  the  city.  On  the  27th.  we  put  on  the  second 
coating  of  lacquer. 

“ On  that  day,  our  troops  captured  the  barbarian  leader 
Pa  Hsia-li  (Parkes)  together  with  eight  others,  who  were 
imprisoned  in  the  Board  of  Punishments.  Thereupon  the 
whole  city  was  in  an  uproar,  and  it  became  known  that  His 
Majesty  was  preparing  to  leave  on  a tour  northwards.  But 
the  Concubine  Yi  persuaded  some  of  the  older  officials  to 
memorialise,  urging  him  to  remain,  none  of  which 
Memorials  have  been  published.  All  the  Manchu  and 
Chinese  officials  were  now  sending  their  families  away  and 
their  valuables,  but  the  large  shops  outside  the  main  gate  were 
doing  business  as  usual.  My  mother’s  condition  remained 
much  the  same,  and  I applied  for  another  ten  days’  leave. 

1 About  £120. 


16 


THE  FLIGHT  TO  JEHOL 


“ On  the  1st  of  the  8th  Moon,  we  applied  another  coating 
of  lacquer  to  the  coffin.  On  the  same  day  Dr.  Liu  changed 
my  mother’s  medicine,  but,  the  dysentery  continued 
unabated. 

“ On  the  4th  my  mother  called  me  to  her  bedside  and 
said  : ‘ I cannot  possibly  recover.  See  that  all  is  prepared  for 
the  burial.  I shall  take  no  food  to-day.’  I felt  as  if  a 
knife  had  been  thrust  into  my  vitals,  and  sent  straightway 
for  the  tailor  to  hurry  on  with  the  ceremonial  robes.  My 
friend,  Pan  Yu-shih,  called  and  recommended  a purgative, 
but  my  mother  was  very  angry,  and  refused  point-blank  to 
take  it.  In  the  night  she  had  a violent  attack  of  vomiting, 
which  seemed  to  relieve  her — so  much  so,  that  I told  the 
tailor  not  to  be  in  too  great  a hurry.  Next  morning  the 
robes  were  finished,  but  my  mother  thought  the  coverlet  too 
heavy,  and  I substituted  therefor  a lighter  material,  silk. 
To  this  she  objected  as  being  too  luxurious  and  more 
expensive  than  she  had  any  right  to  expect ; she  observed 
that  her  parents-in-law  had  not  had  grave-wrappings  of  such 
valuable  stuff.  Meanwhile  the  confusion  in  Peking  was 
hourly  increasing,  and  huge  crowds  were  hurrying  from  the 
city.  Most  of  the  city  gates  were  closed  for  fear  of  the 
barbarians,  but  the  ‘ Chang-yi  ’ gate  in  the  southern  city  was 
still  open. 

“ On  the  7th,  our  troops  engaged  the  barbarians  outside  the 
Ch’i  Hua  gate.  The  van  was  composed  of  untrained  Mongol 
cavalry,  who  had  never  been  in  action.  No  sooner  had  the 
barbarians  opened  fire  than  they  turned  as  one  man,  broke 
their  ranks  and  stampeded  upon  the  infantry  in  their  rear. 
Many  were  trampled  to  death,  and  a general  rout  followed, 
our  men  fleeing  in  every  direction  and  the  barbarians  pressing 
on  to  the  city  walls. 

“ Certain  Princes  and  Ministers  besought  the  Concubine  Yi 
to  induce  the  Emperor  to  leave  on  a tour.  His  Majesty 
was  only  too  anxious  to  start  at  once,  but  the  Concubine  Yi 
persuaded  two  of  the  Grand  Secretaries  to  memorialise 
against  his  doing  so,  and  in  response  to  this  a Decree  was 
issued  stating  that  under  no  circumstances  would  the 
Emperor  leave  his  capital.  Another  Decree  was  put  out 
by  the  Concubine  Yi  offering  large  rewards  to  any  who 

17 


c 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


should  slay  the  barbarians.  It  was  generally  thought  that 
the  Emperor  would  now  forgo  his  intended  departure. 

“ Early  next  morning  we  heard  the  news  of  another 
engagement  outside  the  Ch’i  Hua  gate,  upon  which  news 
His  Sacred  Majesty,  attended  by  all  his  concubines,  the 
Princes,  Ministers  and  Dukes,  and  all  the  officers  of  the 
Household,  left  the  city  in  a desperate  rout  and  disorder 
unspeakable,  affording  a spectacle  that  gave  the  impression 
that  hordes  of  barbarians  were  already  in  close  pursuit.  As 
a matter  of  fact,  the  foreigners  were  still  at  a considerable 
distance,  and  at  the  Summer  Palace,  where  the  Court  lay, 
there  was  nothing  whatsoever  to  cause  the  slightest  appre- 
hension. I cannot  understand  why  His  Majesty  was  allowed 
to  leave  ; up  to  the  very  last  the  Yi  Concubine  begged  him 
to  remain  in  his  Palace,  as  his  presence  there  could  not  fail  to 
awe  the  barbarians,  and  thus  to  exercise  a protecting  influence 
for  the  good  of  the  city  and  people.  How,  said  she,  could 
the  barbarians  be  expected  to  spare  the  city  if  the  Sacred 
Chariot  had  fled,  leaving  unprotected  the  tutelary  shrines 
and  the  altars  of  the  gods  ? She  begged  him  to  bear  in 
mind  that  episode  in  the  Chou  Dynasty,  when  the  Son  of 
Heaven  fled  his  capital,  ‘ his  head  covered  with  dust,’  and 
was  forced  to  take  refuge  with  one  of  his  feudatory  Princes. 
The  Chinese  people  have  always  regarded  this  as  a humiliating 
event  in  the  history  of  their  country,  but  the  present  flight  of 
the  Court  appears  more  humiliating  still. 

“ Meantime  my  mother’s  condition  was  becoming  critical, 
and  I had  scant  leisure  for  considering  the  political  situation. 
Every  official  of  any  standing  had  either  left  the  capital  by 
this  time  or  was  leaving,  and  all  the  merchants  who  could 
afford  it  were  sending  their  families  away.  The  cost  of 
transport  was  prohibitive  for  many ; the  price  of  a cart  with 
one  mule  to  go  to  Cho-chou  was  twenty  taels,  and  to  Pao-ting 
fu  (60  miles)  they  charged  thirty  taels.'  In  my  case  there 
could  be  no  question  of  removing  my  mother,  and  there 
was  nothing  for  it  therefore  but  to  sit  still  and  face  the 
situation. 

“ As  the  dysentery  grew  more  acute  every  day,  with  Dr. 
Liu’s  permission  I tried  Dr.  Yang’s  prescription.  It  was, 
however,  too  late,  and  nothing  could  help  her  now.  On  the 


18 


The  Imperial  Dais  in  the  Chiao-T’ai  Hall 


Photo,  Oguwa,  Tokio. 


THE  FLIGHT  TO  JEHOL 


morning  of  the  12th  she  was  in  extremis,  and  had  lost  the 
power  of  swallowing  ; so  we  sent  for  Li,  the  tailor,  to  put  a 
few  finishing  touches  on  the  burial  robes,  and  to  prepare  the 
‘ cockcrow  pillow  ’ and  coverlets.  At  1 1 p.m.  she  passed 
away,  abandoning  her  most  undutiful  son.  Alas,  there  is  no 
doubt  that  her  death  lies  at  my  door,  because  of  my  ignorance 
of  medicine.  Smiting  my  body  against  the  ground,  I invoke 
Heaven,  but  ten  thousand  separate  deaths  could  not  atone  for 
my  sins. 

“ We  arrayed  her,  then,  in  her  robes.  First  her  hand- 
maiden put  on  the  inner  garments,  a chemise  of  white  silk, 
then  a jacket  of  grey  silk,  and  outside  that  a wadded  robe  of 
blue  satin.  Then  were  put  on  the  robe  and  mantle  of 
State,  with  the  badge  of  her  official  rank,  the  jade  girdle  and 
necklace  of  amber.  After  the  gold  hair  ornaments  had  been 
placed  in  position,  the  Phoenix  hat  was  set  upon  her  head  ; 
red  mattresses  were  laid  upon  the  couch,  and  we  placed  her 
in  a comfortable  position,  with  her  head  reclining  on  the 
‘ cockcrow  ’ pillow  of  red  satin.  Not  a friend  came  near  us, 
and  every  door  in  the  neighbourhood  was  closed.  Next 
morning  I lined  the  coffin  with  red  satin,  and  then  padded 
it  with  straw  to  prevent  it  shaking,  and  at  3 p.m.  I invited 
my  mother  to  ascend  into  her  ‘long  home.’ 

“ The  city  was  in  a terrible  tumult,  and  a friend  came  in 
to  advise  me  to  bury  my  mother  temporarily  in  a temple 
outside  the  city.  It  would  not  be  safe,  he  said,  to  inter  her 
in  the  courtyard  of  this  house,  for  the  barbarian  is  suspicious 
by  nature,  and  will  assuredly  search  every  house  in  Peking 
as  soon  as  the  city  is  taken.  It  was  impossible  for  me  to  con- 
sider calmly  what  might  happen  if  they  were  to  find  and  to 
desecrate  my  mother’s  coffin.  I remembered  what  has  been 
told  of  their  doings  in  Canton  under  similar  circumstances. 

“ On  the  14th,  the  ‘Chang-yi’  gate  was  opened,  and  I 
found  a temple,  suitably  situated,  which  the  priest  was 
willing  to  allow  me  to  rent.  I prepared  therefore  to  watch 
over  my  mother’s  remains,  sending  my  family  in  the  mean- 
while to  live  with  an  old  pupil  of  mine  at  Pa-chou.  Only 
the  two  western  gates  of  the  Chinese  city  were  still  open, 
and  as  the  Hata  Men  and  the  Ch’ien  Men  had  been  closed  for 
four  days,  the  stream  of  traffic  through  the  Shun-chih  Men 

19  c 2 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


caused  perpetual  blocks  in  that  gateway.  All  the  small 
pedlars,  hawkers  and  barbers  were  fleeing  the  city,  but  still 
the  large  business  houses  remained  open. 

“ On  the  19th  I conveyed  my  mother’s  remains  to  the 
temple ; I found  all  quiet  there,  but  my  progress  through 
the  city  gate  was  very  slow  because  of  the  crowd.  On  the 
‘23rd  there  were  but  few  people  abroad,  and  these  clustering 
together  in  small  groups  and  speaking  in  low  voices. 
Suddenly,  a little  after  mid-day,  an  immense  blaze  was  seen 
to  the  north-west,  and  speedily  it  was  reported  that  the 
barbarians  had  seized  Hai-tien  and  the  Summer  Palace.  Our 
army  is  said  to  number  half  a million  men,  and  yet  it  seems 
that  not  one  of  them  dare  oppose  the  barbarians’  advance. 
They  have  about  a thousand  of  cavalry,  yet  they  move  about 
at  will  in  our  midst  as  if  in  an  uninhabited  wilderness  ! ’Tis 
passing  strange  ! The  troops  of  Prince  Seng  and  General 
Sheng  have  retreated  to  the  Te-sheng  gate. 

“ On  the  24th  all  the  shops  were  closed,  and  the  higher  the 
price  of  vehicles,  the  greater  the  number  of  people  to  wish  to 
engage  them.  The  poorer  class  were  using  wheelbarrows,  on 
which  they  packed  their  most  valuable  moveables  for  flight. 

“ Prince  Kung  sent  an  Envoy  to  the  barbarians’  camp 
with  a despatch  asking  for  an  armistice.  On  arriving 
in  the  vicinity  of  the  camp,  however,  the  messenger  saw 
the  barbarians  pointing  rifles  at  him,  so  that  he  turned 
and  fled. 

“ On  the  afternoon  of  the  24th,  vast  columns  of  smoke 
were  seen  rising  to  the  north-west,  and  it  was  ascertained 
that  the  barbarians  had  entered  the  Summer  Palace,  and 
after  plundering  the  three  main  halls,  leaving  them  absolutely 
bare,  they  had  set  fire  to  the  buildings.  Their  excuse  for  this 
abominable  behaviour  is  that  their  troops  got  out  of  hand, 
and  had  committed  the  incendiarism.  After  this  they  issued 
notices,  placarded  everywhere,  in  very  bad  Chinese,  stating 
that  unless  terms  of  peace  had  been  arranged  before  mid-day 
on  the  29th,  they  would  then  bombard  Peking,  in  which  case 
all  inhabitants  who  did  not  wish  to  share  the  fate  of  the  city 
had  better  remove  themselves  to  a safe  distance. 

“ On  this  day  it  was  reported  that  The  Sacred  Chariot  had 
reached  Jehol  in  safety,  but  His  Majesty  had  been  greatly 

20 


II. I. II.  P’u  Ju,  Cousin  ok  the  Present  Emperor,  Son  ok  the  Eoxer  Prince  Tsai-Ying 

and  Grandson  ok  Prince  Rung. 


THE  FLIGHT  TO  JEHOL 


alarmed,  and  had  issued  a Decree  expressing  regret  for  his 
failure  to  commit  suicide  on  the  approach  of  the  invaders. 
The  Emperor  is  reported  to  be  ill,  and  it  is  said  that  the 
Princes  Tsai  Yuan' and  Tuan  Hua  are  trying  to  get  themselves 
appointed  to  the  Grand  Council.  Should  the  Emperor  die 
(lit.  ‘when  ten  thousand  years  have  passed’)  the  Yi  con- 
cubine will  be  made  Empress  Dowager,  but  at  present  she 
is  reported  to  be  at  variance  with  the  Princes,  who  are 
endeavouring  to  prejudice  the  Emperor  against  her. 

“ I learnt  that  all  was  quiet  at  the  temple  where  my 
mother’s  coffin  rests.  Troops  were  passing  there  daily,  but, 
so  far,  none  had  occupied  it.  On  the  29th,  my  servant-boy, 
Yung  ’Erh,  came  to  tell  me  that  troops  from  Tientsin  in  the 
pay  of  the  barbarians  had  occupied  the  temple,  but  on  pro- 
ceeding thither  I found  them  to  be  General  Sheng’s  men. 
Prince  Seng’s  troops  were  also  near  at  hand,  so  that,  if  a 
bombardment  had  taken  place,  what  could  have  prevented 
the  destruction  of  the  temple,  and  what  would  then  have 
become  of  my  mother’s  remains  ? 1 therefore  decided  to 
engage  wheelbarrows  and  handcarts,  at  six  taels  apiece,  to 
take  my  family  to  Pao-ting  fu,  and  I arranged  with  the 
undertakers  to  hire  bearers  for  the  coffin. 

“At  11  a.m.  of  the  same  day  the  barbarians  entered  the 
city  by  the  Anting  gate,  occupying  its  tower  and  the  wall 
adjoining.  One  large  cannon  and  four  small  ones  were 
placed  in  position  on  the  wall,  and  a five-coloured  flag 
hoisted  there.  With  the  exception  of  the  officials  entrusted 
with  the  duty  of  negotiating,  not  one  remained  in  the  city. 
Two  days  ago  the  prisoner  Parkes,  and  his  companions, 
were  sent  back  to  the  enemy  with  every  mark  of  courtesy. 
Scarcely  had  they  reached  their  camp  when  a special  Decree, 
post-haste  from  Jehol,  ordered  Prince  Kung  to  decapitate 
them  all  forthwith  as  a warning  to  the  bandits  who  had 
dared  to  invade  the  sacred  precincts  of  the  Palace.  As  the 
Yi  concubine  had  urged  their  execution  from  the  very  first, 
it  would  seem  as  if  her  influence  were  again  in  the  ascendant. 

“On  the  1st  of  the  9th  Moon,  the  ‘Chang-yi’  gate  was 
closed,  but  I managed  to  leave  the  city  by  the  Hsi-pien  Men, 
where  I was  nearly  crushed  to  death  in  the  enormous  crowd. 
Upon  my  arrival  at  the  temple,  I had  a nice  wadded  cover 


21 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


made  to  put  over  the  coffin,  and  then  hurried  back  to  the 
city  to  arrange  for  the  cortege  leaving  next  morning.  The 
President  of  the  Board  of  Finance,  Liang  Ilai-lou,  was 
hiding  in  the  temple  precincts  with  his  family  and  chief 
concubine,  all  wearing  common  clothes  and  unshaven.  This 
is  a good  example  of  the  condition  to  which  the  very 
highest  had  been  reduced. 

Next  morning,  on  reaching  the  temple,  I found  the 
coffin-bearers  and  transport  coolies  on  the  spot.  But,  un- 
fortunately, in  my  hurry,  I failed  to  notice  that  the  under- 
takers had  supplied  the  frame,  on  which  the  coffin  is  carried, 
of  a size  smaller  than  had  been  agreed  upon,  so  that  instead 
of  sixteen  bearers  there  were  but  eight.  We  started,  how- 
ever, and  the  procession’s  appearance  of  panic-stricken 
fugitives  was  most  distressing  to  contemplate.  But  what 
could  I do  ? The  first  and  only  object  in  my  mind  was  to 
protect  my  mother’s  coffin.  I have  omitted  to  state  that 
my  small  servant-hoy,  Yung  ’Erh,  had  started  to  accompany 
the  coffin  on  foot.  But,  after  they  had  started,  it  occurred 
to  me  that  the  lad  could  never  stand  so  long  a journey,  and 
that  should  my  mother  be  aware  of  it,  she  would  be 
extremely  anxious  about  him.  Therefore,  I quickly  engaged 
another  wheelbarrow  for  Yung  ’Erh,  and  bade  the  coolies 
hurry  after  the  procession. 

“ On  returning  home  I felt  uneasy  about  the  jolting 
which  my  mother’s  coffin  must  have  experienced  on  the 
undersized  frame.  I went,  therefore,  to  the  undertakers  and 
expostulated  with  them  for  having  cheated  me.  After  much 
altercation  they  agreed  to  change  the  frame,  but  I was  to 
pay  two  taels  more  for  the  larger  size.  I subsequently 
learned  that  they  failed  to  keep  their  promise,  but  there  was 
no  good  to  be  got  by  suing  them  for  breach  of  faith.  They 
are  sordid  tricksters.  Yung  ’Erh  wrote,  however,  to  assure 
me  that  the  party  had  reached  Pao-ting  fu  in  safety,  and  that 
the  coffin  had  not  been  jolted  in  the  least.  On  removing  the 
w rappings  the  lacquer  was  found  to  he  undamaged. 

“ The  barbarians  were  now  in  full  possession  of  the  city, 
and  rumours  were  rife  on  all  sides.  Everyone  in  Peking — 
there  were  still  a good  many  people — w^as  terrified,  and  the 
Manchus  were  sending  their  families  from  the  Tartar  to  the 


22 


THE  FLIGHT  TO  JEHOI 


southern  (Chinese)  city  to  save  their  women  from  being 
outraged  by  the  barbarian  bandits.  The  condition  of  the 
people  was  indeed  deplorable  in  the  extreme.  One  of  the 
Censors  had  sent  a Memorial  to  Jehol,  reproaching  the 
Emperor  for  the  pass  to  which  he  had  brought  his  people, 
and  for  the  neglect  of  ancestral  worship  caused  by  his 
absence.  He  blamed  His  Majesty  for  listening  to  evil 
advisers,  and  besought  him  to  return  to  his  capital. 

“ The  minds  of  the  people  were  becoming  more  than  ever 
disturbed,  because  it  was  now  reported  that  the  negotiations 
for  peace  had  so  far  failed,  either  because  Prince  Kung  would 
not  entertain  the  barbarians’  conditions,  or  because  the  latter 
were  too  utterly  preposterous. 

“ On  the  6th,  a despatch  arrived  from  the  British  bar- 
barians, accusing  China  of  having  violated  all  civilised  usage 
in  torturing  to  death  their  fellow-countrymen.  For  this  they 
demanded  an  indemnity  of  .500,000  taels.  At  the  same  time 
came  a despatch  from  the  Russian  barbarians,  saying  that 
they  had  heard  that  England  was  demanding  this  indemnity, 
but  they  (the  Russians)  were  prepared  to  use  their  influence 
and  good  offices  to  persuade  the  British  to  abate  their  claims. 
Prince  Kung  was  of  opinion  that,  even  if  they  should  be 
successful  in  this  proposed  mediation,  China  would  only  save 
some  100,000  taels,  and  for  this  she  would  place  herself  under 
heavy  obligations  to  Russia.  So  he  replied,  declining  the 
offer  on  the  ground  that  the  British  claim  had  already  been 
accepted  by  China,  and  that  further  discussion  of  the  matter 
was  therefore  impossible.  Thereupon  the  Russians  wrote 
again,  saying  that  if  China  had  definitely  accepted  the 
British  terms  there  was,  of  course,  nothing  more  to  be  said, 
but  they  asked  Prince  Kung  to  note  that  they  had  induced 
England  to  forgo  half  of  the  indemnity  of  two  million  taels 
originally  asked,  as  a set-off  to  China  for  the  destruction  of 
the  Summer  Palace.  On  the  9th,  Prince  Kung  forwarded 
the  500,000  taels  to  the  British  barbarians. 

“ The  whole  sixteen  articles  of  the  barbarians’  demands 
have  finally  been  accepted  without  modification.  The  only 
thing  that  our  negotiators  asked  was  the  immediate  with- 
drawal of  the  invading  army,  and  to  obtain  this  they  were 
prepared  to  yield  everything.  Therefore,  the  barbarians 

23 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


openly  flout  China  for  her  lack  of  men.  Woe  is  me ; a 
pitiful  tale,  and  one  hard  to  tell ! When  the  Yi  concubine 
heard  of  Prince  Ivung’s  complete  surrender  to  the  barbarians 
she  reproached  the  Emperor  for  allowing  his  brother  to 
negotiate,  and  she  implored  him  to  re-open  hostilities.  But 
His  Majesty  was  dangerously  ill,  and  refused  to  leave  Jehol, 
so  that  our  revenge  must  be  postponed  for  the  time  being.” 

Bearing  in  mind  the  frequent  allusions  made  by  the 
Hanlin  diarist  to  the  Emperor’s  indecision  of  purpose  at 
the  time  of  the  advance  of  the  British  and  French  armies  on 
Peking,  it  is  reasonable  to  assume  that  Yehonala  prompted, 
if  she  did  not  write,  the  following  vigorous  Edict,  which 
appeared  on  the  3rd  day  of  the  8th  Moon  in  the  10th  year  of 
Hsien-Feng  (6th  September  1860): — 

“ Swaying  the  wide  world,  we  are  nevertheless  animated 
by  one  and  the  same  instinct  of  benevolence  to  all.  We 
have  never  forbidden  England  and  France  to  trade  with 
China,  and  for  long  years  there  has  been  peace  between  them 
and  us.  But  three  years  ago  the  English,  for  no  good 
cause,  invaded  our  city  of  Canton,  and  carried  off*  our 
officials  into  captivity.  We  refrained  at  that  time  from 
taking  any  retaliatory  measures,  because  we  were  compelled 
to  recognise  that  the  obstinacy  of  the  Viceroy  Yeh  had 
been  in  some  measure  a cause  of  the  hostilities.  Two  years 
ago  the  barbarian  Commander  Elgin  came  north,  and  we 
then  commanded  the  Viceroy  of  Chihli,  T’an  Ting-hsiang,  to 
look  into  matters  preparatory  to  negotiations.  But  the 
barbarian  took  advantage  of  our  unreadiness,  attacking  the 
Taku  forts  and  pressing  on  to  Tientsin.  Being  anxious 
to  spare  our  people  the  horrors  of  war,  we  again  refrained 
from  retaliation  and  ordered  Kuei  Liang  to  discuss  terms 
of  peace.  Notwithstanding  the  outrageous  nature  of  the 
barbarians’  demands,  we  subsequently  ordered  Kuei  Liang 
to  proceed  to  Shanghai  in  connection  with  the  proposed 
Treaty  of  Commerce,  and  even  permitted  its  ratification  as 
earnest  of  our  good  faith. 

“ In  spite  of  all  this  the  barbarian  leader  Bruce  again 
displayed  intractability  of  the  most  unreasonable  kind  and 

24 


THE  FLIGHT  TO  JEHOL 


once  more  appeared  off  Taku  with  a squadron  of  warships 
in  the  8th  Moon.  Seng  Ko  Lin  Ch ’in  thereupon  attacked  him 
fiercely  and  compelled  him  to  make  a hasty  retreat.  From 
all  these  facts  it  is  clear  that  China  has  committed  no  breach 
of  faith  and  that  the  barbarians  have  been  in  the  wrong. 
During  the  present  year  the  barbarian  leaders  Elgin  and 
Gros  have  again  appeared  off  our  coasts,  but  China,  un- 
willing to  resort  to  extreme  measures,  agreed  to  their 
landing  and  permitted  them  to  come  to  Peking  for  the 
ratification  of  the  Treaty. 

“Who  could  have  believed  that  all  this  time  these  barbarians 
have  been  darkly  plotting  and  that  they  had  brought  with 
them  an  army  of  soldiers  and  artillery,  with  which  they 
attacked  the  Taku  forts  from  the  rear,  and,  having  driven 
out  our  forces,  advanced  upon  Tientsin  ! Once  more  we 
ordered  Kuei  Liang  to  go  to  Tientsin  and  endeavour  to 
reason  with  them,  in  the  hope  that  they  might  not  be  lost  to 
all  sense  of  propriety,  and  with  the  full  intention  that 
their  demands,  if  not  utterly  unreasonable,  should  be 
conceded.  To  our  utter  astonishment,  Elgin  and  his 
colleague  had  the  audacity  to  demand  an  indemnity  from 
China ; they  asked,  too,  that  more  Treaty  ports  should  be 
opened,  and  that  they  should  be  allowed  to  occupy  our 
capital  with  their  army.  To  such  lengths  did  their  brutality 
and  cunning  lead  them  ! But  we  then  commanded  Prince 
Yi  and  Mu  Yin,  the  President  of  the  Board  of  War,  to 
endeavour  to  induce  in  them  a more  reasonable  spirit  and  to 
come  to  some  satisfactory  arrangement.  But  these  treach- 
erous barbarians  dared  to  advance  their  savage  soldiery 
towards  Tungchow  and  to  announce  their  intention  of 
compelling  us  to  receive  them  in  audience. 

“ Any  further  forbearance  on  our  part  would  be  a dereliction 
of  our  duty  to  the  Empire,  so  that  we  have  now  commanded 
our  armies  to  attack  them  with  all  possible  energy  and 
we  have  directed  the  local  gentry  to  organise  train-bands, 
and  with  them  either  to  join  in  the  attack  or  to  block  the 
barbarians’  advance.  Hereby  we  make  offer  of  the  following 
rewards  : — For  the  head  of  a black  barbarian,  50  taels, 
and  for  the  head  of  a white  barbarian,  100  taels.  For  the 
capture  of  a barbarian  leader,  alive  or  dead,  500  taels,  and  for 

25 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


the  seizure  or  destruction  of  a barbarian  vessel,  5,000  taels. 
The  inhabitants  of  Tientsin  are  reputed  brave.  Let  them 
now  come  forward  and  rid  us  of  these  pestilential  savages, 
either  by  open  attack  or  by  artifice.  We  are  no  lovers 
of  war,  but  all  our  people  must  admit  that  this  has  been 
forced  upon  us. 

“ As  to  the  barbarians’  seizure  of  portions  of  our  territory 
in  Kuangtung  and  Fukhien,  all  our  subjects  are  alike  our 
children  and  we  will  issue  large  rewards  to  any  of  them 
in  the  south  who  shall  present  us  with  the  head  of  a 
barbarian  chief. 

“ These  barbarians  live  in  the  remote  parts  of  the  earth, 
whence  they  come  to  China  for  purposes  of  trade.  Their 
outrageous  proceedings  have,  we  understand,  been  en- 
couraged by  abominable  traitors  among  our  own  subjects. 
We  now  command  that  all  the  Treaty  ports  be  closed 
and  all  trade  with  England  and  France  stopped.  Subjects 
of  other  submissive  States  are  not  to  be  molested,  and 
whensoever  the  British  and  French  repent  them  of  their 
evil  ways  and  return  to  their  allegiance,  we  shall  be  pleased 
to  permit  them  to  trade  again,  as  of  old,  so  that  our 
clemency  may  be  made  manifest.  But  should  they  persist 
in  their  wicked  violation  of  every  right  principle,  our  armies 
must  mightily  smite  them,  and  pledge  themselves  solemnly 
to  destroy  utterly  these  evil-doers.  May  they  repent  while 
yet  there  is  time  ! ” 

Three  days  later  Yehonala  was  present  at  the  morning 
audience,  when  the  Emperor  made  the  following  state- 
ment : — 

“ W e learn  that  the  barbarians  continue  to  press  upon 
our  capital.  Their  demands  were  all  complied  with,  yet 
they  insist  upon  presenting  to  us  in  person  their  barbarous 
documents  of  credentials,  and  demand  that  Prince  Seng 
shall  withdraw  his  troops  from  Chang-Chia  wan.  Such 
insolence  as  this  makes  further  parley  impossible.  Prince 
Seng  has  gained  one  great  victory  already,  and  now  his 
forces  are  holding  the  enemy  in  check  at  Palich'iao." 

Orders  were  issued  that  the  landing  of  troops  from 


26 


THE  FLIGHT  TO  JEHOL 


the  warships  which  had  appeared  off  Kinchou  should  he 
stoutly  resisted. 

On  the  7th  of  the  Moon  His  Majesty  sacrificed  at 
the  Temple  of  Confucius,  but  on  the  next  morning  he 
was  afraid  to  come  into  the  city  from  the  Summer  Palace, 
although  he  wished  to  sacrifice  to  the  tutelary  deities  and 
inform  them  of  his  intended  departure.  Early  on  the 
following  day  Prince  Rung  was  appointed  Plenipotentiary  in 
the  place  of  Prince  Vi  (Tsai  Yuan)  and  the  Emperor, 
despite  the  brave  wording  of  his  Decree,  Hed  from  the 
capital,  alter  making  obeisance  to  the  God  of  War  in  a 
small  temple  of  the  Palace  grounds.  In  the  Decree 
announcing  his  departure,  the  flight  was  described  as  an 
“autumn  tour  of  inspection.”  1 

The  Court  started  in  utter  confusion,  but  proceeded  only 
some  eighteen  miles  on  the  road  northwards  from  Peking, 
stopping  for  the  first  night  in  a small  temple.  Here  a Decree 
was  issued  calling  upon  all  the  Manchurian  troops  to  hasten 
to  Jehol  for  the  protection  of  the  Court.  On  the  evening  of 
the  following  day  a Memorial  was  received  from  Prince 
Rung,  reporting  on  the  latest  doings  of  the  barbarians, 
but  His  Majesty  ordered  him,  in  reply,  to  take  whatever 
steps  he  might  think  fit  to  deal  with  the  situation.  It 
was  out  of  the  question,  said  the  Rescript,  for  the  Emperor 
to  decide  on  any  course  of  action  at  a distance : in  other 
words,  the  Throne  divested  itself  of  further  responsibility. 

On  the  1 1th,  the  Court  lay  at  the  Imperial  hunting  lodge 
north  of  Mi-Yun  hsien.  The  Chinese  chronicler  records  that 
the  Emperor  was  too  sick  to  receive  the  Grand  Council,  and 
delegated  his  duties  to  Yehonala,  who  thereupon  issued  the 
following  Decree : — 

“ We  are  informed  that  the  pestilent  barbarians  are 
pressing  upon  our  capital,  and  our  Ministers  have  asked  us  to 

1 The  same  euphemism  was  employed  to  describe  the  Court’s  flight  in 
August  1900. 


27 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


summon  reinforcements  from  the  provinces.  Now  the 
highest  form  of  military  art  is  to  effect  sudden  surprises, 
carefully  pre-arranged.  The  barbarians’  superiority  lies  in 
their  firearms,  but  if  we  can  only  bring  them  to  a hand-to- 
hand  engagement  they  will  be  unable  to  bring  their  artillery 
to  bear,  and  thus  shall  our  victory  be  assured.  The  Mongol 
and  Manchu  horsemen  are  quite  useless  for  this  kind  of 
warfare,  but  the  men  of  Hupei  and  Ssu-ch’uan  are  as  agile  as 
monkeys  and  adepts  at  the  use  of  cover  in  secret  approaches. 
Let  them  but  surprise  these  bandits  once,  and  their  rout  is 
inevitable.  Therefore  let  Tseng  Kuo-fan,  the  Commander- 
in-chief  of  Hukuang  forces,  send  up  at  least  three  thousand 
of  his  best  troops  to  Peking,  and  let  as  many  be  despatched 
from  Ssu-ch’uan.  Prince  Seng’s  troops  have  been  defeated 
again  and  again,  and  the  capital  is  in  great  danger.  At  such 
a crisis  as  this,  there  must  be  no  delay ; it  is  our  earnest 
hope  that  a sufficient  force  will  speedily  be  collected,  so  that 
we  may  be  rid  of  this  poisonous  fever-cloud.  For  bravery 
and  good  service,  there  will  be  great  rewards.  A most 
important  Decree.” 

At  the  Court’s  halting  place  at  Pa-Ko  shih,  close  to  the 
Great  Wall,  a Memorial  came  in  from  Prince  Seng  Ko 
Lin  Ch’in,  stating  that  small  scouting  parties  of  the  barbarian 
troops  had  been  seen  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Peking,  but 
that  as  yet  there  had  been  no  general  bombardment.  A 
Rescript  was  issued  as  follows  : — 

“ Inasmuch  as  it  would  appear  that  the  pertinacity  of 
these  barbarians  will  only  increase  with  opposition,  it  seems 
desirable  to  come  to  terms  with  them  as  soon  as  possible. 
With  reference  to  the  French  barbarian  Gros’s  petition  to  be 
permitted  to  discuss  matters  with  Prince  Kung  in  person,  at 
Peking,  we  command  the  Prince  to  receive  him.  But 
should  the  bandits  attempt  to  approach  the  city  in  force, 
Prince  Seng  should  take  them  in  the  rear  and  cut  off 
their  retreat.  If  by  any  chance,  however,  Peking  should  be 
already  taken,  let  the  Mongol  regiments  be  sent  up  to  the 
Great  Wall  for  the  protection  of  our  person.” 

After  a leisurely  journey,  the  Court  reached  Jehol  on  the 


28 


THE  FLIGHT  TO  JEHOL 


18th.  On  the  20th,  the  opinion  of  the  advisers  of  the 
Emperor  seemed  to  be  in  favour  of  continuing  the  war  at 
all  costs.  A Decree  was  issued,  referring  to  the  fact  that 
the  foreign  troops  had  dared  to  encamp  near  the  Summer 
Palace,  and  forbidding  Prince  Kung  to  spare  the  lives  of 
any  captured  barbarians  upon  any  pretext  whatsoever.  To 
this  Prince  Kung  replied  stating  that  the  prisoners  had 
already  been  released  and  that  the  Anting  gate  had  been 
surrendered  to  the  foreigners.  Prince  Kung,  in  fact,  was 
statesman  enough  to  realise  that  the  only  chance  for  China 
lay  in  submission  ; he  therefore  ignored  the  Imperial  Decrees. 
Before  long  the  Emperor  was  persuaded  to  allow  negotiations 
to  be  resumed,  and  on  the  15th  of  the  9th  Moon  he 
confirmed  the  Treaty,  which  had  been  signed  in  Peking,  in 
the  following  Edict : — 

“ Prince  Kung,  duly  appointed  by  us  to  be  Plenipotentiary, 
concluded,  on  the  lltli  and  12th  days  of  this  Moon,  Treaties 
of  Peace  with  the  British  and  the  French.  Hereafter 
amity  is  to  exist  between  our  nations  in  perpetuity,  and 
the  various  conditions  of  the  Treaty  are  to  be  strictly 
observed  by  all.” 


29 


Ill 


THE  TSAI  YUAN  CONSPIRACY 

It  was  originally  intended  that  the  Emperor  Hsien-Feng 
should  return  from  Jehol  to  Peking  in  the  spring  of  1861, 
and  a Decree  was  issued  to  that  effect.  In  January,  however, 
his  illness  had  become  so  serious  that  travelling  was  out  of 
the  question,  and  this  Decree  was  rescinded. 

At  Jehol,  removed  from  the  direct  influence  of  his  brothers, 
and  enfeebled  by  sickness,  the  Emperor  had  gradually  fallen 
under  the  domination  of  the  Prince  Yi  (Tsai  Yuan)  with 
whom  were  associated,  as  Grand  Councillors,  the  Prince 
Tuan  Hua  and  the  Imperial  Clansman  Su  Shun.  These 
three,  recognising  that  the  Emperor’s  end  was  near  and  that 
a Regency  would  be  necessary,  determined  on  securing  the 
power  for  themselves.  Prince  Yi  was  nominally  the  leader 
of  this  conspiracy,  but  its  instigator  and  leading  spirit  was 
Su  Shun.  Tuan  Hua,  whose  family  title  was  Prince  Cheng, 
was  the  head  of  one  of  the  eight  princely  Manchu  families, 
descended  in  the  direct  line  from  Nurhachu’s  brother.  Su 
Shun  was  foster-brother  to  this  Prince.  In  his  youth  he  was 
a conspicuous  figure  in  the  capital,  famous  for  his  Mohawk 
tendencies,  a wild  blade,  addicted  to  hawking  and  riotous 
living.  He  had  originally  been  recommended  to  the  notice 
of  the  Emperor  by  the  two  Princes  and  soon  won  his  way 
into  the  dissolute  monarch’s  confidence  and  goodwill.  From 
a junior  post  in  the  Board  of  Revenue,  he  rose  rapidly, 
becoming  eventually  an  Assistant  Grand  Secretary,  in  which 

30 


THE  TSAI  YUAN  CONSPIRACY 


capacity  he  attained  an  unenviable  reputation  for  avarice 
and  cruelty.  He  had  made  himself  hated  and  feared  by 
persuading  the  Emperor  to  order  the  decapitation  of  his 
chief,  the  Grand  Secretary  Po  Chun,1  on  the  pretext  that 
he  had  shown  favouritism  as  Chief  Examiner  for  the  Metro- 
politan Degree, — the  real  reason  being  that  he  had 
offended  the  two  Princes  by  his  uncompromising  honesty 
and  blunt  speech.  It  was  at  this  period  that  he  first  came 
into  conflict  with  the  young  Yehonala,  who,  dreading  the 
man’s  growing  influence  with  the  Emperor,  endeavoured  to 
counteract  it,  and  at  the  same  time  to  save  the  life  of  the 
Grand  Secretary  ; she  failed  in  the  attempt,  and  Su  Slum’s 
position  became  the  stronger  for  her  failure.  All  those  who 
opposed  him  were  speedily  banished  or  degraded.  The 
Court  was  terrified,  especially  when  it  was  realised  that 
Yehonala  was  out  of  favour,  and  Su  Shun  took  care  to  give 
them  real  and  frequent  cause  for  alarm.  At  his  instance,  all 
the  Secretaries  of  the  Board  of  Revenue  were  cashiered  on  a 
charge  of  making  illicit  profits  by  cornering  the  cash  market. 
The  charge  was  possibly  well-founded,  since  such  proceed- 
ings are  part  of  a Metropolitan  official’s  recognised  means 
of  subsistence,  but  coming  from  the  notoriously  corrupt  Su 
Shun,  it  was  purely  vindictive,  as  was  shown  by  his  subse- 
quent action ; for  upon  this  charge  he  obtained  the  arrest 
of  over  a hundred  notables  and  rich  merchants  whom  he 
kept  in  custody  of  no  gentle  kind  until  they  had  ransomed 
themselves  with  enormous  sums.  Thus  was  founded  the 
great  fortune  which  enabled  him  to  conspire  with  the  Princes 
Yi  and  Cheng  2 for  the  supreme  power,  and  which  led  him 
eventually  to  his  ruin.  To  this  day,  many  of  his  millions  lie 
in  the  Palace  vaults,  to  which  they  were  carried  after  his 
impeachment  and  death — millions  carefully  hoarded  by  Tzii 
Hsi  and  buried  during  the  Court’s  flight  and  exile  in  1900. 

1 Grandfather  of  Na  T’ung,  the  present  head  of  the  Waiwupu. 

2 Yi  “and  Cheng ’’are  honorific  names,  meaning  respectively  “ harmon- 
ious ” and  sedate.” 


31 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


It  was  chiefly  because  of  the  advice  of  Su  Shun  that  the 
Emperor  fled  his  capital  at  the  approach  of  the  Allies,  in 
spite  of  the  urgent  appeals  of  Yehonala  and  the  Grand 
Council.  By  his  advice  also  most  of  the  high  officials  and 
Metropolitan  Ministers  were  prevented  from  accompanying 
the  Court,  by  which  means  the  conspirators  were  able  to 
exercise  steadily  increasing  influence  over  the  Emperor,  and 
to  prevent  other  advice  reaching  him.  It  was  only  the 
supreme  courage  and  intelligent  grasp  of  the  situation  shown 
by  Yehonala,  that  frustrated  the  conspiracy  at  its  most 
critical  moment.  Immediately  after  the  death  of  the  Emperor, 
and  while  the  plotters  were  still  undecided  as  to  their  final 
plans,  she  sent  an  urgent  message  secretly  to  Prince  Kung 
which  brought  him  with  all  speed  to  Jehol,  where,  by  the 
help  of  Jung  Lu  and  other  loyal  servants,  she  put  into 
execution  the  bold  plan  which  defeated  the  conspiracy  and 
placed  her  at  the  head  of  China’s  government.  On  the  day 
when,  the  game  hopelessly  lost,  the  usurping  Regents  found 
themselves  in  Yehonala’s  hands  and  heard  her  order  their 
summary  trial  by  the  Court  of  the  Imperial  Clan,  Su  Shun 
turned  to  his  colleagues  and  bitterly  reproached  them. 
“ Had  you  but  taken  my  advice  and  slain  this  woman,”  he 
said,  “ we  should  not  have  been  in  this  plight  to-day.” 

To  return,  however,  to  the  beginning  of  the  conspiracy. 
At  the  outset,  the  object  of  Prince  Yi  was  to  alienate  the 
Emperor  from  the  influence  of  his  favourite  concubine, 
Yehonala.  With  this  object  they  informed  him  of  the 
intrigue  which,  by  common  report,  she  was  carrying  on  with 
the  young  Officer  of  the  Guards,  Jung  Lu,  then  a handsome 
athletic  man  of  about  twenty-five.  The  Empress  Consort 
they  regarded  as  a negligible  factor,  whose  good-natured  and 
colourless  personality  took  little  interest  in  the  politics  of  the 
day ; but  if  their  plot  was  to  succeed,  Yehonala  must  either 
be  dismissed  from  the  Court  for  good  and  all,  or,  at  the  very 
least,  she  must  be  temporarily  relegated  to  the  “ Cold  Palace,” 
as  is  called  the  place  where  insubordinate  or  disgraced 

32 


THE  TSAI  YUAN  CONSPIRACY 


concubines  are  isolated.  They  knew  that,  however  successful 
their  plans  at  Jehol,  there  must  always  be  danger  in  the 
event  of  the  Emperor  returning  to  Peking,  where  access  to 
his  person  is  not  possible  at  all  times  for  officials  (even  those 
nearest  to  the  Throne),  whereas  Yehonala  would  be  in  a 
position,  with  the  help  of  her  eunuchs,  to  recover  his  favour 
and  her  power.  Emphasising,  therefore,  the  alleged  miscon- 
duct of  the  young  concubine,  they  quoted  the  precedent  of 
a certain  Empress  Consort  of  Ch’ien-Lung  who,  for  less 
grievous  disrespect  (shown  to  the  Emperor’s  mother),  was 
imprisoned  for  life.  Thus,  by  inventions  and  suggestions, 
they  so  worked  on  the  sick  man’s  mind  that  he  finally 
consented  to  have  Yehonala’s  infant  son,  the  Heir  Apparent, 
removed  from  her  care,  and  authorised  the  child’s  being 
handed  over  to  the  wife  of  Prince  Yi,  who  was  summoned 
to  the  hunting-lodge  Palace  for  that  purpose.  At  the 
same  time,  the  conspirators  thought  it  well  to  denounce 
Prince  Kung  to  the  Emperor,  his  brother,  accusing  him  of 
treachery,  of  conniving  with  the  foreigners  against  the 
Throne,  and  of  abusing  his  powers  as  Plenipotentiary. 
Prince  Yi  had  been  for  years  Prince  Kung’s  sworn  enemy. 

The  further  intentions  of  the  conspirators,  instigated  by 
Su  Shun,  were  to  massacre  all  Europeans  in  the  capital  and 
to  put  to  death,  or  at  least  imprison  for  life,  the  Emperor’s 
brothers.  Accordingly  they  drafted  in  advance  the  Decrees 
necessary  to  justify  and  explain  these  measures,  intending  to 
publish  them  immediately  after  the  Emperor’s  death,  which 
was  now  imminent.  But  here  an  unforeseen  obstacle 
presented  itself,  the  first  of  many  created  for  them  by  the 
far-seeing  intelligence  of  Yehonala  ; for  they  found  that 
she  had  somehow  managed  to  possess  herself  of  the  special 
seal,  which  inviolable  custom  requires  to  be  affixed  to  the  first 
Edict  of  a new  reign,  in  proof  of  validity  of  succession, — a 
seal,  in  the  personal  custody  of  the  Emperor,  which  bears 
the  characters  meaning  “lawfully  transmitted  authority.” 
Without  this  seal,  any  Decrees  which  the  usurpers  might 

33  d 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


issue  would  lack  something  of  legal  finality  and,  according 
to  Chinese  ideas,  their  subsequent  cancellation  would  be 
justifiable.  But  Prince  Yi  did  not  feel  himself  strong 
enough  to  risk  a crisis  by  accusing  her  or  taking  overt  steps 
to  gain  possession  of  it. 

Angry  with  his  favourite  concubine  by  reason  of  the 
reports  of  her  intimacy  with  Jung  Lu,  and  his  sickness  ever 
increasing,  the  Emperor  lingered  on  in  Jehol  all  the  summer 
of  that  year,  his  duty  in  the  ancestral  sacrifices  at  Peking 
being  taken  by  Prince  Kung.  On  the  4th  of  the  6th  Moon, 
the  day  before  his  thirtieth  birthday,  he  issued  the  follow- 
ing Decree  in  reply  to  a Memorial  by  the  Court  of  Astro- 
nomers, which  had  announced  an  auspicious  conjunction  of 
the  stars  for  the  occasion  : — 

“ Last  month  the  Astronomers  announced  the  appearance 
of  a comet  in  the  north-west,  which  intimation  we  received 
as  a solemn  warning  of  the  impending  wrath  of  Heaven. 
Now  they  memorialise  saying  that  the  stars  are  in  favourable 
conjunction,  which  is  doubtless  a true  statement,  in  no  way 
inspired  by  their  desire  to  please  us.  But  since  we  came  to 
the  Throne,  we  have  steadily  refused  to  pay  any  attention  to 
auspicious  omens,  and  this  with  good  reason,  in  view  of  the 
ever-increasing  rebellions  in  the  south  and  the  generally 
pitiable  condition  of  our  people.  May  the  present  auspicious 
conjunction  of  the  stars  portend  the  dawning  of  a happier 
day,  and  may  heaven  permit  a speedy  end  to  the  rebellion. 
In  token  of  our  sincerity,  we  desire  that  the  Astronomical 
Court  shall  refrain  from  reporting  to  the  Chronicler’s 
Office  the  present  favourable  omen  for  inclusion  in  the 
annals  of  our  reign,  so  that  there  may  be  ascribed  to  us  the 
merit  of  a devout  and  sober  mind.” 

On  the  following  morning  the  Emperor  received  the 
congratulations  of  his  Court  in  a pavilion  of  the  Palace 
grounds,  but  Yehonala  was  excluded  from  this  ceremony. 
This  was  His  Majesty’s  last  appearance  in  public  ; from  this 
date  his  illness  became  rapidly  worse. 

34 


THE  TSAI  YUAN  CONSPIRACY 

On  the  7th  of  the  7th  Moon  Yehonala  contrived  to 
despatch  a secret  courier  to  Prince  Kung  at  Peking, 
informing  him  of  the  critical  condition  of  his  brother  and 
urging  him  to  send  with  all  haste  a detachment  of  the 
Banner  Corps  to  which  the  Yehonala  clan  belonged. 
Events  now  moved  swiftly.  On  the  16th,  the  Grand 
Councillors  and  Ministers  of  the  Presence,  all  adherents  of 
Tsai  Yuan’s  faction,  entered  the  Emperor’s  bedroom  and, 
after  excluding  the  Empress  Consort  and  the  concubines, 
persuaded  the  Emperor  to  sign  Decrees  appointing  Tsai 
Yuan,  Tuan  Hua  and  Su  Shun  to  be  Co-Regents  upon  his 
decease,  with  full  powers.  Yehonala  was  to  be  expressly 
forbidden  from  exercising  any  form  of  control  over  the  Heir 
Apparent.  As  the  necessary  seal  of  State  had  been  taken  by 
Yehonala  and  could  not  be  found,  these  proceedings  were 
irregular.  At  dawn  on  the  following  day  the  Emperor  died, 
and  forthwith  appeared  the  usual  valedictory  Decree, 
prepared  in  advance  by  the  conspirators,  whereby  Tsai  Yuan 
was  appointed  to  be  Chief  Regent,  Prince  Rung  and  the 
Empress  Consort  being  entirely  ignored. 

In  the  name  of  the  new  Emperor,  then  a cliild  of  five,  a 
Decree  was  issued,  announcing  his  succession,  but  it  was 
observed  to  violate  all  constitutional  precedent  in  that  it 
omitted  the  proper  laudatory  references  to  the  Imperial 
Consort.  On  the  following  day,  however,  the  Regents, 
fearing  to  precipitate  matters,  rectified  the  omission  in  an 
Edict  which  conferred  the  rank  of  Empress  Dowager  both 
on  the  Empress  Consort  and  on  Yehonala.  The  chroniclers 
aver  that  the  reason  for  this  step  lay  in  the  Regents’ 
recognition  of  Yehonala’s  undoubted  popularity  with  the 
troops  (all  Manchus)  at  Jehol,  an  argument  that  weighed 
more  heavily  with  them  than  her  rights  as  mother  of  the 
Heir  Apparent.  They  hoped  to  rid  themselves  of  this 
condition  of  affairs  after  the  Court’s  return  to  Peking,  but 
dared  not  risk  internal  dissensions  by  having  her  removed 
until  their  positions  had  been  made  secure  at  the  capital. 

35  d 2 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


That  they  intended  to  remove  her  was  subsequently  proved  ; 
it  was  evident  that  their  position  would  never  be  secure  so 
long  as  her  ambitious  and  magnetic  personality  remained  a 
factor  of  the  situation  : but  it  was  necessary,  in  the  first 
instance,  to  ascertain  the  effect  of  the  Regency  at  Peking 
and  in  the  provinces. 

Tsai  Yuan’s  next  move  was  to  publish  Decrees,  in  the 
names  of  the  Joint  Regents,  by  virtue  of  which  they 
assumed  charge  of  the  Heir  Apparent  and  by  which  the 
title  of  “ Chien  Kuo  ” (practically  equivalent  to  Dictator) 
was  conferred  on  the  Chief  Regent,  a title  heretofore 
reserved  exclusively  for  brothers  or  uncles  of  the  Emperor. 

When  the  news  reached  Peking,  a flood  of  Memorials 
burst  from  the  Censorate  and  high  officials.  The  child 
Emperor  was  implored  to  confer  the  Regency  upon  the 
two  Empresses,  or,  as  the  Chinese  text  has  it,  to 
“administer  the  Government  with  suspended  curtain.”1 
Prince  Kung  and  the  Emperor’s  other  brothers  were  at 
this  time  in  secret  correspondence  with  Yelionala,  whom 
they,  like  the  Censorate,  had  already  recognised  as  the 
master-mind  of  the  Forbidden  City.  They  urged  her  to 
do  all  in  her  power  to  expedite  the  departure  of  the 
funeral  cortege  for  the  capital.  To  secure  this  end,  it  was 
necessary  to  proceed  with  the  greatest  caution  and 
diplomacy,  for  several  of  the  late  Emperor’s  wives  had  been 
won  over  to  the  side  of  the  usurpers,  who  could  also  count 
on  a certain  number  of  the  Manchu  bodyguard,  their 
own  clansmen.  The  influence  of  Su  Shuns  great  fortune 
was  also  no  inconsiderable  factor  in  the  situation.  The  man 
was  personally  unpopular  with  the  people  of  Peking,  because 
of  his  abuse  of  power  and  too  frequent  connection  with 
speculations  in  bank-note  issues  and  cash,  which  cost 
the  citizens  dear,  but  his  vaults  were  known  to  be  full 

1 The  expression  has  reference  to  the  fact  that  the  Empresses  Regent  are 
supposed  to  be  concealed  from  the  sight  of  Ministers  at  audience  by  a 
curtain  suspended  in  front  of  the  Throne. 

36 


Her  Majesty  Tzu  IIsi  in  tiie  Year  1903. 


THE  TSAI  YUAN  CONSPIRACY 


to  over-flowing,  and  there  is  no  city  in  the  world  where 
money  buys  more  political  supporters  than  in  Peking.  Su 
Shun’s  career  has  had  its  counterpart,  in  everything  except 
its  sanguinary  denouement,  in  the  capital  to-day. 

At  the  moment  the  position  of  the  Emperor’s  family  was 
prejudiced,  and  the  aims  of  the  conspirators  assisted,  by  the 
political  situation.  With  the  capital  occupied  by  foreign 
troops,  and  many  of  the  provinces  in  the  throes  of  a great 
rebellion,  the  people  might  be  expected  to  welcome  a change 
of  rulers,  and  the  ripe  experience  of  the  usurping  Regents 
in  all  matters  of  State  was  undeniable.  But  the  virile  and 
untiring  energies  of  Yehonala,  ably  supported  by  Jung  Lu 
and  other  faithful  followers,  soon  put  a new  complexion  on 
affairs,  and  the  situation  was  further  modified  in  her  favour 
by  the  success  of  her  nominee,  the  Commander-in-Chief, 
Tseng  Kuo-fan,  in  capturing  the  city  of  An-ch’ing  (in  Anhui) 
from  the  rebels,  a victory  that  wras  regarded  as  of  good  augury 
to  her  cause.  Thereafter  her  courage  and  diplomacy  enabled 
her  to  play  off’  one  opponent  against  another,  gaining  time 
and  friends  until  the  conspirators’  chance  was  gone.  Her 
own  aims  and  ambitions,  which  had  been  voiced  by  her 
friends  in  the  Censorate,  wrere,  however,  to  some  extent 
impeded  by  the  fact  that  a House-lawr  of  the  Dynasty  forbids 
the  administration  of  the  Government  by  an  Empress 
Dowager,  while  there  were  quite  recent  precedents  for  a 
Regency  by  a Board,  in  the  cases  of  the  Emperors  Shun- 
Chih  and  K’ang-Hsi.  In  neither  of  these  instances  had  the 
Empress  Tai-Tsung  had  any  voice  in  the  Government.  The 
precedent  for  Boards  of  official  Regents  had,  however,  come 
to  be  recognised  as  inauspicious,  because  the  several  Regents 
of  K’ang-Hsi’s  minority  had  either  been  banished  or  com- 
pelled to  commit  suicide.  It  is  probable,  too,  that  Prince 
Kung,  in  instigating  and  supporting  the  claims  of  the 
Empresses,  failed  to  appreciate  Yehonala’s  strength  of 
character,  and  believed  that  a women’s  Regency  wrould  leave 
the  supreme  power  in  his  ow  n hands. 

37 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


A Manchu,  who  accompanied  the  flight  to  Jehol,  describ- 
ing his  experiences,  lays  stress  upon  Yehonala’s  unfailing 
courage  and  personal  charm  of  manner,  to  which  was  due 
her  popularity  with  the  Imperial  Guards  and  her  eventual 
triumph.  At  the  most  critical  period  of  the  conspiracy  she 
was  careful  to  avoid  precipitating  a conflict  or  arousing  the 
suspicions  of  the  usurpers  by  openly  conferring  with  Jung  Lu, 
and  she  employed  as  her  confidential  intermediary  the  eunuch 
An  Te-hai  (of  whom  more  will  be  heard  later).  By  means  of 
this  man  daily  reports  were  safely  despatched  to  Prince  Kung 
at  Peking,  and,  in  the  meanwhile,  Yehonala  affected  an 
attitude  of  calm  indifference,  treating  Prince  Yi  with  a 
studied  deference  which  lulled  his  suspicions. 

On  the  11th  of  the  8th  Moon,  the  Board  of  Regents,  after 
meeting  to  discuss  the  situation,  issued  a Decree  con- 
demning in  strong  terms  a proposal  put  forward  in  a 
Memorial  by  the  Censor,  Tung  Yuan-ch’un,  that  the  two 
Empresses  should  be  appointed  Co-Regents,  and  referring 
to  the  death-bed  Decree  of  the  late  Emperor  as  their  own 
warrant  of  authority.  At  the  same  time  they  announced, 
in  the  name  of  the  young  Emperor,  that  the  funeral  cortege 
would  start  on  its  journey  to  the  capital  on  the  second  day 
of  the  next  Moon.  This  was  the  step  for  which  Yehonala 
had  been  working  and  waiting.  As  Ministers  of  the  Presence, 
the  Regents  were  perforce  obliged  to  accompany  the  coffin 
throughout  the  entire  journey  (some  150  miles)  to  the  capital, 
and  the  great  weight  of  the  catafalque,  borne  by  one  hundred 
and  twenty  men,  would  necessarily  render  the  rate  of  pro- 
gress very  slow  through  the  stony  defiles  of  the  hills.  Rest- 
ing places  would  have  to  be  provided  at  stages  of  about  fifteen 
miles  along  the  route  to  shelter  the  Imperial  remains  and  the 
attendant  officials  by  night,  so  that  the  Regents  might  count 
on  a journey  of  ten  days  at  least,  and  longer  in  the  event  of 
bad  weather.  To  the  Empresses,  the  slow  progress  of  the 
cortege  was  a matter  of  vital  advantage,  inasmuch  as  they 
were  not  to  take  part  in  the  procession,  and,  travelling 

38 


THE  TSAI  YUAN  CONSPIRACY 


ahead  of  it,  could  reach  the  capital  in  five  days  with  swift 
chair-bearers.  Dynastic  custom  and  Court  etiquette  prescribe 
that  upon  the  departure  of  the  funeral  procession,  the  new 
Emperor  and  the  consorts  of  the  deceased  sovereign  should 
offer  prayers  and  libations,  and  should  then  press  on  so  as  to 
be  ready  to  perform  similar  acts  of  reverence  on  meeting  the 
cortege  at  its  destination.  Yehonala  thus  found  herself  in 
a position  of  great  strategic  advantage,  being  enabled  to  reach 
the  capital  well  in  advance  of  her  enemies,  and  she  speedily 
laid  her  plans  with  Prince  Kung  to  give  them  a warm 
reception. 

Tsai  Yuan  and  his  colleagues  were  well  aware  that  they 
were  placed  at  grave  disadvantage  in  having  to  remain 
behind  the  young  Empress,  with  every  prospect  of  serious 
trouble  ahead  ; they,  therefore,  decided  to  have  Yehonala 
and  the  Empress  Consort  assassinated  on  the  road,  and  to 
that  end  gave  orders  that  they  should  be  escorted  by  the 
Chief  Regent’s  personal  bodyguard.  Had  it  not  been  for 
Jung  Lu,  who  got  wind  of  the  plot,  the  Dowagers  would 
assuredly  never  have  reached  the  capital  alive.  Acting  with 
the  promptitude  which  Yehonala  inspired,  he  deserted  the 
funeral  cortege  by  night  with  a considerable  following  of  his 
own  men,  and  hastened  on  to  the  protection  of  the  Empresses, 
overtaking  them  before  they  reached  Ku-pei  K’ou,  at  the  end 
of  the  pass  from  the  plains  into  Mongolia,  which  was  the 
spot  where  the  assassination  was  to  have  taken  place. 

Heavy  rains  had  fallen  just  after  the  departure  of  the 
procession  from  Jehol.  The  roads  became  impassable,  and 
the  Empresses  were  compelled  to  seek  shelter  in  the  Long 
Mountain  gorge,  where  no  sort  of  accommodation  had 
been  provided.  The  cortege  was  then  ten  miles  in  their 
rear.  Yehonala,  mindful  ever  of  the  proprieties,  sent 
back  several  men  of  her  escort  with  a dutiful  enquiry,  in  the 
name  of  her  colleague  and  herself,  as  to  the  safety  of  the 
Imperial  coffin.  The  reply,  in  the  form  of  an  Edict  by 
Prince  Yi  and  his  Co-Regents,  reported  that  the  catafalque 

39 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


had  reached  the  first  resting  place  in  safety  ; whereupon 
Yehonala,  asserting  as  of  right  the  prerogatives  of  supreme 
authority,  donated  to  the  bearers  a thousand  taels  from  her 
Privy  Purse  in  recognition  of  their  arduous  services. 
Prince  Yi,  knowing  full  well  that  his  own  danger  was 
increasing  every  hour,  and  would  continue  so  long  as  the 
Empresses  remained  free  to  work  against  him,  nevertheless 
played  bravely  the  part  prescribed  for  him,  conforming  in 
the  grand  manner  to  the  traditions  of  his  position.  He  for- 
warded a Memorial  to  the  Empresses,  humbly  thanking 
them  for  their  solicitude  for  the  Emperor’s  remains. 
Yehonala,  in  reply,  praised  him  for  his  faithful  devotion  to 
duty.  Thus,  on  the  road  to  Death,  they  played  at  Etiquette. 
Both  these  documents  are  filed  in  the  Dynastic  records  and 
afford  remarkable  evidence  of  the  supreme  importance  which 
Chinese  and  Manchus  alike  attach  to  forms  and  the  written 
word  even  at  the  most  critical  moments.  Similar  instances 
coidd  be  cited  at  the  height  of  the  Boxer  chaos. 

The  rains  having  ceased,  the  Empresses  were  able  to 
proceed  on  their  journey,  and  having  come  safely  through 
the  hill  passes  under  Jung  Lu’s  protection,  they  were  free 
from  further  danger  of  ambush.  They  reached  Peking  on 
the  29th  of  the  9th  Moon,  three  full  days’  journey  ahead  of 
the  procession.  Immediately  upon  their  arrival  a secret 
Council  was  held,  at  which  were  present  the  Emperor’s 
brothers,  together  with  the  Ministers  and  Imperial  clansmen 
known  to  be  loyal  to  their  cause.  Long  and  anxiously  did 
they  confer.  Although  the  Empress  Mother  was  in  posses- 
sion of  the  seal  of  legitimate  succession,  there  was  no  known 
precedent  for  so  drastic  a step  as  the  summary,  and  possibly 
violent,  arrest  of  high  officers  of  State  convoying  the 
Imperial  coffin.  Such  a course,  it  was  felt,  would  be 
regarded  as  disrespectful  to  the  late  Emperor  and  an  in- 
auspicious opening  to  the  new  reign.  The  consensus  of 
opinion  was,  therefore,  on  the  side  of  slow  and  cautious 
measures,  and  it  was  decided  thus  to  proceed,  conforming  to 

40 


THE  TSAI  YUAN  CONSPIRACY 


all  the  outward  observances  of  dynastic  tradition.  The 
coffin  once  arrived,  the  first  step  would  be  to  deprive  the 
Regents  of  their  usurped  authority  ; the  rest  would  follow. 

The  cortege  was  due  to  arrive  at  the  north-west  gate 
of  the  city  on  the  morning  of  the  2nd  of  the  10th  Moon, 
and  on  the  previous  evening  Prince  Rung  posted  a large 
force  of  troops  at  this  point  to  prevent  any  attempt  at  a 
coup  de  main  by  Tsai  Yuan’s  followers.  The  boy  Emperor, 
accompanied  by  the  Empresses  Dowager,  came  out  to  meet 
the  coffin  as  it  approached  the  city,  and  with  him  were 
the  late  Emperor’s  brothers  and  a great  following  of  officials. 
As  the  catafalque  passed  through  the  gate,  the  Imperial 
party  knelt  and  performed  the  prescribed  acts  of  reverence. 
Before  the  coffin  came  the  Imperial  insignia,  and  behind 
it  a large  body  of  Manchu  cavalry.  Prince  Yi  and  his 
Co-Regents,  having  performed  their  duty  hi  bringing  the 
coffin  safely  to  the  city,  next  proceeded,  as  required  by 
custom,  to  make  formal  report  in  person  to  the  young 
Emperor,  upon  fulfilment  of  their  charge.  For  this  purpose 
they  were  received  in  a large  marquee  erected  just  inside  the 
city  gate.  Both  Empresses  were  present,  together  with  the 
late  Emperor’s  brothers  and  the  Grand  Secretaries  Kuei 
Liang  and  Chou  Tsu-p’ei. 

Yehonala,  calmly  assuming,  as  was  her  wont,  the  principal 
role  and  all  attributes  of  authority,  opened  the  proceedings 
by  informing  Prince  Yi  that  the  Empress  Consort  and 
she  herself  were  grateful  to  him  and  to  his  colleagues  for 
the  services  which  they  had  rendered  as  Regents  and 
Grand  Councillors,  of  which  duties  they  were  now  relieved. 
Prince  Yi,  putting  a bold  face  on  it,  replied  that  he  himself 
was  Chief  Regent,  legally  appointed,  that  the  Empresses 
had  no  power  to  divest  him  of  authority  properly  conferred 
by  the  late  Emperor,  and  that,  during  the  minority  of 
the  new  Emperor,  neither  she  herself  nor  any  other  person 
was  entitled  to  attend  audience  without  his  express  per- 
mission. 


41 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


“We  shall  see  about  that,”  said  Yehonala,  and  forthwith 
gave  orders  to  the  attendant  guards  to  place  the  three 
Regents  under  arrest.  The  Imperial  party  then  hastened  to 
the  Palace  to  be  ready  to  meet  the  coffin  upon  its  arrival  at 
the  main  entrance  to  the  Forbidden  City,  for,  however 
acute  the  crisis,  the  dead  take  precedence  of  the  living 
in  China.  The  deposed  Regents  quietly  followed.  All 
hope  of  escape  or  resistance  was  out  of  the  question,  for 
the  streets  were  lined  with  troops  faithful  to  Yehonala’s 
cause.  Her  triumph  was  complete,  essentially  a triumph  of 
mind  over  matter.  It  was  her  first  taste  of  the  pomp 
and  circumstance  of  supreme  power. 

Forthwith  the  Empresses  proceeded  to  regularise  their 
position  by  issuing  the  following  Decree,  which  bore  the 
Great  Seal  of  “ Lawfully  transmitted  authority  ” : — 

“ Last  year  the  coasts  of  our  Empire  were  disturbed 
and  our  capital  was  in  danger,  misfortunes  entirely  due 
to  the  mismanagement  of  affairs  by  the  Princes  and  Minis- 
ters to  whom  they  had  been  entrusted.  Prince  Yi  (Tsai 
Yuan)  in  particular  and  his  colleagues  failed  to  deal  satis- 
factorily with  the  peace  negotiations,  and  sought  to  lessen 
their  responsibility  by  their  treacherous  arrest  of  the  British 
emissaries,  thus  involving  China  in  charges  of  bad  faith. 
In  consequence  of  these  their  acts,  the  Summer  Palace  was 
eventually  sacked  by  the  British  and  French  troops  and  the 
Emperor  was  forced,  greatly  against  his  will,  to  seek  refuge 
in  Jehol. 

“ Later,  the  Ministers  of  the  newly  established  Tsungli 
Yamen  were  able  to  arrange  matters  satisfactorily,  and 
peace  was  restored  to  the  capital.  Thereupon  His  late 
Majesty  repeatedly  summoned  the  Grand  Council  to  decide 
upon  a date  for  his  return  to  Peking,  but  Tsai  Yiian,  Su 
Shun  and  Tuan  Hua  conspired  together,  and,  by  making  him 
believe  that  England  and  France  were  not  sincere  in  regard 
to  peace,  were  able  to  prevent  his  return  and  thus  to  oppose 
the  will  of  the  people. 

“ Subsequently  His  Majesty’s  health  suffered  severely  from 
the  cold  climate  of  Jehol  and  from  his  arduous  labours  and 

42 


THE  TSAI  YUAN  CONSPIRACY 


anxiety,  so  that  he  died  on  the  17th  of  the  7th  Moon.  Our 
sorrow  was  even  as  a burning  fire,  and  when  we  consider 
how  wickedly  deceitful  has  been  the  conduct  of  Tsai  Yuan 
and  his  colleagues,  we  feel  that  the  whole  Empire  must 
unite  in  their  condemnation.  On  ascending  the  Throne, 
it  was  our  intention  to  punish  them,  but  we  kept  in  mind 
the  fact  that  to  them  the  Emperor  had  given  his  valedictory 
instructions,  and  we  therefore  forbore,  whilst  observing 
carefully  their  behaviour.  Who  could  possibly  have  foretold 
their  misdeeds  ? 

“ On  the  11th  of  the  8th  Moon,  a Memorial  was  presented 
to  us  by  the  Censor  Tung  Y iian-ch’un,  at  an  audience  of  the 
eight  Grand  Councillors,  in  which  it  was  asked  that  the 
Empresses  Dowager  should  for  the  time  being,  and  during 
our  minority,  administer  the  Government,  that  one  or  two  of 
the  Princes  should  advise  them  and  that  a high  official 
should  be  appointed  as  tutor  to  ourselves.  These  suggestions 
met  with  our  entire  approval.  It  is  true  that  there  exists  no 
precedent  in  the  history  of  our  Dynasty  for  an  Empress 
Dowager  to  act  as  Regent,  but  the  interests  of  the  State  are 
our  first  concern,  and  it  is  surely  wiser  to  act  in  accordance 
with  the  exigencies  of  the  time  than  to  insist  upon  a 
scrupulous  observance  of  precedent.1 

“We  therefore  authorised  Tsai  Yiian  to  issue  a Decree 
concurring  in  the  Censor’s  proposals  ; but  he  and  his  colleagues 
adopted  an  insolent  tone  towards  us  and  forgot  the  reverence 
due  to  our  person.  While  pretending  to  comply  with  our 
wishes,  they  issued  a Decree  quite  different  from  that  which 
we  had  ordered,  and  promulgated  it  in  our  name.  What  was 
their  object  ? They  professed  to  have  no  idea  of  usurping 
our  authority,  but  what  else  was  their  action  but  usurpation  ? 

“ Undoubtedly  they  took  advantage  of  our  extreme 
youth  and  of  the  Empresses’  lack  of  experience  in  statecraft, 
their  object  being  to  hoodwink  us.  But  how  could  they 
hope  to  hoodwink  the  entire  nation  ? Their  behaviour 
displays  monstrous  ingratitude  for  His  late  Majesty’s  favours, 
and  any  further  leniency  on  our  part  would  be  a just  cause 


1 The  age  of  the  Emperor  was  less  than  six,  but  the  solemn  farce  of  his 
alleged  acts  and  opinions  is  solemnly  accepted  by  the  Chinese  as  part  of  the 
eternal  order  of  things. 


43 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


of  offence  to  the  memory  of  the  departed  sovereign,  and  an 
insult  to  the  intelligence  of  the  Chinese  people.  Tsai  Yuan, 
Su  Shun  and  Tuan  Hua  are  hereby  removed  from  their 
posts.  Ching  Shou,  Mu  Yin,  Kuang  Tu-han  and  Chiao 
Yu-ying  are  removed  from  the  Grand  Council.  Let  Prince 
Ivung,  in  consultation  with  the  Grand  Secretaries,  the  six 
Boards  and  the  nine  Ministries  consider,  and  report  to  us  as 
to  the  proper  punishment  to  be  inflicted  upon  them,  in 
proportion  to  their  respective  offences.  As  regards  the 
manner  in  which  the  Empresses  shall  administer  the 
Government  as  Regents,  let  this  also  be  discussed  and  a 
Memorial  submitted  in  reference  to  future  procedure.” 

The  Empresses  duly  performed  the  proper  obeisances 
to  the  Imperial  coffin  at  the  eastern  gate  of  the  Palace, 
escorting  it  thence  to  its  temporary  resting  place  in  the 
central  Throne  Hall. 

In  the  security  of  Peking,  and  confident  of  the  devotion 
of  the  troops,  Yehonala  now  proceeded  to  act  more  boldly. 
She  issued  a second  Decree  in  her  own  name  and  that  of  the 
Empress  Consort,  ordering  that  the  three  principal  con- 
spirators be  handed  over  to  the  Imperial  Clansmen’s  Court 
for  the  determination  of  a severe  penalty.  Pending  the 
investigation,  which  was  to  be  carried  out  under  the 
Presidency  of  Prince  Kung,  they  were  to  be  stripped  of 
all  their  titles  and  rank.  The  vindictive  autocrat  of  the 
years  to  come  speaks  for  the  first  time  in  this  Edict. 

“ Their  audacity  in  questioning  our  right  to  give  audience 
to  Prince  Kung  this  morning  shows  a degree  of  wickedness 
inconceivable,  and  convicts  them  of  the  darkest  designs. 
The  punishment  so  far  meted  out  to  them  is  totally  inade- 
quate to  the  depth  of  their  guilt.” 

Against  Su  Shun,  in  particular,  the  Empress’s  wrath 
burned  fiercely.  His  wife  had  insulted  her  in  the  days 
of  her  disgrace  at  Jehol,  and  Yehonala  had  ever  a good 
memory  for  insults.  Next  morning  she  issued  the  following 
Decree  for  his  especial  benefit : — 

44 


THE  TSAI  YUAN  CONSPIRACY 


“ Recause  of  Su  Shim’s  high  treason,  his  wanton  usur- 
pation of  authority,  his  acceptance  of  bribes  and  generally 
unspeakable  wickedness,  we  commanded  that  he  be  degraded 
and  arrested  by  the  Imperial  Clansmen’s  Court.  But  on 
receipt  of  the  Decree,  Su  Shun  dared  to  make  use  of 
blasphemous  language  in  regard  to  ourselves,  forgetful  of 
the  inviolable  relation  between  Sovereign  and  subject.  Our 
hair  stands  on  end  with  horror  at  such  abominable  treason. 
Moreover  he  has  dared  to  allow  his  wife  and  family  to 
accompany  him,  when  on  duty  accompanying  the  Imperial 
coffin  from  Jehol,  which  is  a most  disgraceful  violation  of 
all  precedent.1  The  whole  of  his  property,  both  at  Peking 
and  at  Jehol,  is  therefore  confiscated,  and  no  mercy  shall  be 
shown  him.” 

As  Su  Shuns  property  was  worth  several  millions  sterling 
at  the  lowest  estimate,  the  Empress  Dowager  thus  acquired 
at  one  stroke  the  sinews  of  war  and  a substantial  nucleus  for 
that  treasure  hoard  which  henceforward  was  to  be  one  of  the 
main  objects  of  her  ambition,  and  a chief  source  of  her 
power.  During  the  present  Dynasty  there  is  a record  of 
one  official  wealthier  than  Su  Shun,  namely  Ho  Shen,  a 
Grand  Secretary  under  Ch’ien  Lung,  whose  property  was 
similarly  confiscated  by  that  Emperor’s  successor. 

But  Yehonala’s  lust  of  vengeance  was  not  yet  appeased. 
Her  next  Decree,  issued  on  the  following  day,  gives  evidence 
of  that  acquisitive  faculty,  that  tendency  to  accumulate 
property  and  to  safeguard  it  with  housewifely  thrift,  which 
distinguished  her  to  the  end  : — 

“ Su  Shun  was  erecting  for  himself  a Palace  at  Jehol, 
which  is  not  yet  completed.  Doubtless  he  has  vast  stores  of 
treasure  there.  Doubtless  also  he  has  buried  large  sums 
of  gold  and  silver  somewhere  in  the  vicinity  of  his  Jehol 
residence,  in  anticipation  of  the  possible  discovery  of  his 
crimes.  Let  all  his  property  in  Jehol  be  carefully  inventoried, 
when  a Decree  will  be  issued  as  to  its  disposal.  Let  all  his 

1 To  allow  women  privily  to  accompany  the  Imperial  cortege  is  a crime 
punishable  by  law  with  the  penalty  of  the  lingering  death. 

45 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


property  be  carefully  searched  for  treasure,  to  be  handed 
over  when  found.  Any  attempt  at  concealment  by  the 
Jehol  authorities  will  entail  upon  them  the  same  punishment 
as  that  which  is  to  be  inflicted  upon  Su  Shun.” 

On  the  6th  of  the  10th  Moon,  Prince  Rung  and  the 
Imperial  Commission  sent  in  their  report  on  the  quite  per- 
functory enquiry  into  the  charges  against  Tsai  Yuan  and  the 
other  conspirators.  In  the  following  Decree  the  offenders 
were  finally  disposed  of : — 

“ The  Memorial  of  our  Imperial  Commission  recommends 
that,  in  accordance  with  the  law  applying  to  cases  of  high 
treason,  the  punishment  of  dismemberment  and  the  lingering 
death  be  inflicted  upon  Tsai  Yuan,  Tuan  Hua  and  Su  Shun. 
Our  Decrees  have  already  been  issued  describing  their 
abominable  plot  and  their  usurpation  of  the  Regency. 

“ On  the  day  of  His  late  Majesty’s  death,  these  three 
traitors  claimed  to  have  been  appointed  a Council  of  Regency, 
but,  as  a matter  of  fact,  His  late  Majesty,  just  before  his 
death,  had  commanded  them  to  appoint  us  his  successor, 
without  giving  them  any  orders  whatsoever  as  to  their  being 
Regents.  This  title  they  proceeded  to  arrogate  to  themselves, 
even  daring  to  issue  orders  in  that  capacity  and  without  the 
formality  of  our  Decree.  Moreover  they  disobeyed  the 
personal  and  express  orders  given  them  by  the  Empresses 
Dowager.  When  the  Censor  Tung  Yiian-ch’un  petitioned 
that  the  Empresses  should  assume  the  government,  they  not 
only  dared  to  alter  the  Decree  which  we  issued  in  reply, 
but  they  openly  asserted  at  audience  their  claim  to  be  our 
Regents  and  their  refusal  to  obey  the  Empresses.  If,  said 
they,  they  chose  to  permit  the  Empresses  to  see  Memorials, 
this  was  more  than  their  duty  required.  In  fact,  their 
insubordination  and  violent  rudeness  found  expression  in  a 
hundred  ways.  In  forbidding  us  to  give  audience  to  our 
uncles  and  to  the  Grand  Secretaries,  they  evidently  meant 
to  set  us  at  variance  with  our  kindred.  The  above  remarks 
apply  equally  to  all  three  traitors. 

“ As  to  Su  Shun,  he  insolently  dared  to  seat  himself  upon 
the  Imperial  Throne.  He  would  enter  the  Palace  precincts 
unbidden,  and  whether  on  duty  or  not.  He  went  so  far  as 

46 


THE  TSAI  YUAN  CONSPIRACY 


to  use  the  Imperial  porcelain  and  furniture  for  his  own 
purposes,  even  refusing  to  hand  over  certain  articles  that 
we  required  for  ourselves.  He  actually  demanded  an 
audience  with  the  Empresses  separately,  and  his  words,  when 
addressing  them,  indicated  a cunning  desire  to  set  one 
Empress  against  the  other,  and  to  sow  seeds  of  discord. 
These  remarks  apply  to  the  individual  guilt  of  Su  Shun. 

“ Her  Majesty  the  Empress  Dowager,  and  Her  Sacred 
Majesty  the  Empress  Dowager,  our  mother,  duly  informed 
the  Commission  of  Enquiry  of  these  facts,  and  they  have 
to-day  given  audience  to  all  the  Princes  and  Ministers  to 
enquire  of  them  whether  the  guilt  of  these  three  traitors 
admits  of  any  extenuating  circumstances.  It  is  unanimously 
determined  that  the  law  allows  of  no  leniency  being 
shown  to  such  flagrant  treason  and  wickedness  as  theirs. 
When  we  reflect  that  three  members  of  our  Imperial 
kindred  have  thus  rendered  themselves  liable  to  a common 
felon’s  death  in  the  public  square,  our  eyes  are  tilled  with 
tears.  But  all  these  their  misdeeds,  in  usurping  the  Regency, 
have  involved  our  tutelary  deities  in  the  direst  peril,  and  it 
is  not  only  to  ourselves  but  to  our  illustrious  ancestors  that 
they  must  answrer  for  their  damnable  treason.  No  doubt 
they  thought  that,  come  what  may,  they  wrere  sure  of  pardon, 
because  of  their  having  received  the  mandate  of  His  late 
Majesty,  but  they  forgot  that  the  mandate  which  they  have 
claimed  was  never  legally  issued,  and  if  wre  were  nowr  to 
pardon  them  we  should  render  the  law  of  no  effect  for  all 
time  and  prove  unfaithful  to  the  trust  reposed  in  us  by  our 
late  father.  The  punishment  of  dismemberment  and  the 
lingering  death,  which  the  Commission  recommends,  is 
indeed  the  proper  punishment  for  their  crimes,  but  the 
House-law  of  our  Dynasty  permits  of  leniency  being  shown, 
to  a certain  extent,  to  members  of  the  Imperial  Family. 
Therefore,  although,  strictly  speaking,  their  crimes  allow  of 
no  indulgence,  wre  decide  that  they  shall  not  suffer  the 
penalty  of  public  disgrace.  In  token  of  our  leniency, 
Tsai  Yuan  and  Tuan  Hua  are  hereby  permitted  to  commit 
suicide,  and  Prince  Su  and  Mien  Sen  are  ordered  to  proceed 
forthwith  to  the  ‘ Empty  Chamber,’ 1 and  command  the 

1 The  Prison  of  the  Imperial  Clan  Court. 

47 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


immediate  fulfilment  of  this  order.  It  is  not  from  any 
feeling  of  friendliness  towards  these  traitors  that  we  allow 
this,  but  simply  to  preserve  the  dignity  of  our  Imperial 
family. 

As  to  Su  Shun,  his  treasonable  guilt  far  exceeds  that  of 
his  accomplices,  and  he  fully  deserves  the  punishment  of 
dismemberment  and  the  slicing  process,  if  only  that  the  law 
may  be  vindicated  and  public  indignation  satisfied.  But  we 
cannot  make  up  our  mind  to  impose  this  extreme  penalty 
and  therefore,  in  our  clemency,  we  sentence  him  to  im- 
mediate decapitation,  commanding  Prince  Jui  and  Tsai 
Liang  to  superintend  his  execution,  as  a warning  to  all 
traitors  and  rebels.” 


Note. — The  hereditary  Princedoms  of  Yi  and  Cheng 
which  were  forfeited  by  the  conspiring  Princes  after  the 
death  of  Hsien-Feng,  in  1861,  were  restored  by  the 
Empresses  Regent  to  commemorate  their  thanksgiving  at 
the  suppression  of  the  Taiping  rebellion  and  the  recapture 
of  Nanking  (1864).  In  an  Edict  on  the  subject,  Tzu  Hsi 
recalled  the  fact  that  the  original  patent  of  the  Princedom 
of  Yi  was  given  to  a son  of  the  Emperor  K’ang-Hsi  in  1723 
and  was  to  endure,  according  to  the  word  of  that  Monarch, 
until  “ the  T’ai  Mountain  dwindles  to  the  size  of  a grindstone, 
and  the  Yellow  River  shrinks  to  the  width  of  a girdle.” 
After  referring  to  the  main  features  of  the  Tsai  Yuan 
conspiracy  and  the  guilt  of  the  traitors,  Tzu  Hsi  proceeded 
“We  permitted  these  Princes  to  commit  suicide  because 
they  were  ungrateful  to  ourselves,  and  had  brought  disrepute 
on  the  good  name  of  their  ancestors.  If  these  are  now 
conscious  of  their  descendants’  misdeeds,  while  they  wander 
beside  the  Nirie  Springs,1  how  great  must  be  the  anguish  of 
their  souls  ! At  the  time  we  were  advised  by  our  Princes 
and  Ministers  of  State,  to  put  an  end  for  ever  to  these 


1 Poetical  term  for  Purgatory. 

48 


THE  TSAI  YUAN  CONSPIRACY 


Princely  titles,  and  we  did  so  in  order  to  appease  widespread 
indignation.  Since  then,  however,  we  have  often  thought 
sorrowfully  of  the  achievements  of  these  Princely  families 
during  the  early  reigns  of  our  Dynasty,  and  now  the  triumph 
of  our  arms  at  Nanking  provides  us  with  a fitting  occasion 
and  excuse  to  rehabilitate  these  Princedoms,  so  that  the 
good  name  of  their  founders  may  remain  unblemished.  YVe 
therefore  hereby  restore  both  titles  as  Princes  of  the  blood 
with  all  the  estates  and  dependencies  appertaining  thereto, 
and  we  command  that  the  genealogical  trees  of  these  two 
Houses  be  once  more  placed  upon  our  Dynastic  records  in 
their  due  order,  it  being  always  understood  that  the  usurping 
Princes  Tuan  Hua  and  Tsai  Yuan,  together  with  their 
descendants  in  the  direct  line  for  two  generations,  are 
expressly  excluded  from  participation  in  these  restored 
privileges.  Original  patents  of  the  Princes  of  Yi  and  Cheng 
are  hereby  restored,  together  with  their  titles,  to  the  Dukes 
Cheng  Chili  and  Tsai  Tun.  And  take  heed  now  both  of  you 
Princes,  lest  you  fall  away  from  the  ancient  virtue  of  your 
Houses  ! See  to  it  that  you  long  continue  to  enjoy  our 
favour  by  adding  fresh  lustre  to  your  ancestral  good  name  ! ” 

The  intention  was  undoubtedly  well  meant,  but  the 
Houses  of  Yi  and  Cheng  continued  to  incur  the  displeasure 
of  the  gods.  The  next  Prince  Yi  but  one,  was  permitted 
to  commit  suicide  in  1900,  for  alleged  complicity  in  the 
Boxer  rising,  but  it  is  significant  that  his  name  was  not  on 
any  Black  List  drawn  up  by  the  foreign  Powers,  and  that 
Ills  death  was  due  to  his  having  incurred  the  displeasure  of 
the  Old  Buddha  at  a time  when  her  nerves  were  not  parti- 
cularly good,  and  when  she  was  therefore  liable  to  hasty 
decisions.  As  to  the  House  of  Cheng,  the  holder  of  the 
title  in  1900  committed  suicide  on  the  day  when  the  Allies 
entered  the  city,  a disappointed  patriot  of  the  best  Manchu 
model. 

Tzu  Hsi’s  wrath  against  Su  Shun  found  further  vent  three 
years  after  his  death  in  a Decree  which  debarred  his  sons 

49  e 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


and  descendants  from  ever  holding  public  office,  this 
punishment  being  inflicted  on  the  ground  that  he  had 
allowed  personal  spite  to  influence  him,  when  consulted 
by  the  Emperor  Hsien-Feng  regarding  the  penalty  to  be 
inflicted  on  an  offending  rival. 


50 


IV 

THE  FIRST  REGENCY 

Although  the  collapse  of  the  Tsai  Yiian  conspiracy,  and 
the  stern  justice  administered  to  its  leaders,  rendered 
Yehonala’s  position  secure  and  made  her  de  facto  ruler  of 
the  Empire  (for  her  colleague  was,  politically  speaking, 
a negligible  quantity,  or  nearly  so),  she  was  extremely 
careful,  during  the  first  years  of  the  Regency,  to  avoid  all 
conspicuous  assumption  of  power  and  to  keep  herself  and 
her  ambitions  in  the  background,  while  she  omitted  no 
opportunity  of  improving  her  knowledge  of  the  art  of 
government  and  of  gaining  the  support  of  China’s  leading 
officials.  For  this  reason  all  the  Decrees  of  this  period 
are  issued  in  the  name  of  the  Emperor,  and  Tzu  Hsi’s 
assumption  of  authority  was  even  less  conspicuous  than 
during  her  period  of  retirement  at  the  Summer  Palace  after 
the  conclusion  of  Ivuang-Hsti’s  minority.  The  first  Regency 
(1861-1878)  may  be  described  as  Tzu  Hsi’s  tentative  period 
of  rule,  in  which  she  tasted  the  sweets,  while  avoiding  the 
appearance,  of  power.  During  the  second  Regency  (1875- 
1889),  while  her  name  appeared  only  occasionally  as  the 
author  of  Imperial  Decrees,  she  was  careful  to  keep  in  her 
hands  all  official  appointments,  the  granting  of  rewards  and 
punishments  and  other  matters  of  internal  politics  calculated 
to  increase  her  personal  popularity  and  prestige  with  the 
mandarinate.  The  “ curtain  was  not  suspended  ” during 

51  E 2 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


Kuang- Hsu’s  minority,  as  he  was  the  nominee  of  the 
Empresses,  whereas  the  Emperor  T’ung-Chih  held  his  man- 
date direct  from  the  late  Emperor,  his  father.  It  was  not 
until  the  final  Regency  (1898-1908),  which  was  not  a 
Regency  at  all  in  the  strict  sense  of  the  word  but  an 
usurpation  of  the  Imperial  prerogative  during  the  lifetime  of 
the  sovereign,  that,  assured  of  the  strength  of  her  position, 
she  gave  full  rein  to  her  love  of  power  and,  with  something  of 
the  contempt  which  springs  from  long  familiarity,  took  unto 
herself  all  the  outward  and  visible  signs  of  Imperial  authority, 
holding  audience  daily  in  the  Great  Hall  of  the  Palace, 
seated  on  the  Dragon  Throne,  with  the  puppet  Emperor 
relegated  to  a position  of  inferiority,  recognised  and 
acclaimed  as  the  Old  Buddha,  the  sole  and  undisputed  ruler 
of  the  Empire. 

At  the  outset  of  her  career,  she  appears  to  have  realised 
that  the  idea  of  female  rulers  had  never  been  popular  with 
the  Chinese  people ; that  even  the  Empress  Wu  of  the 
eighth  century,  the  greatest  woman  in  Chinese  history,  was 
regarded  as  a usurper.  She  was  aware  that  the  Empress 
Lii  (whose  character,  as  described  by  historians,  was  not 
unlike  her  own),  to  whom  was  due  the  consolidation  of 
power  that  marked  the  rise  of  the  Han  Dynasty,  enjoys  but 
scant  respect  from  posterity.  On  the  other  hand,  she  knew 
— for  the  study  of  history  was  her  pastime — that  the 
Empresses  Dowagers  of  the  past  had  often  wielded  supreme 
power  in  the  State,  principles  and  precedents  notwithstanding, 
and  their  example  she  determined  to  follow.  Upon  the 
taking  off  of  the  three  chief  conspirators,  the  Censors  and 
Ministers  urged  her  to  deal  in  similar  drastic  fashion  with 
their  aiders  and  abettors,  and  Prince  Rung  was  anxious,  if  not 
for  revenge,  at  least  for  precautions  being  taken  against  those 
who  had  had  the  ear  of  the  late  Emperor  during  the  last 
months  of  his  reign.  But  Yehonala  showed  statesmanlike 
forbearance : early  in  life  she  realised  that  a few  victims  are 
better  than  many,  and  that  lives  spared  often  mean  whole 

52 


THE  FIRST  REGENCY 

families  of  friends.  After  cashiering  Prince  Yi’s  remaining 
colleagues  of  the  Grand  Council,  she  dealt  leniently  with 
other  offenders.  When,  for  instance,  Ch’en  Tu-en,  President 
of  the  Board  of  Civil  Appointments,  was  impeached  on  the 
ground  that  it  was  he  who  had  first  persuaded  the  Emperor 
to  flee  to  Jehol  against  her  advice,  and  that,  after  the 
Emperor’s  death,  he  alone  of  all  the  high  officials  at  the 
capital  had  been  summoned  to  Jehol  by  the  usurping 
Regents,  she  contented  herself  with  removing  him  from 
office,  though  his  guilt  was  clearly  proved.  Another  official, 
a Minister  of  the  Household,  who  had  endeavoured  to 
further  the  aims  of  the  conspirators,  by  dissuading  Hsien- 
Feng  from  returning  to  Peking  in  the  spring  of  1861,  on 
the  plea  that  an  insurrection  was  impending,  was  also 
cashiered.  But  there  was  nothing  in  the  nature  of  a general 
proscription,  in  spite  of  the  pecuniary  and  other  advantages 
which  usually  commend  retaliation  to  the  party  in  power  at 
Peking.  In  an  able  Decree,  Tzu  Hsi  let  it  be  understood 
that  she  wished  to  punish  a few  only,  and  those  chiefly  pour 
encourager  les  ctutres.  It  was  always  a characteristic  of  hers 
that,  when  her  ends  were  safely  secured,  she  adopted  a policy 
of  watchful  leniency  : moderata  durant.  In  this  instance 
she  was  fully  aware  of  the  fact  that  Tsai  Yuan  and  his 
colleagues  would  never  have  had  the  opportunities,  nor  the 
courage,  to  conspire  for  the  Regency  had  they  not  been 
assured  of  the  sympathy  and  support  of  many  of  the  higher 
officials,  but  she  preferred  to  let  the  iron  hand  rest  in  its 
velvet  glove  unless  openly  thwarted.  She  would  have  no 
proscriptions,  no  wreaking  of  private  grudges  and  revenges. 
It  was  this  characteristic  of  hers  that,  as  will  be  seen  in 
another  place,  obtained  for  her,  amongst  the  people  of 
Peking  in  particular,  a reputation  for  almost  quixotic 
gentleness,  a reputation  which  we  find  expressed  in  frequent 
references  to  the  “ Benign  Countenance,”  or  “ Benevolent 
Mother,”  and  which  undoubtedly  represented  certain  genuine 
impulses  in  her  complex  nature.  So,  having  crushed  the 

53 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


conspiracy,  she  contented  herself  with  exhorting  all  concerned 
to  “ attend  henceforth  strictly  to  their  duty,  avoiding  those 
sycophantic  and  evil  tendencies  which  had  brought  Chen 
Tu-en  and  Huang  Tsung-han  to  their  disgrace.”  In  another 
Decree  she  emphasised  the  principle  that  sins  of  omission 
are  not  much  less  grave  than  overt  acts,  roundly  censuring 
the  Princes  and  Ministers  of  her  Government  for  having 
failed  to  denounce  the  conspirators  at  once,  and  charging 
them  with  cowardice.  It  was  fear  and  nothing  else,  she 
said,  that  had  prevented  them  from  revealing  the  truth ; and 
then,  with  one  of  those  naive  touches  which  make  Chinese 
Edicts  a perpetual  feast,  she  added  that,  should  there  be  any 
further  plots  of  usurpers,  she  would  expect  to  be  informed  of 
their  proceedings  without  delay.  Above  all,  she  bade  the 
Imperial  Clan  take  warning  by  the  fate  of  the  three 
conspirators,  and  intimated  that  any  further  attempts  of  this 
kind  would  be  far  more  severely  dealt  with. 

One  of  the  first  steps  of  the  Regency  was  to  determine  the 
title  of  the  new  reign.  The  usurping  Princes  had  selected 
the  characters  “ Chi-Hsiang,”  meaning  “ well-omened  happi- 
ness,” but  to  Yehonala’s  scholarly  taste  and  fine  sense  of 
fitness,  the  title  seemed  ill-chosen  and  redundant,  and  as  she 
wished  to  obliterate  all  memory  of  the  usurpers’  regime,  she 
chose  in  its  place  the  characters  “ T’ung-Chih,”  meaning 
“ all-pervading  tranquillity,”  probably  with  one  eye  on  the 
suppression  of  the  rebellion  and  the  other  on  the  chances  of 
peace  in  the  Forbidden  City.  As  far  as  all  good  augury  for 
the  Emperor  himself  was  concerned,  one  title  was,  as  events 
proved,  no  more  likely  to  be  effective  than  the  other. 

On  the  same  day  as  the  proclamation  of  the  new  reign  was 
made  by  Edict,  the  Empresses  Dowager  issued  a Decree 
explaining,  and  ostensibly  deprecating,  the  high  honour 
thrust  upon  them. 

“ Our  assumption  of  the  Regency  was  utterly  contrary  to 
our  wishes,  but  we  have  complied  with  the  urgent  request  of 

54 


Exterior  of  the  Ch’ien  Ch’ing  Palace. 


Photo , Ogawa,  Tokio. 


THE  FIRST  REGENCY 


our  Princes  and  Ministers,  because  we  realise  that  it  is 
essential  that  there  should  be  a higher  authority  to  whom 
they  may  refer.  So  soon  as  ever  the  Emperor  shall  have 
completed  his  education,  we  shall  take  no  further  part  in  the 
Government,  which  will  then  naturally  revert  to  the  system 
prescribed  by  all  dynastic  tradition.  Our  sincere  reluctance 
in  assuming  the  direction  of  affairs  must  he  manifest  to  all. 
Our  officials  are  expected  loyally  to  assist  us  in  the  arduous 
task  which  we  have  undertaken.” 

Following  upon  this,  a Decree  was  issued  in  the  name  of 
the  Emperor,  which  represented  the  hoy  as  thanking  their 
Majesties  the  Regents  and  promising  that,  so  soon  as  he 
came  of  age,  he  would  endeavour,  by  dutiful  ministrations, 
to  prove  his  gratitude. 

For  the  procedure  of  Government  it  was  then  arranged 
that  the  Empresses  should  daily  hold  joint  audiences  in  the 
side  Hall  of  the  main  Palace.  At  these,  and  at  all  except  the 
great  Court  ceremonies,  the  Emperor’s  great-uncle  and  four 
brothers  were  excused  from  performing  the  “ kotow,”  the 
Emperor’s  respect  for  the  senior  generation  being  thus 
indirectly  exhibited. 

Upon  their  acceptance  of  the  Regency,  honorific  titles 
were  conferred  upon  both  Empresses.  Each  character  in 
these  titles  represents  a grant  from  the  public  funds  of 
100,000  taels  per  annum  (say,  at  that  time,  £20,000).  Thus 
the  Empress  Consort  became  known  by  the  title  of  Tzu  An 
(Motherly  and  Restful)  while  Yehonala  became  Tzu  Hsi 
(Motherly  and  Auspicious),  one  being  the  Empress  of  the 
Eastern,  and  the  other  of  the  Western  Palace.  At  various 
subsequent  periods,  further  honorific  characters,  in  pairs, 
were  added  unto  them,  so  that,  on  her  seventieth  birthday, 
Tzu  Hsi  was  the  proud  possessor  of  sixteen.  On  that 
occasion  she  modestly  and  virtuously  refused  the  four 
additional  characters  with  which  the  Emperor  Kuang-Hsii 
(not  unprompted)  desired  to  honour  her.  Tzu  An  lived  to 
receive  ten  in  all ; both  ladies  received  two  on  their 

55 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


thirtieth  birthdays,  two  on  the  Emperor  T’ung-Chih’s 
accession,  two  just  before  his  death  in  recognition  of  their 
“ ministrations  ” during  his  attack  of  small-pox,  and  two  on 
their  fortieth  birthdays.  Tzu  Hsi  received  two  more  on  her 
fiftieth  birthday,  two  on  Kuang-Hsu’s  marriage,  and  two 
on  her  sixtieth  birthday.  Tzu  Hsi’s  complete  official 
designation  at  the  end  of  her  life  was  not  easy  to  remember. 
It  ran,  “ Tzu -Hsi -Tuan- yu-Iv’ang-yi -Chao- yu-Chuang- 
ch’eng-Shou-kung-Ch’in-hsien-Ch’ung-lisi-  Huang  Tai-hou,” 
which,  being  translated,  means  “ The  Empress  Dowager, 
motherly,  auspicious,  orthodox,  heaven-blessed,  prosperous, 
all-nourishing,  brightly  manifest,  calm,  sedate,  perfect, 
long-lived,  respectful,  reverend,  worshipful,  illustrious  and 
exalted.” 

At  the  beginning  of  the  Regency  it  suited  Yehonala  to 
conciliate  and  humour  Prince  Kung.  In  conjunction  with 
her  colleague,  she  therefore  bestowed  upon  him  the  titles  of 
“ I-Cheng  Wang,”  or  Prince  Adviser  to  the  Government, 
and  by  special  Decree  she  made  the  title  of  “ Ch’in  Wang,” 
or  Prince  of  the  Blood  (which  had  been  bestowed  upon  him 
by  the  late  Emperor),  hereditary  in  his  family  for  ever.1 
Prince  Kung  begged  to  be  excused  from  accepting  the 
former  honour,  whereupon  ensued  a solemn  parade  of  refusal 
on  the  part  of  the  Empresses,  one  of  whom,  as  events 
proved,  certainly  wanted  no  adviser.  Eventually,  after  much 
deprecation,  Their  Majesties  gave  way  as  regards  the  here- 
ditary title,  but  on  the  understanding  that  the  offer  would 
be  renewed  at  a more  fitting  season.  Yehonala  who,  in  her 
better  moments  of  grateful  memory,  could  scarcely  forget 
the  brave  part  which  Prince  Kung  had  played  for  her 
at  Jehol,  made  amends  by  adopting  his  daughter  as  a 
Princess  Imperial,  granting  her  the  use  of  the  Yellow 
palanquin.  The  influence  of  this  Princess  over  Tzu  Hsi, 
especially  towards  the  end,  was  great,  and  it  was  strikingly 


1 Hereditary  titles  in  China  usually  descend  in  a diminishing  scale. 

56 


THE  FIRST  REGENCY 

displayed  in  1900  on  behalf  of  Prince  Tuan  and  the  Boxer 
leaders. 

Ignorant  at  the  outset  of  many  things  in  the  procedure  of 
Government  routine,  feeling  her  way  through  the  labyrinth 
of  party  politics  and  foreign  affairs,  afraid  of  her  own  youth 
and  inexperience,  it  was  hut  natural  that  Tzti  Hsi  should 
have  recourse  to  the  ripe  wisdom  of  the  late  Emperor’s 
brother  and  he  guided  by  his  opinion.  But  as  time  went  on, 
as  her  knowledge  of  affairs  broadened  and  deepened,  her  auto- 
cratic instincts  gradually  asserted  themselves  in  an  increasing 
impatience  of  advice  and  restraint.  As,  by  the  study  of 
history  and  the  light  of  her  own  intelligence,  she  gained 
confidence  in  the  handling  of  State  business  and  men,  the 
guidance  which  had  previously  been  welcome  became 
distasteful,  and  eventually  assumed  the  character  of  inter- 
ference. Despotic  by  nature,  Tzu  Hsi  was  not  the  woman 
to  tolerate  interference  in  any  matter  where  her  own  mind 
was  made  up,  and  Prince  Kung,  on  his  side,  was  of  a 
disposition  little  less  proud  and  independent  than  her  own. 
When  the  young  Yehonala  began  to  evince  a disposition 
to  dispense  with  his  advice,  he  was  therefore  not  inclined  to 
conceal  his  displeasure,  and  relations  speedily  became 
strained.  As  Tzu  Hsi  was  at  no  pains  to  hide  her 
resentment,  he  gradually  came  to  adopt  a policy  of  insti- 
gating her  colleague,  the  Empress  of  the  East,  to  a more 
independent  attitude,  a line  of  action  which  could  not  fail  to 
produce  ill-feeling  and  friction  in  the  Palace.  In  the 
appointment  of  officials,  also,  which  is  the  chief  object  and 
privilege  of  power  in  China,  he  was  in  the  habit  of  promoting 
and  protecting  his  own  nominees  without  reference  to 
Yehonala,  by  direct  communications  to  the  provinces. 
Eye-witnesses  of  the  events  of  the  period  have  recorded  their 
impression  that  his  attitude  towards  both  Empresses  at  the 
commencement  of  the  Regency  was  somewhat  overbearing  ; 
that  he  was  inclined  to  presume  upon  the  importance  of  his 
own  position  and  sendees,  and  that  on  one  occasion  at 

57 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


audience,  he  even  presumed  to  inform  the  Empresses  that 
they  owed  their  position  to  himself,  a remark  which  Tzu  Hsi 
was  not  likely  to  forget  or  forgive. 

At  the  audiences  of  the  Grand  Council,  it  was  the  custom 
for  the  two  Empresses  to  sit  on  a raised  dais,  each  on  her 
separate  Throne,  immediately  in  front  of  which  was  sus- 
pended a yellow  silk  curtain  ; they  were  therefore  invisible  to 
the  Councillors,  who  were  received  separately  and  in  the 
order  of  their  seniority.  Prince  Kung  coming  first  in  his 
capacity  as  “adviser  to  the  Government.”  Beside  their 
Majesties  on  the  dais  stood  their  attendant  eunuchs  ; they 
were  in  the  habit  of  peeping  through  the  folds  of  the  curtain, 
keeping  a careful  eye  upon  the  demeanour  of  the  officials  in 
audience,  with  a view  to  noting  any  signs  of  disrespect  or 
breach  of  etiquette.  Strictly  speaking,  no  official,  however 
high  his  rank,  might  enter  the  Throne  room  unless  sum- 
moned by  the  chief  eunuch  in  attendance,  but  Prince  Kung 
considered  himself  superior  to  such  rules,  and  would  enter 
unannounced.  Other  breaches  of  etiquette  he  committed 
which,  as  Her  Majesty’s  knowledge  of  affairs  increased,  were 
carefully  noted  against  him ; for  instance,  he  would  raise  his 
voice  when  replying  to  their  Majesties’  instructions  (which 
were  always  given  by  Tzu  Hsi),  and  on  one  occasion, 
he  even  ventured  to  ask  that  Tzii  Hsi  should  repeat  some- 
thing she  had  just  said,  and  which  he  pretended  not  to 
have  understood.  His  attitude,  in  short  (say  the  chroniclers), 
implied  an  assumption  of  equality  which  the  proud  spirit 
of  the  young  Empress  would  not  brook.  Living  outside 
the  Palace  as  he  did,  having  free  intercourse  with  Chinese 
and  foreign  officials  on  all  sides,  he  was  naturally  in  a 
position  to  intrigue  against  her,  did  he  so  desire.  Tzu  Hsi, 
on  the  other  hand,  was  likely  to  imrgine  and  exaggerate 
intrigues,  since  nearly  all  her  information  came  from  the 
eunuchs  and  would  therefore  naturally  assume  alarming 
proportions.  There  is  little  doubt  that  she  gradually  came 
to  believe  in  the  possibility  of  Prince  Kung  working  against 

58 


THE  FIRST  REGENCY 


her  authority,  and  she  therefore  set  herself  to  prove  to  him 
that  his  position  and  prerogatives  depended  entirely  upon 
her  good  will. 

She  continued  watching  her  opportunity  and  patiently 
biding  her  time  until  the  occasion  presented  itself  in  the 
fourth  year  of  the  Regency  (April,  1805).  In  a moment 
of  absent-mindedness  or  bravado,  Prince  Kung  ventured  to 
rise  from  his  knees  during  an  audience,  thus  violating  a 
fundamental  rule  of  etiquette  originally  instituted  to  guard 
the  Sovereign  against  any  sudden  attack.  The  eunuchs 
promptly  informed  their  Majesties,  whereupon  Tzii  Hsi 
called  loudly  for  help,  exclaiming  that  the  Prince  was 
plotting  some  evil  treachery  against  the  persons  of  the 
Regents.  The  Guards  rushed  in,  and  Prince  Kung  was 
ordered  to  leave  the  presence  at  once.  His  departure  was 
speedily  followed  by  the  issue  of  an  Imperial  Decree, 
stating  that  he  had  endeavoured  to  usurp  the  authority  of 
the  Throne  and  persistently  overrated  his  own  importance  to 
the  State.  He  was  accordingly  dismissed  from  his  position 
as  adviser  to  the  Government,  relieved  of  his  duties  on  the 
Grand  Council  and  other  high  offices  in  the  Palace ; even 
his  appointment  as  head  of  the  Foreign  Office,  or  Tsungli 
Yamen,  was  cancelled.  “ He  had  shown  himself  unworthy 
of  their  Majesties’  confidence,”  said  the  Edict,  “ and  had 
displayed  gross  nepotism  in  the  appointment  of  high 
officials : Ills  rebellious  and  usurping  tendencies  must  be 
sternly  checked.” 

A month  later,  however,  Tzii  Hsi,  realising  that  her  own 
position  was  not  unassailable,  and  that  her  treatment  of  this 
powerful  Prince  had  created  much  unfavourable  comment  at 
Court  and  in  the  provinces,  saved  her  face  and  the  situation 
simultaneously,  by  issuing  a Decree  in  the  name  of  herself 
and  her  colleague,  which  she  described  as  a Decree  of 
explanation.  In  this  document  she  took  no  small  credit  to 
herself  for  strength  of  character  and  virtue  in  dealing 
severely  with  her  near  kinsmen  in  the  interests  of  the  State, 

59 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


and  pointed  to  the  fact  that  any  undue  encouragement  of 
the  Imperial  clansmen,  when  inclined  to  take  a line  of  their 
own,  was  liable,  as  history  had  repeatedly  proved,  to  involve 
the  country  in  destructive  dissension.  Her  real  object  in 
inflicting  punishment  on  the  Prince  for  treating  the  Throne 
with  disrespect  was  to  save  him  from  himself  and  from  the 
imminent  peril  of  his  own  folly.  But  now  that  several 
Memorials  had  been  sent  in  by  Censors  and  others, 
requesting  that  his  errors  be  pardoned,  the  Throne  could 
have  no  possible  objection  to  showing  clemency  and,  the 
position  having  been  made  clear,  Prince  Rung  was  restored 
to  the  position  of  Chamberlain,  and  to  the  direction  of  the 
Foreign  Office.  The  Prince,  in  fact,  needed  a lesson  in 
politeness  and,  having  got  it,  Her  Majesty  was  prepared  to 
let  bygones  be  bygones,  it  being  clearly  understood  that,  for 
the  future,  he  should  display  increased  energy  and  loyalty  as 
a mark  of  his  sincere  gratitude  to  their  Majesties. 

A week  later,  Tzii  Hsi,  in  order  to  drive  the  lesson  home, 
issued  the  following  Decree  in  the  name  of  the  Empresses 
Regent. 

“We  granted  an  audience  this  morning  to  Prince  Ivung 
in  order  to  permit  him  to  return  thanks  for  his  re-appoint- 
ment. He  prostrated  himself  humbly  and  wept  bitterly,  in 
token  of  his  boundless  self-abasement.  We  naturally  took 
occasion  to  address  to  him  some  further  words  of  warning 
and  advice,  and  the  Prince  seemed  genuinely  grieved  at  his 
errors  and  full  of  remorse  for  misconduct  which  he  freely 
acknowledged.  Sincere  feeling  of  this  kind  could  not  fail  to 
elicit  our  compassion. 

“ It  is  now  some  years  since  we  first  assumed  the  burden 
of  the  Regency  and  appointed  Prince  Kung  to  be  our  chief 
adviser  in  the  Government ; in  this  position  his  responsibility 
has  been  as  great  as  the  favour  which  we  have  bestowed 
upon  him.  The  position  which  he  has  occupied  in  special 
relation  to  the  Throne,  is  unparalleled  ; therefore  we  expected 
much  from  him  and,  when  he  erred,  the  punishment  which 
we  were  compelled  to  inflict  upon  him  was  necessarily 

60 


THE  FIRST  REGENCY 


severe.  He  lias  now  repented  him  of  the  evil  and 
acknowledged  his  sins.  For  our  part  we  had  no  prejudice  in 
this  matter,  and  were  animated  only  by  strict  impartiality  ; 
it  was  inconceivable  that  we  should  desire  to  treat  harshly  a 
Councillor  of  such  tried  ability,  or  to  deprive  ourselves  of 
the  valuable  assistance  of  the  Prince.  W e therefore  now 
restore  him  to  the  Grand  Council,  but  in  order  that  his 
authority  may  be  reduced,  we  do  not  propose  to  reinstate 
him  in  his  position  as  ‘ adviser  to  the  Government.’  Prince 
Kung,  see  to  it  now  that  you  forget  not  the  shame  and 
remorse  which  have  overtaken  you  ! Strive  to  requite  our 
kindness  and  display  greater  self-control  in  the  performance 
of  your  duties ! Justify  our  high  confidence  in  you  by 
ridding  your  mind  of  all  unjust  suspicions  and  fears.” 

In  the  autumn  of  this  year,  1865,  took  place  the  burial 
of  the  late  Emperor,  Hsien-Feng,  the  preparation  of  whose 
tomb  had  been  proceeding  for  just  four  years.  With  him  was 
buried  his  consort  Sakota,  who  had  died  in  1850,  a month 
before  her  husband’s  accession  to  the  Throne ; her  remains 
had  been  awaiting  burial  at  a village  temple,  seven  miles 
west  of  the  capital,  for  fifteen  years.  As  usual,  the  funeral 
ceremonies  and  preparation  of  the  tombs  involved  vast 
expenditure,  and  there  had  been  considerable  difficulty  in 
finding  the  necessary  funds,  for  the  southern  provinces, 
which,  under  ordinary  circumstances  would  have  made  the 
largest  contributions,  were  still  suffering  severely  from  the 
ravages  of  the  Taiping  rebellion.  The  Emperor’s  mausoleum 
had  cost  nominally  ten  million  taels,  of  which  amount, 
of  course,  a very  large  proportion  had  been  diverted  for  the 
benefit  of  the  officials  of  the  Household  and  others. 

The  young  Emperor,  and  the  Empresses  Regent 
proceeded,  as  in  duty  bound,  to  the  Eastern  Tombs  to  take 
their  part  in  the  solemn  burial  ceremonies.  Prince  Kung 
was  in  attendance  ; to  him  had  fallen  the  chief  part  in  the 
preparation  of  the  tomb  and  in  the  provision  of  the  funds, 
and  Her  Majesty  had  no  cause  to  complain  of  any  scamping 
of  his  duties.  The  body  of  the  Emperor,  in  an  Imperial 

61 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


coffin  of  catalpa  wood,  richly  lacquered  and  inscribed  with 
Buddhist  sutras,  was  borne  within  the  huge  domed  grave 
chamber,  and  there  deposited  in  the  presence  of  their 
Majesties  upon  its  “jewelled  bedstead,”  the  pedestal  of 
precious  metals  prepared  to  receive  it.  In  the  place  of 
the  concubines  and  eunuchs,  who  in  prehistoric  days  used  to 
be  buried  alive  with  the  deceased  monarch,  wooden  and  paper 
figures  of  life  size  were  placed  beside  the  coffin,  reverently 
kneeling  to  serve  their  lord  in  the  halls  of  Hades.  The  huge 
candles  were  lighted,  prayers  were  recited,  and  a great  wealth 
of  valuable  ornaments  arranged  within  the  grave  chamber ; 
gold  and  jade  sceptres,  and  a necklace  of  pearls  were  placed 
in  the  coffin.  And  when  all  was  duly  done,  the  great  door 
of  the  chamber  was  slowly  lowered  and  sealed  in  its  place. 

Next  day  the  Empresses  Dowager  issued  a Decree  in 
which  Prince  Kung’s  meritorious  acts  are  graciously  recog- 
nised, and  their  Majesties’  thanks  accorded  to  him  for  the 
satisfactory  fulfilment  of  the  funeral  ceremonies. 

“ Prince  Kung  has  for  the  last  five  years  been  preparing 
the  funeral  arrangements  for  his  late  Majesty  and  has  shown 
a due  sense  of  decorum  and  diligence.  To-day,  both  the  late 
Emperor  and  his  senior  consort  have  been  conveyed  to  their 
last  resting  place,  and  the  great  burden  of  our  grief  has  been 
to  some  extent  mitigated  by  our  satisfaction  in  contemplat- 
ing the  grandeur  of  their  tombs,  and  the  solemn  ceremonies 
of  their  burial.  No  doubt  but  that  the  spirit  of  His  Majesty 
in  Heaven  has  also  been  comforted  thereby.  We  now  feel 
bound  to  act  in  accordance  with  the  fraternal  affection  which 
always  animated  the  deceased  Emperor  towards  Prince 
Kung,  and  to  bestow  upon  him  high  honours.  But  the 
Prince  has  repeatedly  declined  to  accept  any  further 
dignities,  lest  perchance  he  should  again  be  tempted  to 
arrogance.  His  modesty  meets  with  our  approval,  and  we 
therefore  merely  refer  his  name  to  the  Imperial  Clan  Court, 
for  the  selection  of  a reward.  But  we  place  on  record  the 
fact  that  as  Grand  Councillor  he  has  been  of  great  service 
to  us,  and  has  of  late  displayed  notable  circumspection  and 
self-restraint  in  all  matters. 


62 


THE  FIRST  REGENCY 


“ The  Decree  which  we  issued  last  Spring  was  caused  by 
the  Prince’s  want  of  attention  to  small  details  of  etiquette, 
and  if  we  were  obliged  to  punish  him  severely,  our  motives 
have  been  clearly  explained.  No  doubt  everyone  in  the 
Empire  is  well  aware  of  the  facts,  but  as  posterity  may 
possibly  fail  to  realise  all  the  circumstances,  and  as  unjust 
blame  might  fall  upon  the  memory  of  Prince  Rung,  if  that 
Decree  were  allowed  to  remain  inscribed  amongst  the 
Imperial  Archives,  thus  suggesting  a flaw  in  the  white  jade 
of  his  good  name,  we  now  command  that  the  Decree  in 
which  we  announced  Prince  Kung’s  dismissal  from  office  be 
expunged  from  the  annals  of  our  reign.  Thus  is  our 
affection  displayed  towards  a deserving  servant,  and  his 
good  name  preserved  untarnished  to  all  time.” 

The  Empress  Dowager  was  essentially  a woman  of  moods, 
and  these  Imperial  Decrees  simply  reflect  the  fact,  at  the 
beginning  of  her  autocratic  rule,  as  they  did  until  its  close. 
Four  years  later  Prince  Kung  was  to  incur  her  deep  and 
permanent  dislike  by  conspiring  with  her  colleague  to 
deprive  her  of  her  favourite,  the  chief  eunuch  An  Te-hai. 


63 


V 


TSENG  KUO-FAN  AND  THE  TAIPING 
REBELLION  (1864) 

The  first  years  of  Yehonala’s  Co-Regency,  during  which 
she  was  steadily  acquiring  the  arts  and  crafts  of  Government, 
and  gradually  relegating  her  easy-going  colleague  to  the 
background,  were  joyfully  associated  in  the  minds  of  her 
subjects  with  the  decline  and  final  collapse  of  the  great 
rebellion  which  had  devastated  the  best  part  of  the  Empire 
since  1850.  Chinese  historians  (a  body  of  writers  who 
depend  largely  on  each  others’  writings  for  material)  agree 
in  attributing  the  final  deliverance  from  this  scourge  to  the 
ability  and  courage  of  the  famous  Viceroy  Tseng  Kuo-fan,1 
and  for  once  their  praises  are  well-deserved,  for  this  military 
scholar  like  his  fellow  provincial  and  colleague,  Tso  Tsung- 
t’ang,2  was  a man  of  the  heroic  breed  of  philosophers  which, 
with  all  its  faults,  the  Confucian  system  has  always  produced, 
and  continues  to  produce,  to  the  great  benefit  of  the  Chinese 
people,  a man  whose  name  ranks  high  among  China’s 

1 He  was  the  father  of  that  Marquis  Tseng  who,  as  Minister  to  England 
(1878),  lived  to  be  credited  by  the  British  press  with  literary  abilities  which 
he  did  not  possess  and  liberal  opinions  which  he  did  not  share.  His  grand- 
sons, educated  parti)''  in  England,  have  lately  been  distinguished  for  that 
quality  of  patriotic  Conservatism  which  prides  itself  on  having  no  intercourse 
with  foreigners. 

2 A short  biographical  note  on  Tso  Tsung-t’ang,  the  hero  of  the  Mahom- 
edan  rebellion  who  gained  distinction  under  Tseng  against  the  Taipings,  is 
given  in  the  appendix. 


64 


THE  TAIPING  REBELLION 

worthies,  a household  word  for  honesty  and  intelligent 
patriotism. 

It  was  one  of  the  secrets  of  Tzu  Hsi’s  success  as  a ruler 
that  she  recognised  and  appreciated  merit  whenever  she 
found  it,  and  especially  the  merit  of  a military  commander : 
it  was  only  when  she  allowed  her  superstitious  tendencies  to 
outweigh  her  judgment  that  she  failed.  For  the  character 
and  talents  of  Tseng  Kuo-fan  she  had  the  highest  respect, 
due,  no  doubt,  in  the  first  instance  to  the  effect  of  his  military 
despatches,  stirring  tales  of  camp  and  siege,  on  her  imagina- 
tive mind,  but  later  to  personal  acquaintance  with  his  sterling 
qualities.  With  the  single  exception  of  Jung  Lu,  probably 
no  high  official  ever  stood  so  high  in  her  affectionate  esteem, 
and  Jung  Lu  was  a Manchu  kinsman,  while  Tseng  came 
from  one  of  the  proverbially  independent  gentry  families  of 
Hunan.  From  a Chinese  narrative  of  the  Taiping  rebellion, 
we  are  able  to  obtain  a very  clear  impression,  not  only  of 
Tseng’s  character  and  of  his  conception  of  patriotism  but 
also  of  the  remarkable  and  undisputed  position  of  autocratic 
power  already  at  that  time  enjoyed  by  the  youthful  Empress 
Tzu  Hsi.  Before  turning  to  this  narrative,  however,  certain 
points  in  connection  with  the  final  defeat  of  the  Taipings 
deserve  to  be  noted,  events  with  which  Englishmen  were 
prominently  identified,  but  which,  as  recorded  by  British  eye- 
witnesses, confirm  our  doubts  as  to  the  historical  value  of 
Imperial  Edicts  and  Chinese  official  despatches. 

The  Emperor  Hsien-Feng  had  died  in  exile  and  defeat  at 
Jehol  in  August  1861.  The  Summer  Palace  had  been 
destroyed  by  the  British  and  French  forces,  peace  had  been 
restored,  and  the  Co-Regency  of  the  Empresses  Dowager 
had  commenced.  One  of  the  first  acts  of  Prince  Kung, 
in  his  capacity  as  “ Adviser  to  the  Government  ” after  the 
conclusion  of  the  Peace  Convention  of  October  1860,  was  to 
invoke  the  aid  of  his  country’s  conquering  invaders  against 
the  Chinese  rebels,  whose  strong  position  on  the  Yangtsze 
was  causing  the  Court  ever  increasing  anxiety.  It  is  an 

65  f 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 

illuminating  example  of  Chinese  methods  of  government, 
not  without  parallels  and  value  to-day,  that  even  while  the 
British  and  French  forces  were  concentrating  at  Shanghai 
for  their  invasion  of  north  China,  high  Chinese  officials  in  the 
Yangtsze  provinces  had  not  hesitated  to  invoke  their  aid 
against  the  rebels,  and  had  been  chagrined  at  a refusal  which 
appeared  to  them  unwise  since  it  ignored  the  interests  of 
British  trade  at  its  most  important  centre.  The  history  of 
the  “ Ever- Victorious  Army  ” need  not  be  referred  to  here. 
It  kept  the  rebels  in  check  in  the  province  of  Kiangsu 
throughout  the  year  1862,  and  in  February  1863  the  British 
Government  sanctioned  the  lending  of  “ Chinese  Gordon  ” 
to  take  command  of  that  force,  which  was  speedily  to  turn 
the  tide  of  war  in  favour  of  the  Imperialists  and  effectively 
to  pave  the  way  for  Tseng  Kuo-fan’s  final  restoration  of  law 
and  order.  Soochow,  the  provincial  capital,  was  regained  in 
December  1863,  and  in  the  following  July  the  fall  of  the 
rebel  capital  (Nanking)  and  the  death  of  the  rebel  “ King  ” 
practically  ended  the  insurrection.  A considerable  number 
of  Europeans,  including  a French  Admiral,  had  given  their 
lives  to  win  back  China  for  the  Manchu  Dynasty,  although 
at  the  outset  public  opinion  was  in  favour  of  strict  neutrality 
and  there  were  many,  even  then,  who  thought  China  would 
be  well  rid  of  her  degenerate  rulers : nevertheless,  the 
triumphant  Edict  in  which  is  recorded  Tseng  Kuo-fan’s 
capture  of  Nanking  contains  no  word  of  reference  to  Gordon 
and  the  invaluable  help  which  he  rendered,  and,  as  will  be 
seen,  Tseng’s  only  reference  to  the  British  Commander  is  to 
accuse  him  of  having  recommended  the  inhuman  treatment 
of  a defenceless  prisoner.  In  accordance  with  the  invariable 
classical  tradition,  he  ascribes  his  success  to  “ the  con- 
summate virtue  and  wisdom  ” of  the  late  Emperor  Hsien- 
Feng ; the  tradition  represents,  in  conventional  phraseology, 
the  Oriental  conception  of  the  divine  right  of  kings,  and 
their  infallibility  (a  conception  which  we  find  reproduced 
almost  verbatim  in  the  modern  Japanese  Generals’  modest 

66 


THE  TAIPING  REBELLION 


reports  of  their  greatest  victories),  and  it  is  incompatible  in 
China  with  any  reference  to  the  existence,  much  less  the 
services,  of  foreign  barbarians.  The  fact  is  wortli  noting,  for 
Tseng  was  an  exceptionally  intelligent  and  courageous  man 
who  could,  sooner  than  most  men,  have  ventured  on  a new 
departure  ; and  he  knew  full  well  that  this  same  Gordon, 
who  had  steadily  driven  the  rebels  before  him,  cane  in  hand 
for  over  a year,  had  come  hot-foot  to  the  task  from  the 
sacking  of  the  Manchu  sovereigns’  Summer  Palace  ! 

But  Yehonala’s  joy  at  the  fall  of  Nanking  was  unfeignedly 
great,  and  the  Decree  in  which,  in  the  name  of  the  boy 
Emperor,  she  records  the  event  and  rewards  the  victors,  is  a 
brilliant  example  of  her  literary  style.  We  take  the 
following  extracts  from  this  document,  as  of  permanent 
interest  and  throwing  light  on  the  character  of  Tzu  Hsi. 


Decree  on  the  Fall  of  Nanking. 

“ An  express  courier  from  Tseng  Kuo-fan,  travelling 
two  hundred  miles  a day,  has  just  arrived,  bearing  the  red 
banner  of  decisive  victory  and  a Memorial  describing  the 
capture  of  Nanking,  the  suicide  and  burning  of  the  rebel 
Prince,  the  complete  destruction  of  the  Taiping  host  and  the 
capture  of  two  of  their  leading  commanders.  Perusal  of 
this  Memorial  fills  us  with  the  deepest  joy  and  gratitude, 
which  all  our  people  will  share.  The  leader  of  the  long 
haired  rebels1  Hung  Hsiu-ch’uan  first  raised  his  standard 
of  revolt  in  the  thirtieth  year  of  Tao-Kuang  (1850)  ; from 
Kuangsi  the  movement  spread  gradually  through  Hunan, 
Hupei  and  the  Yangtsze  provinces  to  Chihli  itself  and 
Shantung,  until  scarcely  a spot  in  the  wrhole  Empire  but 
bore  the  footprints  of  the  rebel  armies.  In  the  third  year  of 
Hsien-Feng  (1853)  they  took  Nanking  and  there  established 
the  seat  of  their  Government.  Uncounted  thousands  of  our 
subjects  have  fallen  victims  to  their  savage  crimes.  The 


1 So  called  because  they  declined  to  plait  the  queue,  as  a sign  that  they 
rejected  Manchu  rule. 

67  f 2 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


cup  of  their  guilt  has  indeed  overflowed.  Gods  and  men  alike 
hold  them  in.  abhorrence. 

“ Our  Imperial  father,  in  the  majesty  of  his  wrath,  and  in 
all  reverence  to  Heaven,  began  a punitive  campaign  against 
them  and  named  Kuan  Wen,  the  Viceroy  of  Wu-Ch’ang,  to 
be  his  Imperial  Commissioner  for  the  war.  This  officer 
successfully  cleared  the  Hupei  region  of  rebels  and  then 
marched  eastwards  towards  Kiangsu  in  order  to  extirpate 
them  there  also.  Later,  Tseng  Kuo-fan  was  made  Viceroy 
of  Nanking  and  Imperial  Commissioner  for  the  campaign  in 
Kiangsu  and  Anhui,  and  he  achieved  great  results,  propor- 
tionate to  his  high  responsibility. 

“ On  the  death  of  our  late  father  (1861),  half  the  cities  of 
Kiangsu  and  Chekiang  had  been  retaken  by  our  forces,  and 
it  was  a source  of  grief  to  His  Majesty,  recorded  in  his 
valedictory  Decree,  that  he  could  not  have  lived  to  see  the 
end  of  the  rebellion.  Upon  our  succeeding  to  the  goodly 
heritage  of  the  Throne,  obeying  our  late  father’s  commands 
and  listening  to  the  sage  counsel  of  the  Empresses  Regent, 
we  promoted  Tseng  Kuo-fan  to  be  an  Assistant  Grand 
Secretary  and  gave  him  full  powers  as  Commander-in-Chief 
over  the  four  provinces  of  Kiangsu,  Kiangsi,  Anhui  and 
Chekiang,  so  as  to  secure  an  undivided  plan  of  campaign. 

“ Ever  since  his  appointment  he  has  adopted  a policy  of 
masterful  strategy  in  combination  with  the  forces  of  Peng 
Yu-lin  and  Tseng  Kuo-ch’uan,1  attacking  the  rebels  both  by 
land  and  by  water.  Over  a hundred  cities  have  been 
recaptured  and  over  a hundred  thousand  rebels,  who  were 
advancing  to  the  relief  of  Nanking,  have  been  slain  and 
‘their  left  ears  cut  off.’2  Nanking  was  thus  completely 
invested  and  its  relief  became  impossible.  Early  this  month 
the  outer  defences  of  the  city  were  taken  and  some  thirty 
thousand  rebels  put  to  the  sword,  but  their  so-called  King 
and  his  desperate  followers  were  still  at  bay  in  the  inner  city, 
fighting  fiercely  to  the  end. 

“ Tseng  Kuo-fan  now  reports  that  after  the  capture  by  our 
troops  of  the  outer  city  ramparts,  the  rebels  greatly 

1 His  younger  brother,  subsequently  made  an  earl  and  Viceroy  of  Nanking 
for  many  years. 

2 This  is  merely  figurative,  referring  to  an  ancient  and  obsolete  custom. 

68 


THE  TAIPING  REBELLION 


strengthened  the  inner  defences.  Our  men  succeeded  in 
taking  the  ‘ Dragon’s  Elbow  ’ hill  and  a general  bombard- 
ment followed.  Mining  and  counter-mining  went  on 
furiously  in  the  vicinity  of  the  chief  forts  amidst  desperate 
encounters.  At  dawn  on  the  16th  all  our  forces  were  col- 
lected, and  by  springing  a mine  under  the  wall  of  the  city 
a breach  was  made  some  sixty  yards  in  width.  Our  men 
rushed  the  gap,  burst  into  the  city  and  were  advancing  on  all 
sides  when  the  rebels  from  the  wall  exploded  a magazine, 
and  many  of  our  men  were  slain.  A panic  was  oidy  averted 
by  our  leaders  cutting  down  a number  of  those  who  were 
attempting  to  fly. 

[Here  follows  a detailed  description  of  the  fghtiny,  which 
we  omit.\ 

“ By  1 a.m.  flames  were  bursting  from  the  Palace  of  the 
‘Heavenly  King’ and  the  residences  of  other  rebel  leaders. 
One  of  them  rushed  from  the  main  Palace  Hall  with  one 
thousand  followers  and  sought  refuge  in  some  houses  near 
the  south  gate  of  the  city.  After  some  seven  hundred  of  his 
men  had  been  slain,  he  was  captured,  and  on  his  person  were 
found  two  Imperial  seals  of  jade  and  one  official  seal  of  gold. 
At  3 a.m.  about  a thousand  of  the  rebels,  disguised  in  our 
uniforms,  escaped  through  the  tunnel  at  the  Gate  of  Heav- 
enly Peace  but  our  cavalry  pursued  them  and  captured  or 
destroyed  the  whole  force  at  Hu-Shu  chen,  where  their 
leader,  the  ‘ Glorious  Prince,’  was  taken  alive.  On  being 
examined,  this  leader  whose  name  was  Li  Wan-ts’ai,  admitted 
that  seven  of  the  so-called  Princes  of  the  Taipings  had  been 
slain  by  our  forces,  while  seeking  to  escape  under  cover  of 
darkness,  on  the  night  of  our  entrance  into  the  city. 

“ According  to  the  evidence  of  other  rebels,  the  arch- 
leader  Hung  Hsiu-ch’uan,  had  committed  suicide  by  taking 
poison  a month  before.  He  had  been  buried  in  the  court- 
yard of  his  Palace,  and  his  son,  the  so-called  Boy-Prince, 
had  succeeded  to  the  usurped  title.  He  also  had  com- 
mitted suicide  by  burning  when  the  city  fell.  Another 
of  their  chiefs,  one  Li  Hsiu-cheng,  had  been  wounded  and 
was  in  hiding  at  a spot  near  by,  where  our  men  found  him 
together  with  the  elder  brother  of  the  ‘ Heavenly  King.’ 

69 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


During  these  three  days,  over  a hundred  thousand  rebels 
were  killed,  of  whom  some  three  thousand  were  their 
so-called  Princes,  generals,  and  high  officers. 

“ This  glorious  victory  is  entirely  due  to  the  bountiful 
protection  of  Heaven,  to  the  ever-present  help  of  our 
Ancestors,  and  to  the  foresight  and  wisdom  of  the  Empresses 
Regent,  who,  by  employing  and  promoting  efficient  leaders 
for  their  armies,  have  thus  secured  co-operation  of  all  our 
forces  and  the  accomplishment  of  this  great  achievement, 
whereby  the  soul  of  our  late  father  in  Heaven  must  be 
comforted,  and  the  desire  of  all  people  fulfilled.  For 
ourselves  we  feel  utterly  unworthy  of  this  crowning  triumph, 
and  we  are  truly  distressed  at  the  thought  that  our  late 
father  could  not  live  to  witness  this  consummation  of  his 
unfinished  plans.  This  rebellion  has  now  lasted  fifteen  years, 
during  twelve  of  which  Nanking  has  been  held  by  the  rebels. 
They  have  devastated  about  a dozen  provinces,  and  have 
captured  some  hundreds  of  cities.  Their  final  defeat  we 
owe  to  our  Generals,  ‘ who  have  been  combed  by  the  wind 
and  bathed  in  the  rain,’  and  who  have  undergone  every 
conceivable  hardship  in  bringing  about  the  destruction  of 
these  unspeakable  traitors.  We  are  therefore  bound  to 
recognise  their  exceptional  services  by  the  bestowal  of 
exceptional  rewards.  Tseng  Kuo-fan  first  contributed  to 
this  glorious  end  by  raising  a force  of  militia  in  Hunan  and 
a fleet  of  war-vessels  with  which  he  won  great  victories, 
saving  his  province  from  complete  ruin.  He  re-captured 
Wu-Ch’ang,  cleared  the  whole  province  of  Kiangsi,  and, 
advancing  eastwards,  recovered  city  after  city.  That  glorious 
success  has  finally  crowned  our  efforts  is  due  chiefly  to 
his  masterly  strategy  and  courage,  to  his  employment  of  able 
subordinates  and  to  his  remarkable  powers  of  organisation. 
We  now  confer  upon  him  the  title  of  Senior  Guardian  of 
the  Throne,  a marquisate  of  the  first  rank,  hereditary  in 
perpetuity,  and  the  decoration  of  the  double-eyed  peacock’s 
feather. 

[Here  follows  a long  list  oj  officers  rewarded,  beginning 
with  Tseng  Kuo-jans  brother,  above  mentioned,  who  was 
given  an  earldom.  ] 

“ As  soon  as  the  troops  have  found  the  body  of  the 

70 


THE  TAIPING  REBELLION 


usurper  known  as  the  * Heavenly  King,’  Hung  Hsiu-ch’uan, 
let  it  be  dismembered  forthwith  and  let  the  head  be  sent  for 
exhibition  in  every  province  that  has  been  ravaged  by  his 
rebellion,  in  order  that  the  public  indignation  may  be 
appeased.  As  to  the  two  captured  leaders,  let  them  be  sent 
in  cages  to  Peking,  in  order  that  they  may  be  examined  and 
then  punished  with  death  by  the  lingering  process.” 

A further  Decree  announced  that  the  Emperor  would  go 
in  person  to  offer  thanksgiving  and  sacrifice  at  all  Imperial 
Temples  and  shrines,  and  make  sacrifice  to  deities  of  the 
chief  mountains  and  rivers  of  the  Empire. 

A Chinese  diarist  of  the  rebellion,  referring  to  the 
manner  in  which  the  ‘Heavenly  King’  met  Ids  death, 
says : — 

“ From  the  moment  that  the  Imperialists  captured  Ch’u- 
yung,  the  rebels,  pent  up  in  Nanking  like  wild  beasts  in  a 
cage,  were  in  a hopeless  plight.  From  the  commencement 
of  the  4th  Moon,  the  city  was  completely  invested,  and 
without  hope  of  relief.  They  were  living  on  reduced  rations 
of  one  meagre  meal  a day.  The  ‘ I lea  veidy  King ’caused 
roots  and  leaves  to  be  kneaded  and  rolled  into  pellets 
which  he  had  served  out  to  his  immediate  followers,  the 
rebel  chiefs,  saying,  * This  is  manna  from  Heaven  ; for  a 
long  time  we  in  the  Palace  have  eaten  nothing  else.’  He 
gave  orders  that  every  household  should  collect  ten  loads  of 
this  stuff  for  storage  in  the  Palace  granaries ; some  of  the 
more  ignorant  people  obeyed  the  order,  but  most  of  the 
rebels  ignored  it. 

“ The  rebel  Li  Hsiu-ch'eng,  known  as  the  ‘ Patriotic 
Prince,’  escaped  from  Ch’u-yung  and  made  his  way  to 
Nanking.  Upon  entering  the  city,  he  had  drums  beaten  and 
bells  rung  as  a signal  for  the  ‘ II ea veidy  King’  and  his 
followers  to  ascend  to  the  Throne  Chamber  for  the  discussion 
of  the  perilous  situation.  Hung  Hsiu-ch’uan  came,  and 
boastfully  ascending  the  Throne,  spake  as  follows  ‘ The 
Most  High  has  issued  to  me  his  sacred  Decree.  God 
the  Father,  and  my  Divine  elder  brother  (Christ)  have 
commanded  me  to  descend  unto  this  world  of  flesh  and 
to  become  the  one  true  lord  of  all  nations  and  kindreds 

71 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


upon  earth.  What  cause  have  I then  for  fear  ? Remain 
with  me,  or  leave  me,  as  you  choose : my  inheritance  of  this 
Empire,  which  is  even  as  an  iron  girdle  of  defence,  will  be 
protected  by  others  if  you  decline  to  protect  it.  I have  at 
my  command  an  angelic  host  of  a million  strong  : how  then 
could  a hundred  thousand  or  so  of  these  unholy  Imperialists 
enter  the  city  ’ ? When  Li  Hsiu-ch’eng  heard  this  non- 
sensical boasting,  he  burst  into  tears  and  left  the  hall. 

“ But  before  the  middle  of  the  5th  Moon,  Hung  Hsiu- 
eh’iian  had  come  to  realise  that  the  city  was  doomed,  and 
on  the  27th  day,  having  abandoned  all  hope,  he  procured  a 
deadly  poison  which  he  mixed  with  his  wine.  Then  raising 
the  cup  on  high,  he  cried,  ‘It  is  not  that  God  the  Father 
has  deceived  me,  but  it  is  I who  have  disobeyed  God  the 
Father.’  After  repeating  this  several  times  lie  drank  the 
poison.  By  midnight  the  measure  of  his  iniquity  was  full, 
and,  writhing  in  agony,  he  died.  Even  his  last  words 
showed  no  true  repentance,  although  they  amounted  to  an 
admission  of  guilt.  When  his  followers  learned  what  had 
happened,  they  wrapped  his  body  in  a coverlet  of  yellow 
silk,  embroidered  with  dragons  and  then,  following  the  rule 
of  their  religion,  buried  it,  uncoffined,  in  a corner  of  the 
Palace  ground.  They  then  placed  on  the  Throne  the  rebel’s 
son,  the  so-called  Boy-Emperor,  but  they  tried  to  keep 
secret  the  news  of  the  ‘ Heavenly  King’s  ’ death.  It 
eventually  leaked  out,  however,  and  the  courage  of  the 
besieged  dropped  to  the  last  depths  of  despair.” 

In  his  Memorial  to  the  Throne,  Tseng  Kuo-fan  described 
the  exhumation  of  the  rebel  Emperor’s  body. 

“ Even  the  feet  of  the  corpse  were  wrapped  in  dragon 
embroideries,”  he  says ; “ he  had  a bald  head  and  a beard 
streaked  with  grey.  After  examining  the  body  I beheaded  it 
and  then  burnt  it  on  a large  bonfire.  One  of  the  concubines 
in  the  usurper’s  palace,  a woman  named  Huang,  who  had 
herself  prepared  the  body  for  burial,  told  me  that  the 
‘ Heavenly  King  ’ seldom  showed  himself  to  his  Court,  so 
that  they  were  able  to  keep  his  death  a secret  for  sixteen 
days.  I am  sending  his  bogus  seals  to  Peking  that  they 
may  be  deposited  in  the  Imperial  Archives  Department.” 

72 


THE  TAIPING  REBELLION 


'Phe  Memorial  then  proceeds  : — 

“ The  prisoners  Li  Hsiu-ch’eng,  known  as  the  ‘ Patriotic 
Prince,’  was  minutely  cross-examined  by  myself,  and  his 
statement,  which  he  wrote  out  with  his  own  hand,  extends 
to  some  thirty  thousand  words.  He  narrated  in  detail  the 
first  causes  of  the  rebellion  and  described  the  present 
position  of  the  rebels  still  at  large  in  Shensi  and  elsewhere. 
He  strongly  advised  that  we  should  not  be  too  hard  on  the 
defeated  rebels  from  Kuangtung  and  Kuangsi,  on  the  ground 
that  severity  would  only  lead  to  an  increase  of  the  anti- 
dynastic  feeling  in  those  provinces.  It  seems  to  me  that 
there  is  much  sense  in  his  advice. 

“ All  my  staff  were  most  anxious  that  Li  Hsiu-ch’eng 
should  be  sent  to  Peking  in  a cage,  and  even  the  foreigner 
Gordon,  when  he  called  to  congratulate  me,  strongly  urged 
this  course.  But  it  seems  to  me  that  the  high  prestige  of 
our  Sacred  Dynasty  needs  no  such  sending  of  petty  rebels  to 
Peking  as  trophies  or  prisoners  of  war.  The  ‘ Heavenly 
King's  ’ head  is  now  being  sent  round  those  provinces  which 
were  laid  waste  by  the  rebellion,  and  this  should  suffice. 
Besides,  I feel  that  there  would  be  some  risk  of  Li  starving 
himself  to  death  on  the  journey,  or  that  a rescue  might 
even  be  attempted,  for  this  Li  was  extraordinarily  popular 
with  the  common  people.  After  the  fall  of  the  city,  some 
peasants  gave  him  shelter,  and  when  he  was  finally  captured 
the  people  of  the  village  where  he  was  taken  decoyed 
and  slew  one  of  our  men  in  revenge.  After  he  had  been  put 
in  his  cage  here,  another  rebel  leader,  the  so-called  ‘ Pine 
Prince,’ was  brought  into  camp.  As  soon  as  he  caught  sight 
of  Li,  he  went  down  on  his  knees  and  saluted  him  most 
respectfully,  I therefore  decided  to  behead  him  and  the 
sentence  was  duly  carried  out  on  the  6th  instant. 

“ The  two  elder  brothers  of  the  ‘ Heav  enly  King  ’ were  men 
of  a cruel  and  savage  nature,  who  committed  many  foul  and 
impious  crimes.  Li  detested  them  both  heartily.  When 
captured,  they  were  in  a dazed  state,  and  could  only  mumble 
‘God  the  Father,  God  the  Father.’  As  I could  get  no 
information  from  them,  and  as  they  were  sick  unto  death,  I 
had  them  both  beheaded,  two  days  before  the  execution  of 
Li  Hsiu-ch’eng.  I am  now  in  receipt  of  your  Majesties’ 

73 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


Decree,  approving  my  action  and  ordering  me  to  forward 
the  heads  of  the  three  rebel  chiefs  to  the  various  provinces 
in  order  that  public  indignation  may  be  appeased.  I have 
duly  suspended  the  heads  from  long  poles,  and  the  sight  of 
them  has  given  great  and  general  satisfaction. 

“ And  now,  victory  being  ours,  I am  led  to  the  reflection 
that  this  our  Dynasty  surpasses  all  its  predecessors  in  martial 
glory  and  has  suppressed  several  rebellions  achievements 
which  shed  lustre  on  our  history.  The  Ssu-ch’uan  and  Hupei 
rebellion  of  half  a century  ago  was,  however,  limited  to  four 
provinces,  and  only  some  twenty  cities  were  held  by  the 
rebels.  The  insurrection  of  Wu  San-kuei,  in  the  reign  of 
K’ang-Hsi,  overran  twelve  provinces,  and  the  rebels  captured 
some  three  hundred  cities  and  towns.  But  this  Taiping 
rebellion  has  been  on  a scale  vaster  than  any  before,  and  has 
produced  some  great  leaders  in  its  armies.  Here  in  Nan- 
king not  a single  rebel  surrendered.  Many  burned  themselves 
alive  rather  than  be  taken.  Such  things  are  unparalleled  in 
history,  and  we  feel  that  the  final  happy  issue  is  due  to  the 
consummate  virtue  and  wisdom  of  his  late  Majesty,  which 
alone  made  victory  possible.  By  dint  of  careful  economy  in 
the  Palace,  he  was  able  to  set  aside  large  sums  for  the 
equipment  of  adequate  forces.  Most  careful  in  his  choice  of 
leaders,  he  was  lavish  of  rewards  ; all  wise  himself,  yet  was 
he  ever  ready  to  listen  to  the  advice  of  his  generals.  Your 
Majesties  the  Empresses  and  the  Emperor  have  faithfully 
carried  out  and  even  amplified  these  principles,  and  thus 
you  have  succeeded  in  wiping  out  these  usurpers  and  have 
shed  great  glory  on  your  reign.  W e,  who  so  unworthily 
hold  your  high  command,  grieve  greatly  that  His  Majesty 
did  not  live  to  see  his  work  crowned  with  triumph.” 

For  four  years  after  the  collapse  of  the  rebellion,  Tseng 
Kuo-fan  remained  at  Nanking  as  Viceroy.  (The  Hunanese 
still  regard  that  post  as  belonging  by  prescriptive  right  to  a 
Hunanese  official.)  His  only  absence  was  during  a brief 
expedition  against  the  Mahomedan  rebels  in  Shantung. 
In  September  1868  he  was  appointed  Viceroy  of  Chihli,  and 
left  for  Peking  at  the  end  of  the  year,  receiving  a remarkable 
ovation  from  the  people  of  Nanking.  In  Peking  he  was 

74 


THE  TAIPING  REBELLION 


received  with  great  honours,  and  in  his  capacity  of  Grand 
Secretary  had  a meeting  with  the  Council  on  the  morning 
after  his  arrival,  followed  immediately  by  an  Audience,  to 
which  he  was  summoned  and  conducted  by  one  of  the 
Princes.  The  young  Emperor  was  sitting  on  a Throne 
facing  west,  and  the  Empresses  Regent  were  behind  him, 
screened  from  view  by  the  yellow  curtain,  Tzii  An  to  the 
left  and  Tzu  Hsi  to  the  right  of  the  Tlirone.  In  the 
Chinese  narrative  of  the  rebellion  to  which  we  have 
already  referred,  the  writer  professes  to  report  this  audience, 
and  several  that  followed,  practically  verbatim,  and  as  it 
affords  interesting  information  as  to  the  manner  and 
methods  of  Tzu  Hsi  on  these  occasions,  the  following 
extracts  are  worthy  of  reproduction.  It  is  to  be  observed 
that  the  writer,  like  all  his  contemporaries,  assumes  ab  initio 
that  the  Empress  Tzu  An,  though  senior,  is  a negligible 
quantity  and  that  the  whole  interest  of  the  occasion  lies 
between  Tzu  Hsi  and  the  official  in  audience. 

Upon  entering  the  Throne  room,  Tseng  fell  upon  his 
knees,  as  in  duty  bound,  and  in  that  position  advanced  a few 
feet,  saying  “ Your  servant  Tseng  Kuo-fan  respectfully 
enquires  after  Your  Majesties’  health.”  Then  removing  his 
hat  and  performing  the  kowtow,  he  humbly  returned  thanks 
for  Imperial  favours  bestowed  upon  him.  These  pre- 
liminaries completed,  he  rose  and  advanced  a few  steps  to 
kneel  on  the  cushion  prepared  for  him  below  the  dais.  The 
following  dialogue  then  took  place  : — 

Her  Majesty  Tzu  Hsi.  When  you  left  Nanking,  was  all 
your  official  work  completed  ? 

Tseng.  Y'es,  quite  completed. 

Tzii  Hsi.  Have  the  irregular  troops  and  braves  all  been 
disbanded  ? 

Tseng.  Yes,  all. 

Tzii  Hsi.  How  many  in  all  ? 

Tseng.  I have  disbanded  over  twenty  thousand  irregulars 
and  have  enrolled  thirty  thousand  regulars. 

Tzii  Hsi.  From  which  province  do  the  majority  of  these 
men  hail  ? 


75 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


Tseng.  A few  of  the  troops  come  from  Hunan,  but  the 
great  majority  are  Anhui  men. 

Tzi i Hsi.  Was  the  disbandment  effected  quite  quietly  ? 

Tseng.  Yes,  quite  quietly. 

Then  follow  numerous  questions  regarding  Tseng’s 
previous  career,  his  family,  kc.  As  soon  as  the  questions 
cease,  after  waiting  a few  minutes,  the  audience  is  at  an  end, 
and  Tseng  kowtows  and  retires.  On  each  occasion,  and  they 
were  many,  the  Empress  had  evidently  worked  up  her 
questions  carefully  from  study  of  reports  and  despatches, 
and  invariably  put  them  in  the  short  sharp  form  indicated  ; 
always  peremptory,  de  haut  en  has  and  Caesarian,  this 
woman  “ behind  the  screen,”  addressing  the  veteran  who 
had  saved  China  for  her  rule. 

After  describing  Tseng’s  important  position  at  the  Court 
banquet  given  to  high  officials,  Manchu  and  Chinese,  on  the 
the  16th  day  of  the  1st  Moon  (at  which  six  plays  were 
performed  and  the  dishes  “ passed  all  reckoning  ”),  the 
narrative  gives  an  account  of  his  farewell  audience,  at  which 
Her  Majesty  closely  cross-examined  him  as  to  his  plans  for 
the  reorganisation  of  the  naval  and  military  forces  of  Chihli. 
He  held  the  post  of  Chihli  Viceroy  for  a little  over  a year. 
The  viceregal  residence  in  those  days  was  at  Pao-ting  fu,  so 
that  when  the  Tientsin  massacre  occurred  (1870)  he  was  not 
directly  to  blame,  though  officially  responsible.  In  June  of 
that  year  the  Nanking  Viceroy  was  assassinated,  and  Tseng 
was  ordered  to  resume  duty  at  that  post,  his  place  in  Chihli 
being  taken  by  Li  Hung-chang,  who  held  it  for  twenty-four 
years.  Tseng,  whose  health  was  failing,  endeavoured  to 
have  his  appointment  to  Nanking  cancelled,  but  Tzu  Hsi 
would  take  no  excuses.  She  issued  a Decree  in  which  she 
laid  stress  on  the  arduous  nature  of  the  work  to  be  done  at 
the  southern  capital  and  Tseng’s  special  fitness  for  the  post 
which  he  had  so  ably  administered  in  the  past.  “ Even  if 
his  eyesight  troubles  him,  she  said,  “ he  can  still  exercise  a 
general  supervision.” 


76 


THE  TAIPING  REBELLION 


Before  leaving  for  the  south,  Tseng  celebrated  his  sixtieth 
birthday,  receiving  many  marks  of  Imperial  favour  and  rich 
gifts.  The  Empress  sent  him  a poem  of  congratulation  in 
her  own  handwriting,  and  a tablet  bearing  the  inscription 
“ My  lofty  pillar  and  rock  of  defence,”  together  with  an 
image  of  Buddha,  a sandalwood  sceptre  inlaid  with  jade,  a 
dragon  robe,  ten  rolls  of  “ auspicious  ” silk,  and  ten  of  crape. 
At  his  farewell  audience  the  following  interesting  conversa- 
tion took  place  : — 

Tzu  Hsi.  When  did  you  leave  Tientsin  ? 

Tseng.  On  the  23rd. 

Tzti  Hsi.  Have  the  ringleaders  in  the  massacre  of 
foreigners  been  executed  yet  ? 

Tseng.  Not  yet.  The  Consul  told  me  that  the  Russian 
Minister  was  coming  to  Tientsin  and  that  the  French 
Minister  was  sending  a deputy  to  witness  the  executions,  so 
that  the  decapitations  could  not  be  summarily  carried 
out. 

Tzu  Hsi  What  date  has  Li  Hung-chang  fixed  for  the 
executions  ? 

Tseng.  On  the  day  of  my  departure,  he  sent  me  word 
that  he  expected  to  dispose  of  them  yesterday. 

Tzu  Hsi.  Have  the  Tientsin  populace  calmed  down  ? 

Tseng.  Yes,  things  are  now  quite  settled  and  orderly. 

Tzu  Hsi.  What  made  the  Prefect  and  Magistrate  run 
away  to  Shun-Te  after  the  massacre  ? 

Tseng.  When  first  removed  from  their  posts,  they  knew 
not  what  sentence  would  be  decreed  against  them,  so  they 
boldly  and  shamelessly  ran  away  from  the  city. 

Tzu  Hsi.  Have  you  quite  lost  the  sight  of  your  right 
eye  ? 

Tseng.  Yes,  it  is  quite  blind ; but  I can  still  see  with 
the  left. 

Tzu  Hsi.  Have  you  entirely  recovered  from  your  other 
maladies  ? 

Tseng.  Yes,  1 think  I can  say  that  I have. 

Tzu  Hsi.  You  appear  to  kneel,  and  to  rise  from  that 
posture  quite  briskly  and  freely,  as  if  your  physique  were 
still  pretty  good  ? 


77 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


Tseng.  No ; it  is  not  what  it  used  to  be. 

Tzu  Hsi.  That  was  a strange  thing,  the  assassination  of 
Ma  Hsin-yi  (the  late  Viceroy  of  Nanking),  was  it  not  ? 

Tseng.  Extraordinary. 

Tzti  Hsi  He  was  a first-rate  administrator. 

Tseng.  Yes,  he  took  great  pains,  and  was  honest  and 
impartial. 

Tzh  Hsi.  How  many  regular  troops  have  you  raised  in 
Chihli  ? 

Tseng.  Three  thousand.  The  former  Viceroy  had  four 
thousand  men  trained  under  the  old  system.  I had 
intended  to  raise  three  thousand  more,  making  a total  force 
of  ten  thousand.  I have  arranged  with  Li  Hung-chang  to 
carry  out  this  programme. 

Tzu  Hsi.  It  is  of  vital  importance  that  we  should  have  a 
force  of  properly  trained  troops  in  the  south.  You  must 
see  to  this. 

Tseng.  Yes.  At  present  peace  prevails,  but  we  must  be 
prepared  for  all  possible  emergencies.  I propose  to  build 
forts  at  several  places  on  the  Yangtsze. 

Tzu  Hsi.  It  would  be  a fine  thing  if  we  could  secure 
ourselves  properly  against  invasion.  These  missionary 
complications  are  perpetually  creating  trouble  for  us. 

Tseng.  That  is  true.  Of  late  the  missionaries  have 
created  trouble  everywhere.  The  native  converts  are 
given  to  oppressing  those  who  will  not  embrace 
Christianity  (literally  “ eat  the  religion  ”)  and  the  mission- 
aries always  screen  the  converts,  while  the  Consuls  protect 
the  missionaries.  Next  year,  when  the  time  comes  for 
revising  the  French  Treaty,  we  must  take  particular  pains 
to  reconsider  carefully  the  whole  question  of  religious 
propaganda. 

In  November  Tseng  had  his  farewell  audience,  and  Tzu 
Hsi  never  saw  him  again.  A month  later  he  took  over  the 
seals  of  office  at  his  old  post,  one  of  his  first  acts  being  to 
try  the  assassin  of  his  predecessor,  who  was  condemned  to 
death  by  the  slicing  process.  In  the  following  summer  he 
went  for  a cruise  of  inspection  and  visited  various  places  of 
interest,  noting  with  satisfaction  the  complete  restoration  of 

78 


THE  TAIPING  REBELLION 

law  and  order  in  the  districts  which  liad  been  for  so  long  the 
scene  of  the  Taipings’  devastations.  On  one  occasion,  seeing 
the  gaily  decked  “ Hower-boats  ” and  listening  to  the  sounds 
of  their  revelries,  he  joyfully  exclaimed  : “ I am  glad  to  have 
lived  to  see  my  province  as  it  was  before  the  rebellion.'’  In 
December  he  moved  into  the  Viceregal  residence  which  he 
had  known  as  the  Palace  of  the  Taiping  “ Heavenly  King.” 
But  he  was  not  long  to  administer  that  high  office,  for  in  the 
early  part  of  1872  he  had  a first  stroke  of  paralysis.  A few 
days  later,  going  in  his  chair  to  meet  a high  official  arriving 
from  Peking,  and  reciting,  as  was  his  wont,  favourite  passages 
from  the  classics,  he  suddenly  made  a sign  to  his  attendants, 
but  speech  failed  him  and  he  could  only  mumble.  In  his 
diary  that  same  evening,  he  wrote : — “ This  illness  of 
mine  prevents  me  from  attending  to  my  work.  In  the 
26th  and  27th  years  of  Tao-Kuang  (1846-7)  I found  that 
efforts  at  poetical  composition  brought  on  attacks  of 
eczema  and  insomnia.  Now  it  is  different.  I feel  all  dazed 
and  confused.  Spots  float  before  my  eyes  and  my  liver  is 
disordered.  Alas,  that  I can  neither  obtain  a speedy  release, 
like  the  morning  dew  which  swiftly  passes  away,  nor  hope 
for  the  restoration  of  energies  to  enable  me  to  perform  my 
duty.  What  sadder  fate  than  thus  to  linger  on,  useless,  in 
the  world  ! ” On  the  next  day  he  wrote  : — “ My  strength  is 
rapidly  failing,  and  I must  leave  behind  me  many  unsettled 
questions  and  business  half  completed.  The  dead  leaves 
of  disappointed  hopes  fill  all  the  landscape,  and  I see  no 
prospect  of  settling  my  affairs.  Thirty  years  have  passed 
since  I took  my  degree,  and  I have  attained  to  the  highest 
rank ; yet  have  I learned  nothing,  and  my  character  still 
lacks  true  solidity.  What  shame  should  be  mine  at  having 
reached  thus  uselessly  old  age  ! ” Next  day,  while  reading  a 
despatch,  he  had  another  stroke.  Rallying,  he  told  his 
eldest  son,  Tseng  Chi-tse,  to  see  to  it  that  his  funeral 
ceremonies  were  conducted  after  the  old  usages,  and  that 
neither  Buddhist  nor  Taoist  priests  be  permitted  to  chant 

79 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


their  liturgies  over  his  corpse.  On  the  following  morning, 
though  very  weak,  he  insisted  on  perusing  one  of  the  essays 
which  had  been  successful  at  the  provincial  examination. 
In  the  evening  he  was  taken  out  into  his  garden  and  was 
returning  thence  with  his  son  when  the  last  seizure  occurred. 
They  carried  him  into  the  great  Hall  of  audience,  where  he 
sat  upright,  as  if  presiding  at  a meeting  of  Council,  and  thus 
passed  away,  well  stricken  in  age,  though  only  sixty-two  by 
the  calendar.  “ Every  man  in  Nanking,”  says  the  writer  of 
this  narrative,  “ felt  as  if  he  had  lost  a parent ; it  was 
rumoured  that  a shooting  star  had  fallen  in  the  city  at  the 
very  moment  of  his  death.  The  news  was  received  by  the 
Throne  with  profound  grief.  All  Court  functions  were 
suspended  for  three  days.” 

The  Empress  Dowager  issued  a Decree  praising  her 
faithful  servant  in  unmeasured  terms  of  gratitude  and  esteem, 
describing  him  as  the  “ very  backbone  of  the  Throne,”  reciting 
his  glorious  achievements  and  ordering  the  erection  of 
Temples  in  his  honour  in  all  the  provinces  that  had  been  the 
scene  of  his  campaign  against  the  Taipings,  in  order  “ to 
prove  our  sincere  affection  for  this  good  and  loyal  man.” 


80 


VI 

TZU  HSI  AND  THE  EUNUCHS 

One  of  the  facts  upon  which  modern  Chinese  historians, 
Censors,  Imperial  Tutors  and  Guardians  of  the  Heir 
Apparent  have  repeatedly  laid  stress,  is  that  the  Ming 
Dynasty  became  effeminate,  then  degenerate,  and  was 
eventually  lost,  because  of  the  demoralising  influence  of  the 
eunuch  system  on  the  Court  and  its  official  entourage. 
Upon  this  text,  moral  exhortations  in  the  best  classical 
manner  have  been  addressed  to  the  Throne  for  centuries, 
regardless  of  the  consideration  that  most  of  the  writers  owed 
their  positions,  and  hoped  to  owe  further  advancement,  to 
the  eunuchs,  who  had  the  sovereign’s  ear.  These  Memorials 
were  usually  only  a part  of  the  hoary  fabric  of  pious  platitudes 
and  shadowy  shibboleths  which  loom  so  large  in  the  stock  in 
trade  of  China’s  bureaucacy  (in  which  matter  China  stands 
not  alone),  and  the  Empress  Dowager,  under  whose  rule  the 
evil  grew  and  assumed  monstrous  proportions,  was  ever 
wont  to  play  her  part  in  this  elaborate  farce,  by  solemnly 
approving  the  views  of  the  bold  critics  and  by  professing 
the  greatest  indignation  at  the  misdeeds  of  her  eunuch 
myrmidons  and  retainers. 

There  have  been,  of  course,  sincere  and  eloquent  critics 
of  this  pernicious  system  and  its  attendant  evils ; in  fact, 
scarcely  a reformer  worthy  of  the  name  during  the  past 
fifty  years  has  failed  to  place  the  abolition  of  eunuchs  in  the 

81  G 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 

front  rank  of  the  measures  necessary  to  bring  China  into 
line  with  the  civilised  Powers.  There  is  no  doubt  that  one 
of  the  first  causes  of  the  coup  d'etat  in  1898  arose  from  the 
hatred  of  the  Chief  Eunuch,  Li  Lien-ying.  for  the  Emperor 
Kuang-Hsii  (who  years  before  had  ventured  to  have  him 
beaten),  and  his  not  unnatural  apprehension  that  the 
Emperor  intended  to  follow  up  his  reforms  of  the  Peking 
Administration  by  devoting  his  attention  to  the  Palace  and 
to  the  abolition  of  eunuchs.  As  to  the  Boxer  rising,  it  has 
been  clearly  proved  that  this  notorious  and  powerful 
Chamberlain  used  all  the  weight  of  his  great  influence  with 
his  Imperial  mistress  on  behalf  of  the  anti-foreign  movement, 
and  that,  if  justice  had  been  done  (that  is  to  say  had  he  not 
been  protected  by  the  Russian  Legation),  his  should  have 
been  one  of  the  very  first  names  on  the  Peace  Protocol 
“ Black  List.”  The  part  which  Li  Lien-ying  played  in  these 
two  national  crises  of  recent  years  is  mentioned  here  chiefly 
to  emphasise  the  fact  that  the  platitudinous  utterances  of 
the  orthodox  express,  as  usual,  a very  real  and  widespread 
grievance,  and  that  the  falsetto  notes  of  the  Censorate  are 
answered  by  a deep  undertone  of  dissatisfaction  and  disgust 
throughout  the  provinces.  It  is  for  this  reason  that, 
especially  during  the  past  five  years,  progressive  and 
patriotic  Chinese  officials  ( e.g . men  like  the  Viceroy  Yuan 
Shih-k’ai  and  Tang  Shao-yi,  who  realise  how  greatly  the 
persistence  of  this  barbarous  medievalism  lowers  China  in 
the  eyes  of  the  world),  as  well  as  the  unanimous  voice  of  the 
vernacular  Press,  have  urged  that  the  Court  should  now 
dispense  with  eunuchs,  a measure  which  the  Regent  is  said 
to  favour,  but  which — such  is  the  power  wielded  by  these 
“ fawning  sycophants  ” — would  undoubtedly  be  difficult  and 
possibly  dangerous.  As  early  as  1906,  The  Times  corres- 
pondent at  Peking  was  discussing  the  possibility  of  their 
early  removal  as  one  of  the  many  reforms  which  then  shone 
so  brightly  on  the  horizon.  In  the  Chinese  conservative’s 
opinion,  however,  which  still  weighs  heavily  in  China, 

82 


TZU  MSI  AND  THE  EUNUCHS 

there  are  centuries  of  precedents  and  arguments  to  be 
adduced  in  favour  of  a system  which  has  obtained 
continuously  since  long  before  the  beginning  ol  the 
Christian  era,  which  coincides  with  the  Chinese  accepted 
ideas  of  polygamy,  and  recognises  the  vital  importance  of 
legitimacy  of  succession  in  relation  to  the  national  religion 
of  ancestor  worship.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  true  that  in 
the  golden  days  of  the  Sage  Emperors  at  the  beginning  of 
the  Chou  Dynasty,  eunuchs  had  no  place  in  the  body 
politic.  Later,  during  the  period  of  that  Dynasty’s  decay 
and  the  era  of  the  feudal  States,  Confucius  refers  with 
disapproval  to  their  baneful  influence,  so  that  the  Sage’s 
authority  may  be  adduced  against  them  and  their  proceedings. 

With  the  establishment  of  the  present  Dynasty  at  Peking 
(1644),  the  Manchus  took  over,  as  conquerors,  all  the  existing 
machinery  and  personnel  of  the  Chinese  Court,  eunuchs 
included,  but  they  lost  no  time  in  restricting  the  latter’s 
activities  and  opportunities.  At  the  first  audience  held  by 
the  young  Emperor  Shim-Chili,  the  high  officials,  Manchu 
and  Chinese,  united  to  protest  against  the  recent  high-handed 
proceedings  of  the  Court  menials,  declaring  them  to  be 
“ fit  only  to  sweep  floors,  and  in  no  wise  entitled  to  have 
access  to  the  Monarch.”  Regulations  were  promptly  intro- 
duced, which  remain  in  force  (on  paper)  to  this  day,  forbidding 
any  eunuch  to  occupy  any  official  position,  or  to  hold  any 
honorific  rank  or  title  higher  than  a Button  of  the  fourth 
class.  More  important  still,  in  view  of  the  far-reaching 
conspiracy  of  the  Chief  Eunuch,  Wei  Chung  (whom  the  last 
of  the  Mings  had  beheaded),  was  the  law  then  introduced, 
which  forbade  any  eunuch  to  leave  the  capital  on  any 
pretext  whatsoever.  For  the  next  two  hundred  years, 
thanks  to  the  wise  rule  and  excellent  traditions  handed  down 
by  the  two  famous  Emperors  K’ang-Hsi  and  Ch’ien-Lung, 
the  Palace  eunuchs  were  kept  generally  under  very  strict 
discipline  ; but  with  the  present  century,  when  degeneration 
had  set  in  strongly  under  the  dissolute  monarch  Hsien-Feng, 

83  G 2 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


and  even  before  the  appearance  of  Yehonala  on  the  scene, 
their  evil  influence  had  again  become  paramount  in  the 
Forbidden  City.  With  Tzu  Hsi’s  accession  to  power,  all  the 
corruption,  intrigues  and  barbarous  proceedings,  that  had 
characterised  the  last  Mings,  were  gradually  re-established  and 
became  permanent  features  of  her  Court. 

Of  the  power  which  the  eunuchs  exercised  throughout  the 
whole  of  Tzu  Hsi’s  reign,  there  is  no  possible  doubt : 
the  abuses  which  they  practised  under  her  protection, 
abuses  flagrant  and  unconcealed,  increased  with  the  passing 
years  and  her  own  growing  indifference  to  criticsm,  until, 
after  1898,  her  favourite  and  chief  body-servant,  Li  Lien- 
ying  did  not  scruple  to  boast  that  he  could  make  or  mar  the 
highest  officials  at  his  pleasure  and  defy  the  Son  of  Heaven 
on  his  Throne.  Of  the  countless  legends  of  debauchery  in 
the  Palace,  of  orgies  devised  for  Tzu  Hsi  by  the  Court 
eunuchs  and  actors,  there  is  naturally  nothing  approaching 
to  direct  evidence  : the  frequent  denunciations  by  Censors 
and  the  scurrilous  writings  of  Cantonese  and  other  lamp- 
ooners, afford  at  best  but  circumstantial  proof.  The  writings 
of  K’ang  Yu-wei  and  his  associates,  in  particular,  are  clearly 
inspired  by  blind  and  unscrupulous  hatred,  and  so  inaccurate 
in  matters  of  common  knowledge  and  history,  that  one  must 
perforce  discount  the  value  of  their  statements  wherever  the 
Empress  Dowager  or  Jung  Lu  are  concerned.  But  common 
report  in  China,  as  elsewhere,  is  usually  based  on  some 
foundation  of  truth,  and  in  Peking,  where  the  mass  of  the 
population  has  always  been  conspicuously  loyal  to  Tzu  Hsi, 
there  have  never  been  two  opinions  as  to  the  extravagance 
and  general  profligacy  of  her  Court  and  of  the  evils  of  the 
eunuch  regime.  Nor  is  there  room  for  doubt  as  to  the 
deplorable  effect  exercised  by  these  vicious  underlings  on 
weak  and  undisciplined  Emperors,  rulers  of  decadent  instincts 
often  encouraged  in  vicious  practices  to  their  speedy  undoing. 
That  this  was  the  fate  of  Tzti  Hsi’s  own  son,  the  Emperor 
T ung-Chill,  is  well-known,  nor  is  there  any  doubt  that  the 

84 


TZU  FIST  AND  THE  EUNUCHS 


deaths  of  both  IIsien-Feng  and  Kuang-Hsii  were  hastened,  if 
not  caused,  by  the  temptations  to  which  they  were  exposed 
by  their  vicious  environment.  The  inner  history  of  the 
Celestial  Empire  and  the  Manchu  Dynasty  during  the  last 
seventy  years  is  inextricably  bound  up  with  that  of  the 
Palace  eunuchs  and  their  far-reaching  intrigues.  During 
the  half  century  of  Tzu  Hsi’s  rule,  the  power  behind  the 
Throne  (literally  a power  of  darkness  in  high  places)  was  that 
of  her  favourite  Chamberlains.  Of  these  the  last,  who  has 
survived  her,  Li  Lien-ying,  is  known  by  his  nickname  of 
“Cobbler’s  Wax  Li  ” (Pi  Hsiao  Li) 1 from  one  end  of  the 
Empire  to  the  other  as  the  chief  “ squeezer  ” and  arch  villain 
of  many  a Palace  tragedy.  His  influence  over  his  Imperial 
mistress  was  indeed  remarkable ; on  all  occasions,  except 
State  audiences,  she  was  wont  to  treat  him  with  an 
affectionate  familiarity,  and  to  allow  him  a sans-gene,  to 
which  no  courtier,  nor  any  member  of  her  own  family  (save 
perhaps  Jung  Lu)  dared  ever  aspire. 

During  the  Court’s  residence,  and  the  Emperor’s  illness, 
at  Jehol  in  1861,  the  young  Yehonala  had  occasion  to  notice 
and  to  appreciate  the  intelligence  and  willing  service  ren- 
dered by  one  of  the  eunuchs  in  immediate  attendance 
upon  her ; this  servant,  by  name  An  Te-hai,  became  her 
faithful  henchman  throughout  the  crisis  of  the  Tsai  Yuan 
conspiracy,  and  her  intermediary  and  confidant  in  her 
dealings  with  the  young  guardsman,  Jung  Lu.  Upon 
her  - accession  to  the  Co-Regency,  he  became  her  favourite 
attendant  and  emissary,  and  later  her  dme  darnnee, 
sharing  in  all  her  ambitious  hopes  and  plans,  with  no  small 
advantage  to  himself,  while  at  the  same  time  employing 
his  undeniable  talents  to  the  diversion  of  the  young  widow’s 
mind  by  the  provision  of  the  elaborate  Court  pageants 
and  theatrical  entertainments  which  her  soul  loved.  An 

1 So  named  because,  before  becoming  a eunuch  at  the  age  of  sixteen,  he 
was  apprenticed  to  a cobbler  at  his  native  place,  Ho-Chien  fu,  in  Chihli 
from  which  district  most  of  the  eunuchs  come. 

85 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


Te-hai  was  himself  an  actor  of  no  mean  ability  and  ex- 
ceedingly handsome  of  his  person. 

It  was  at  this  time,  before  the  Regency  was  firmly  estab- 
lished and  while  yet  the  reverberating  echoes  of  the  Tsai 
Yuan  conspiracy  lingered  in  Chihli,  that  the  leading  Censors 
began  to  send  in  Memorials  against  the  self-evident  extra- 
vagance and  the  rumoured  profligacy  of  Tzu  Hsi’s  Palace. 
The  young  Yehonala,  headstrong  and  already  impatient 
of  criticism  and  restraint,  confident  also  in  the  strength 
and  loyalty  of  her  immediate  following,  never  allowed  these 
remonstrances  to  affect  her  conduct  in  the  slightest  degree  ; 
nevertheless,  a stickler  always  for  etiquette  and  appearances, 
and  an  adept  at  “ face-saving  ” arts,  she  had  no  objection 
to  expressing  the  heartiest  approval  of,  and  agreement  with, 
her  professional  moralists.  On  more  than  one  occasion, 
in  those  first  years,  we  find  her  proclaiming  in  most  suitably 
worded  Edicts,  pious  intentions  which  were  never  intended 
to  be  taken  seriously  by  anyone,  and  never  were.  The 
following  Decree,  issued  in  the  third  year  of  the  Regency, 
(1864)  is  a case  in  point,  and  particularly  interesting  in  that 
it  refers  to  the  wholesale  pilfering  by  eunuchs  in  the  Palace, 
which  has  continued  without  interruption  to  this  day. 

A Decree  in  the  name  of  the  two  Empresses  Regent, 
in  the  third  year  of  the  Emperor  T’ung-Chih : — 

“ The  Censor  Chia  To  memorialises,  saying  that  it  has 
come  to  his  knowledge  that  certain  of  the  eunuchs  who 
perform  theatricals  in  the  Imperial  Household,  have  had 
their  costumes  made  of  tribute  silks  and  satins  taken  from 
the  Imperial  storehouses.  He  asserts  that  they  perform 
daily  before  the  Throne  and  regularly  receive  largesse  to  the 
amount  of  thousands  of  taels.  He  asks  that  these  practices 
be  forbidden  and  discontinued  forthwith,  in  order  that  all 
tendency  towards  vicious  courses  may  be  checked. 

“ With  reference  to  this  Memorial,  it  should  be  stated 
that  last  year,  although  the  twenty-seven  months  of 
Imperial  mourning  for  the  late  monarch  were  drawing  to 
their  close,  we  issued  a Decree  forbidding  all  festivities,  for 

86 


TZU  HSI  AND  THE  EUNUCHS 


the  reason  that  His  late  Majesty’s  remains  had  not  yet  been 
removed  to  their  final  place  of  sepulture;  at  the  same  time  we 
gave  orders  that  the  seasonal  tribute  in  kind,  and  provincial 
offerings,  should  be  forwarded,  as  usual,  in  order  to  provide 
eventually  for  the  costuming  of  the  Palace  theatricals,  with 
reference  to  which  matter  we  intended  to  issue  another 
Decree  in  due  course,  upon  the  conclusion  of  the  funeral 
ceremonies.  We  seized  the  opportunity,  in  this  same  Edict, 
to  abolish  once  and  for  all  the  custom  of  bringing  actors  to 
the  Palace  to  be  made  eunuchs,  holding  it  to  be  wise,  while 
His  Majesty  is  still  a minor,  that  everything  that  might 
tend  in  any  way  to  lead  him  into  paths  of  extravagance  and 
dissipation  should  be  firmly  nipped  in  the  bud.  The  Censor’s 
present  Memorial  has  therefore  filled  us  with  real  amazement. 
At  a time  like  this,  when  rebellions  are  still  raging,  and  our 
people  are  in  sore  distress,  when  our  treasuries  are  empty 
and  our  revenues  insufficient  for  the  needs  of  Government, 
our  hearts  are  heavy  with  sorrowful  thoughts,  and  must  be 
so,  especially  as  long  as  His  late  Majesty’s  remains  have  not 
yet  been  borne  to  their  final  resting  place.  How  then  could 
we  possibly  permit  such  a state  of  things  as  the  Censor 
describes  ?J  Furthermore,  it  is  the  duty  of  the  Comptroller 
of  our  Household  to  keep  a complete  inventory  of  all  bullion 
and  silken  stuffs  in  the  Palace,  none  of  which  can  be  touched 
without  our  express  permission.  Surely  this  is  sufficient  to 
prove  that  all  these  rumours  are  utterly  devoid  of 
foundation. 

“ Nevertheless,  in  our  remote  seclusion  of  the  Palace,  it  is 
inevitable  that  we  should  be  kept  in  ignorance  of  much  that 
goes  on,  so  that  it  is  just  possible  there  may  be  some  ground 
for  these  reports.  It  may  be  that  certain  evil-disposed 
eunuchs  have  been  committing  irregularities  beyond  the 
Palace  precincts,  and,  if  so,  such  conduct  must  be  stopped 
at  all  costs.  We  hereby  command  that  drastic  measures  be 
taken  to  deal  with  the  offenders  at  once. 

“ It  is  imperatively  necessary  that  the  Emperor,  in  the 
intervals  of  his  studies,  should  have  about  his  person  only 
honest  and  steady  retainers,  with  whom  he  may  converse  on 

1 This  form  of  argument,  under  similar  conditions,  obtains  all  over  the 
Empire.  “ How  could  I possibly  squeeze  my  master  ? !’  says  the  servant. 

87 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


the  arts  and  practice  of  government.  If  his  attendants  are 
evil  men  and  make  it  their  business  to  flatter  his  ears  and 
divert  his  eyes  with  luxurious  and  effeminate  pastimes,  the 
result  might  well  be  to  produce  in  His  Majesty  most 
undesirable  tendencies  ; and  any  fault  in  the  Emperor,  how- 
ever trifling,  is  liable  to  involve  the  State  in  far-reaching 
misfortunes.  We  therefore  hereby  authorise  the  Ministers 
of  our  Household  to  see  to  it  that  the  Chief  Eunuch  enforces 
strict  discipline  upon  all  his  subordinates,  and  should  any  of 
them  hereafter  venture  to  commit  presumptuous  acts,  or  to 
display  their  overweening  arrogance,  they  must  at  once  be 
arrested  by  the  police  and  severely  punished.  And  should 
such  a case  occur  the  Chief  Eunuch  will  also  be  dismissed 
for  neglect  of  his  duty  of  supervision,  and  the  Comptrollers 
of  the  Household  will  incur  our  severe  displeasure,  with 
penalties.  Let  this  Decree  be  copied  and  preserved  in  the 
archives  of  the  Household  and  the  Ante-Chambers.” 

As  everyone  in  the  capital  was  well  aware  of  Yehonala’s 
passion  for  the  theatre,  this  Decree  was  naturally  regarded 
as  so  much  “ fine  writing  on  waste  paper,”  and  it  is  notice- 
able that  from  this  time  until  her  favourite  and  chief  eunuch 
An  Te-hai,  came  to  his  dramatic  end,  the  Censors  continued 
to  impeach  her  and  to  denounce  the  ever  increasing  extrava- 
gance, which  was  already  seriously  disorganising  the  Metro- 
politan Government’s  finances  and  entailing  fresh  corvees  in 
the  provinces. 

In  1866,  two  courageous  Censors  memorialised  on  this 
subject,  having  particularly  in  their  minds  the  abuses  caused 
by  the  unlawful  proceedings  of  An  Te-hai. 

“ More  care,”  said  they,  “ should  be  shown  in  the  selection 
of  the  Emperor’s  body-servants.  All  the  disasters  that  have 
overtaken  previous  Dynasties  have  been  directly  due  to  the 
machinations  and  evil  influence  of  eunuchs.  These  creatures 
worm  their  way  into  the  confidence  and  even  into  the 
affection  of  the  Throne  by  their  protestations  of  loyalty  and 
faithful  service  ; they  are  past-masters  in  every  art  of  adroit 
flattery.  Having  once  secured  the  Imperial  favour  and 

88 


TZU  HSI  AND  THE  EUNUCHS 


protection,  they  proceed  to  attach  to  themselves  troops  of 
followers,  and  gradually  make  for  themselves  a place  of 
power  that  in  time  becomes  unassailable.  W e,  your 
Memorialists,  therefore  beg  that  this  danger  be  now  averted  by 
the  selection  of  well-bred  and  trustworthy  attendants  to  wait 
upon  His  Majesty.  There  should  not  be  about  the  Throne 
any  young  eunuchs  of  attractive  appearance,  creatures  who 
make  it  their  aim  to  establish  influence  over  the  Emperor 
and  who  would  certainly  turn  it  to  their  own  ends  so  soon  as 
he  assumes  the  control  of  affairs.” 

In  the  Decree  commenting  on  this  Memorial,  the 
Empresses  Regent,  in  the  name  of  the  Emperor,  observe  : — 

“This  Memorial  is  very  much  to  the  point.  History  is 
full  of  instances  where  disaster  lias  been  brought  about  by 
eunuchs,  and  the  example  afforded  us  by  those  rulers  who 
have  been  corrupted  and  undone  by  these  ‘ rats  and  foxes,’ 
should  serve  as  timely  warning  to  ourselves.  By  the  divine 
wisdom  of  our  predecessors  on  the  Throne,  not  only  have 
eunuchs  been  forbidden  to  meddle  in  all  business  of  State, 
but  they  have  never  been  permitted  to  gain  the  ear  of 
the  sovereign,  or  to  influence  him  in  any  wray,  so  that,  for  the 
past  two  hundred  years,  eunuch  influence  has  been  a thing 
of  the  past,  and  these  fawning  sycophants  have  enjoyed  no 
opportunity  of  practising  their  evil  arts  of  intrigue.  Ever 
since  their  Majesties,  the  present  Empresses  Dowager, 
assumed  the  Regency,  they  also  have  conformed  strictly 
to  this  House-hvw  of  our  Dynasty,  and  have  refused  to  allow 
these  artful  minions  undue  access  to  their  Presence.  As 
wre  peruse  the  present  Memorial,  wre  must  admit  that  it 
evinces  a very  clear  perception  of  those  dangers  winch  may 
overtake  the  State  because  of  the  undue  influence  of 
eunuchs.  Our  feelings,  while  reading  it,  are  like  those 
of  the  man  who  ‘ treading  upon  the  hoar-frost,  realises  that 
winter  is  at  hand.’ 1 We  therefore  nowr  command  that  if  any 
of  these  noisome  flatterers  are  attempting  to  pervert  the 
intelligence  of  the  Throne,  the  matter  must  be  dealt  with 

1 Quotation  from  the  Book  of  Changes,  implying  a sense  of  impending 
danger. 


89 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


promptly,  and  we  must  be  informed,  so  that  their  fitting 
punishment  may  be  secured.  We  desire  that  all  our 
attendants  shall  be  of  indisputable  integrity  and  good 
morals,  so  that  the  door  may  be  firmly  shut  on  all  evil 
and  degrading  tendencies.” 

Thus,  Tzu  Hsi,  in  her  best  manner,  “for  the  gallery.” 
But,  “ in  the  deep  seclusion  of  our  Palace,”  life  went  on 
as  before,  the  merry  round  of  an  Oriental  Trianon,  while 
the  Chief  Eunuch’s  influence  over  the  young  Empress 
became  greater  every  day.  It  was  common  knowledge, 
and  the  gossip  of  the  tea-houses,  that  his  lightest  whim 
was  law  in  the  Forbidden  City;  that  Yehonala  and  he, 
dressed  in  fancy  costumes  from  historical  plays,  would  make 
frequent  excursions  on  the  Palace  lake ; that  he  frequently 
wore  the  Dragon  robes  sacred  to  the  use  of  the  sovereign, 
and  that  the  Empress  had  publicly  presented  him  with 
the  jade  “ju-yi,”  symbol  of  royal  power.  Under  these 
circumstances  it  was  only  natural,  if  not  inevitable,  that 
unfounded  rumours  should  be  rife  in  exaggeration  of  the 
real  facts,  and  so  we  find  it  reported  that  An  Te-hai  was 
no  eunuch,  and  again,  that  Yehonala  had  been  delivered 
of  a son  1 of  which  he  was  the  father ; many  fantastic  and 
moving  tales  were  current  of  the  licentious  festivities  of 
the  Court,  of  students  masquerading  as  eunuchs  and  then 
being  put  out  of  the  way  in  the  subterranean  galleries  of 
the  Palace.  Rumours  and  tales  of  orgies  ; inventions  no 
doubt,  for  the  most  part,  yet  inevitable  in  the  face  of  the 
notorious  and  undeniable  corruption  that  had  characterised 
the  Court  and  the  seraglio  under  the  dissolute  Hsien-Feng, 
and  justified,  if  not  confirmed,  as  time  went  on,  by  an 
irresistible  consensus  of  opinion  in  the  capital,  and  by  fully 
substantiated  events  in  the  Empress  Dowager’s  career. 

Of  these  events,  one,  which  had  far-reaching  results, 
was  her  violation  of  the  dynastic  house-law  which  forbade 

1 Chinese  pamphleteers  in  Gniton  record  the  event  with  much  detail,  and 
state  that  this  son  is  alive  to-day  under  the  name  of  Chiu  Min. 

90 


by  Court  Ladies  and  Eunuchs 


TZU  HSI  AND  THE  EUNUCHS 


eunuchs  to  leave  the  capital.  In  18G9,  being  short  of  funds, 
and  desiring  to  replenish  her  Privy  Purse  without  consulting 
Prince  Kung  or  her  colleague  the  Co-Regent,  she  despatched 
her  favourite  An  Te-hai  on  a special  mission  to  Shantung, 
where  he  was  to  collect  tribute  in  her  name.1  By  this  time 
the  Chief  Eunuch  had  incurred  the  bitter  enmity  of  several 
of  the  Princes  of  the  Imperial  Clan,  and  especially  of 
Prince  Kung,  not  only  because  of  his  growing  influence 
over  Tzu  Hsi,  but  because  of  his  insolent  bearing  to  all 
at  Court.  On  one  occasion  the  Empress  had  curtly  sent 
word  to  Prince  Kung  that  she  could  not  grant  him  audience 
because  she  was  busy  talking  to  the  eunuch,  an  insult  which 
the  Prince  never  forgot  and  which  cost  the  favourite  his  life, 
besides  leading  to  the  disgrace  of  the  Prince  and  other 
consequences  serious  to  the  Empire. 

The  Chief  Eunuch’s  illegal  mission  to  Shantung,  and 
his  outrageous  behaviour  in  that  province,  provided  Prince 
Kung  with  a long-sought  opportunity  not  only  of  wreaking 
vengeance  on  him  but  of  creating  rivalry  and  enmity 
between  the  Empresses  Regent.  The  Governor  of  Shan- 
tung, an  able  and  courageous  official  named  Ting  Pao-ehen, 
who  had  distinguished  himself  in  the  Taiping  rebellion, 
was  highly  incensed  at  the  arrogant  eunuch’s  assumption  of 
Imperial  authority,  and  being  quite  au  courant  with  the 
position  of  affairs  in  the  Palace,  he  reported  direct  to  Prince 
Kung  and  asked  for  instructions.  The  Governor’s  despatch 
reached  the  Prince  while  Tzu  Hsi  was  amusing  herself  with 
theatricals  ; without  a moment’s  delay  he  sought  audience  of 
Tzu  An,  the  Co-Regent  Empress,  and,  playing  upon  her 
vanity  and  weak  disposition,  induced  her  to  sign  a Decree, 
which  he  drafted  in  her  presence,  ordering  the  eunuch’s 

1 A fantastic  account  of  this  mission  is  contained  in  an  imaginative  work 
recently  published  ( La  Vie  Secrete  de  la  Cour  de  Chine,  Paris,  1910),  where 
the  Chief  Eunuch’s  name  is  given  as  “ Siao.”  This  curious  blunder  is  due 
to  the  fact  that  the  Eunuch’s  nickname,  on  account  of  his  stature,  wras 
“Hsiao  An’rh  ” (little  An),  just  as  Li  hien-Ying’s  is  “ P’i  Hsiao”  Li  all  over 
China. 


91 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


summary  decapitation,  the  customary  formality  of  a trial  in 
Peking  being  dispensed  with.  Tzu  An,  hard  pressed  as 
she  was,  gave  her  consent  reluctantly  and  with  a clear 
presentiment  of  evil  to  come  from  the  wrath  of  her  masterful 
colleague.  “The  Western  Empress  will  assuredly  kill  me 
for  this,”  she  is  reported  to  have  said  to  the  Prince,  as  she 
handed  him  the  sealed  Decree,  which  Kung  sent  off  post- 
haste by  special  courier. 

The  following  is  the  text  of  this  interesting  document : — 

“ Ting  Pao-chen  reports  that  a eunuch  has  been  creating 
disturbances  in  the  province  of  Shantung.  According  to 
the  Department  Magistrate  of  Te  Chou,  a eunuch  named 
An  and  his  followers  passed  through  that  place  by  way  of 
the  Imperial  Canal,  in  two  dragon  barges,  with  much  display 
of  pomp  and  pageantry.  He  announced  that  he  had  come 
on  an  Imperial  mission  to  procure  Dragon  robes.  His 
barges  flew  a black  banner,  bearing  in  its  centre  the  triple 
Imperial  emblems  of  the  Sun,  and  there  were  also  Dragon 
and  Phoenix  flags  flying  on  both  sides  of  his  vessels.1  A 
goodly  company  of  both  sexes  were  in  attendance  on  this 
person ; there  were  female  musicians,  skilled  in  the  use  of 
string  and  wind  instruments.  The  banks  of  the  Canal  were 
lined  with  crowds  of  spectators,  who  witnessed  with  amaze- 
ment and  admiration  his  progress.  The  21st  day  of  last 
month  happened  to  be  this  eunuch’s  birthday,  so  he  arrayed 
himself  in  Dragon  robes,  and  stood  on  the  foredeck  of  his 
barge,  to  receive  the  homage  of  his  suite.  The  local 
Magistrate  was  just  about  to  order  his  arrest  when  the 
barges  set  sail  and  proceeded  southwards.  The  Governor 
adds  that  he  has  already  given  orders  for  his  immediate 
arrest. 

“ We  are  dumfoundered  at  this  report.  How  can  we 
hope  ever  to  purify  the  standard  of  morals  in  the  Palace  and 
frighten  evil-doers,  unless  we  make  an  example  of  this 
insolent  eunuch,  who  has  dared  to  leave  Peking  without  our 
permission  and  to  commit  these  lawless  deeds  ? The 
Governors  of  the  three  provinces  of  Shantung,  Honan  and 


1 The  Phoenix  flag  signified  that  he  was  sent  by  the  Empresses  Regent. 

92 


T ZtJ  HSI  AND  THE  EUNUCHS 


Kiangsu  are  ordered  to  seek  out  and  arrest  the  eunuch  An, 
whom  we  had  formerly  honoured  with  rank  of  the  sixth 
grade  and  the  decoration  of  the  crow’s  feather.  Upon  his 
being  duly  identified  by  his  companions,  let  him  be  forth- 
with beheaded,  without  further  formalities,  no  attention  is 
to  be  paid  to  any  crafty  explanations  which  he  may  attempt 
to  make.  The  Governors  concerned  will  be  held  responsible 
in  the  event  of  failure  to  effect  his  arrest.” 

Tzii  Hsi  remained  for  some  time  in  blissful  ignorance  of 
her  favourite’s  danger,  and  even  of  his  death.  No  doubt  the 
Chief  Eunuch’s  great  unpopularity  enabled  Prince  Kungand 
the  Empress  Tzii  An  to  keep  the  matter  secret  until  the 
offender  was  past  helping.  Ten  days  later,  Tzii  An  issued 
a second  Decree,  extracted  from  her  like  the  first  by  Prince 
Rung,  in  which  the  eunuch’s  execution  is  recorded,  as 
follows  : — 

“ Ting  Pao-chen  now  reports  that  the  eunuch  An  was 
arrested  in  the  T’ai  An  prefecture  and  has  been  summarily 
beheaded.  Our  dynasty’s  house-law  is  most  strict  in  regard 
to  the  proper  discipline  of  eunuchs,  and  provides  severe 
punishment  for  any  offences  which  they  may  commit.  They 
have  always  been  sternly  forbidden  to  make  expeditions  to  the 
provinces,  or  to  create  trouble.  Nevertheless,  An  Te-hai 
actually  had  the  brazen  effrontery  to  violate  this  law,  and 
for  his  crimes  his  execution  is  only  a fitting  reward.  In 
future,  let  all  eunuchs  take  warning  by  his  example  ; should 
we  hav  e further  cause  to  complain,  the  chief  eunuchs  of  the 
several  departments  of  the  Household,  will  be  punished  as 
well  as  the  actual  offender.  Any  eunuch  who  may  hereafter 
pretend  that  he  has  been  sent  on  Imperial  business  to  the 
provinces  shall  be  cast  into  chains  at  once,  and  sent  to 
Peking  for  punishment.” 

This  Decree  has  a half-hearted  ring,  as  if  some  of  the  con- 
spirators’ fear  of  the  coming  wrath  of  Yehonala  had  crept 
into  it.  Very  different  in  wording  are  the  Edicts  in  which 
Tzu  Hsi  condemns  an  offender  to  death.  We  miss  her 

93 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


trenchant  style,  that  “ strength  of  the  pen  ” which  was  the 
secret  of  much  of  her  power. 

Simultaneously  with  the  death  of  An,  in  Shantung,  several 
eunuchs  of  his  following  were  put  to  death  by  strangling ; 
six  others  escaped  from  the  police,  of  whom  five  were  re- 
captured and  executed.  The  Chief  Eunuch’s  family  were 
sent  as  slaves  to  the  frontier  guards  in  the  north-west. 
Several  days  after  the  execution  of  Tzii  Hsi’s  favourite,  the 
eunuch  who  had  escaped  made  his  way  back  to  Peking,  and 
sent  word  to  the  Empress  through  Li  Lien-ying,  another  of 
her  confidential  attendants.  At  first  she  could  scarcely 
believe  that  her  timorous  and  self-effacing  colleague  could 
have  dared  to  sign  these  Decrees  on  her  own  responsibility 
and  in  secret,  no  matter  what  amount  of  pressure  might 
have  been  brought  to  bear  upon  her.  When  she  realised 
what  had  occurred,  the  Palace  witnessed  one  of  those  out- 
bursts of  torrential  rage  with  which  it  was  to  become 
familiar  in  years  to  come.  Swiftly  making  her  way  to  the 
“ Palace  of  Benevolent  Peace,”  the  residence  of  her  Co- 
Regent,  she  wrathfully  demanded  an  explanation.  Tzii  An, 
terrified,  endeavoured  to  put  the  whole  blame  upon  Prince 
Kung  ; but  the  plea  did  not  serve  her,  and  Tzti  Hsi,  after  a 
fierce  quarrel,  left,  vowing  vengeance  on  them  both.  This 
event  marked  a turning  point  in  the  career  of  Yehonala, 
who,  until  then,  had  maintained  amicable  relations  with  her 
less  strong-minded  colleague,  and  all  the  appearances  of 
equality  in  the  Co-Regency.  Henceforward  she  devoted 
more  time  and  closer  attention  to  affairs  of  State,  con- 
solidating her  position  and  powrer  with  a clear  determination 
to  prevent  any  further  interference  with  her  supreme 
authority.  From  this  time  forward  she  definitely  assumes 
the  first  place  as  ruler  of  China,  relegating  her  colleague 
completely  to  the  background. 

When,  on  the  morning  after  the  storm.  Prince  Kung 
appeared  in  the  Audience  Hall,  Tzii  sternly  rebuked  him, 
threatening  him  with  dismissal  and  the  forfeiture  of  his 

94 


TZtj  HSI  AND  TIIE  EUNUCHS 


titles.  For  the  time  being,  however,  she  allowed  him  to  go 
unpunished,  but  she  never  forgave  the  offence,  and  she  took 
her  revenge  in  due  season : he  suffered  the  effects  of  her 
resentment  as  long  as  he  lived.  Her  first  act  was  to  pass 
over  his  son,  the  rightful  heir  to  the  Throne,  upon  the  death 
of  T'ung-Chih.  It  is  true  that  in  after  years  she  permitted 
him  to  hold  high  office,  but  this  was,  firstly,  because  she 
could  not  afford  to  dispense  with  his  services,  and,  secondly, 
because  of  her  genuine  affection  for  his  daughter,  whom  she 
had  adopted  as  her  own  child. 

An  Te-hai  was  succeeded  in  the  post  of  Chief  Eunuch  and 
confidential  attendant  on  her  Majesty  by  Li  Lien-ying,  of 
whom  mention  has  already  been  made.  For  the  next  forty 
years  this  Palace  servant  was  destined  to  play  a leading  part 
in  the  government  of  China,  to  hold  in  his  supple  hands  the 
lives  and  deaths  of  thousands,  to  make  and  unmake  the 
highest  officials  of  the  Empire,  and  to  levy  rich  tribute  on 
the  eighteen  provinces.  As  a youth  of  sixteen,  when  he 
“ left  the  family  ” (as  the  Chinese  euphemistically  describe 
the  making  of  a eunuch),  Li  was  remarkable  for  his  hand- 
some appearance  and  good  manners,  advantages  which  never 
failed  to  carry  weight  with  Tzu  Hsi.  It  is  recorded  on 
trustworthy  authority  that  at  an  early  stage  in  his  career  he 
had  so  ingratiated  himself  with  Her  Majesty  that  he  was 
permitted  unusual  liberties,  remaining  seated  in  her  presence, 
aye,  even  on  the  Throne  itself.  In  the  privacy  of  her  apart- 
ments he  was  allowed  to  discuss  whatever  subjects  he  chose, 
without  being  spoken  to,  and  as  years  passed  and  his 
familiarity  with  the  Old  Buddha  increased,  he  became  her 
regular  and  authoritative  adviser  on  all  important  State 
business.  In  later  years,  when  speaking  of  Her  Majesty  to 
outsiders,  even  to  high  officials,  he  would  use  the  familiar 
pronoun  “ Tsa-men  ” meaning  “ we  two,”  which  is  usually 
reserved  for  blood  relations  or  persons  on  a footing  of 

1 The  same  expression  is  used  of  a novice  taking  the  vows  of  Buddhist 
priesthood. 


95 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


familiar  equality,  and  he  was  currently  known  among  his 
followers  by  the  almost  sacrilegious  title  of  “ Lord  of  nine 
thousand  years,”  the  Emperor  being  Lord  of  ten  thousand. 
Only  on  solemn  State  occasions  did  he  observe  the  etiquette 
prescribed  for  his  class  and  a modest  demeanour. 

Corrupt,  avaricious,  vindictive,  and  fiercely  cruel  to  his 
enemies  and  rivals,  it  must  be  said  in  Li’s  favour  that  he  was, 
at  least,  wholly  devoted  and  faithful  to  his  Imperial  mistress, 
and  that  at  times  of  peril  he  never  failed  to  exert  himself  to 
the  utmost  for  her  comfort  and  protection.  He  possessed 
moreover,  other  good  qualities  which  appealed  not  only  to 
Tzu  Hsi  but  to  many  of  the  high  Manchu  officials,  who  did 
not  consider  it  beneath  their  pride  to  throng  for  admission 
at  his  private  residence.  He  was  cheerful,  fond  of  a joke, 
an  excellent  actor 1 and  raconteur,  and  a generous  host : above 
all,  he  was  passing  rich.  At  the  Empress  Dowager’s  funeral, 
in  November  1909,  this  aged  retainer  presented  a pathetic 
and  almost  venerable  spectacle,  enough  to  make  one  forget 
for  a moment  the  accumulated  horrors  of  his  seventy  years 
of  wickedness.  Smitten  with  age  and  sickness,  he  could 
scarcely  totter  the  short  distance  which  the  cortege  had  to 
make  on  foot ; but  of  all  that  vast  throng  of  officials  and  Palace 
servants,  he  alone  showed  unmistakable  signs  of  deep  and 
genuine  grief.  Watching  the  intelligent  features  of  this  • 
maker  of  secret  history,  one  could  not  but  wonder  what 
thoughts  were  passing  through  that  subtle  brain,  as  he 
shuffled  past  the  Pavilion  of  the  Diplomatic  Body,  escorting 
for  the  last  time  his  great  mistress, — the  close  confidant,  not 
to  say  comrade,  of  all  those  long  and  eventful  years.  For 
half  a century  he  had  served  her  with  unremitting  zeal  and 
fidelity,  no  small  thing  in  a country  when  the  allegiance  of 
servants  is  so  commonly  bought  and  sold.  In  his  youth 

1 Tzu  Hsi  was  fond  of  masquerading  with  her  favourite,  till  well  advanced 
in  years.  One  photograph  of  her  is  on  sale  in  Peking,  wherein  she  is  pos- 
ing as  the  Goddess  of  Mercy  (Kuanyin)  with  Li  in  attendance  as  one  of  the 
Hoddhisatvas. 


96 


TZU  HSI  AND  THE  EUNUCHS 


it  was  he  who  walked  and  ran  beside  her  chair  as  body 
servant ; through  what  scenes  of  splendour  and  squalor 
had  they  both  passed  since  then,  and  now  he  was  left  alone, 
surrounded  by  new  faces  and  confronted  by  imminent  peril 
of  change.  Vet  in  spite  of  his  long  life  and  the  enervating 
influences  of  his  profession,  the  old  man’s  powerful  physique 
was  by  no  means  exhausted. 

Too  wise  to  follow  in  the  footsteps  of  his  unfortunate 
predecessor,  Li  never  made  raids  on  his  own  account  into 
the  provinces,  nor  did  he  ever  attempt  to  gain  or  claim  high 
official  rank,  remaining  prudently  content  with  the  fourth 
class  button,  which  is  the  highest  grade  to  which  eunuchs 
may  legally  aspire.  But,  under  the  protection  and  with  the 
full  knowledge  of  the  Empress  Dowager,  he  organised  a 
regular  system  of  corvees,  squeezes  and  douceurs , levied  on 
every  high  official  in  the  Empire,  the  proceeds  of  which  he 
frequently  shared  with  the  Old  Buddha  herself.  As  shown 
in  another  place,  the  Empress  and  her  Chief  Eunuch 
practically  made  common  cause  and  a common  purse  in 
collecting  “ tribute  ” and  squeezes  during  the  w anderings 
of  the  Court  in  exile  after  1900.  At  that  time  the  Chief 
Eunuch,  less  fortunate  than  his  mistress,  had  lost  the  wdiole 
of  his  buried  treasure  in  the  capital.  It  had  been  “ cached  ” 
in  a safe  place,  known  only  to  his  intimate  subordinates,  but 
one  of  these  sold  the  secret  to  the  French  troops,  who  raided 
the  hoard,  a rich  booty.  One  of  Li’s  first  steps  after  the 
Court’s  return  was  to  obtain  the  Old  Buddha’s  permission  to 
have  the  traitor  beheaded,  which  wras  done  without  undue 
formalities.  The  Chief  Eunuch’s  fortune  is  estimated  by 
Peking  bankers  to-day  at  about  twro  millions  sterling, 
invested  chiefly  in  pawn-shops  and  money-changing  estab- 
lishments at  the  capital ; this  sum  represents  roughly  his 
share  of  the  provincial  tribute  and  squeezes  on  official 
appointments  for  the  last  eight  years,  and  the  total  is  not 
surprising  when  wre  bear  in  mind  that  the  price  of  one  official 
post  has  been  known  to  bring  him  in  as  much  as  three 

97  h 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


hundred  and  twenty  thousand  taels,  or  say  forty  thousand 
pounds. 

One  of  the  secrets  of  his  wealth  was  that  he  never 
despised  the  day  of  small  things.  The  following  is  the  text 
of  a letter  in  our  possession  (of  which  we  reproduce  a 
facsimile),  written  by  him  to  one  of  the  regular  contractors 
of  the  Palace,  with  whom  he  must  have  had  many  similar 
transactions.  The  paper  on  which  it  is  written  is  of  the 
commonest,  and  the  visiting  card  which,  as  usual,  accom- 
panies it,  is  that  of  an  unpretentious  business  man  ; the 
style  of  the  writer  is  terse  and  to  the  point : — 

“To  my  worthy  friend,  Mr.  Wang,  the  Seventh  (of  his 
family) : — 

“ Since  I last  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you,  you  have 
been  constantly  in  my  thoughts.  I wish  you,  with  all 
respect,  long  life  and  prosperity : thus  will  your  days 
fulfil  my  best  hopes  of  you.  And  now  I beg  politely 
to  tell  you  that  I,  your  younger  brother,1  am  quite 
ashamed  of  the  emptiness  of  my  purse  and  I therefore  beg 
that  you,  good  Sir,  will  be  so  good  as  to  lend  me  notes  to 
the  amount  of  fifteen  hundred  taels,  which  sum  kindly  hand 
to  the  bearer  of  this  letter.  I look  forward  to  a day  for  our 
further  conversation, 

“ Your  younger  brother, 

“Li  Lien-ying.” 

As  to  the  amount,  Li  knew  exactly  how  much  the 
contractors  and  furnishers  of  the  Palace  should  pay  on  every 
occasion,  and  that  there  was  no  need  to  question  the 
possibility  of  the  “ loan  ” not  being  forthcoming. 

That  he  encouraged  lavish  expenditure  at  the  Court  is 
certain,  and  scarcely  a matter  for  wonder,  but  his  control  of 
finance  extended  far  beyond  the  Privy  Purse,  and  wrought 
great  harm  to  the  Empire  on  more  than  one  historic 
occasion.  For  instance,  China’s  humiliating  defeat  at  the 
hands  of  Japan  in  1894  was  very  largely  due  to  his  diversion 
of  vast  sums  of  money  from  the  Navy  to  the  reconstruction 

1 A term  of  humility. 

98 


racsim 

Chief 


et 


ile  of  Li 
Eunuch 


ter  wr 
Li  Lier 


tten  b> 
y'ng. 


TZU  HSI  AND  THE  EUNUCHS 


and  decoration  of  the  Summer  Palace,  a work  from  which 
he  and  his  underlings  profited  to  no  small  extent.  In  1885, 
Prince  Ch’un  had  been  appointed  head  of  the  Admiralty 
Board,  assisted  by  Prince  Ch’ing,  Li  Hung-chang  and  the 
Marquis  Tseng.  After  the  death  of  the  Marquis,  however 
(who  had  been  a moving  spirit  in  the  organisation  of  the 
Board),  Naval  affairs  passed  into  the  control  of  a clique  of 
young  and  inexperienced  Princes,  and  when,  in  1889,  the 
Emperor  assumed  the  direction  of  the  Government,  one  of 
his  first  acts  was  to  order  the  re-building  of  the  Summer 
Palace,  which  Imperial  residence  had  remained  in  ruins 
since  its  destruction  by  the  Allies  in  1861.  There  being 
no  funds  available,  Li  advised  that  the  Naval  appro- 
priations should  be  devoted  to  this  purpose,  so  that  the 
Old  Buddha  might  be  suitably  provided  with  a residence ; 
this  was  accordingly  done,  and  the  Naval  Department 
became  a branch  of  the  Imperial  Household  (Nei  Wu  Fu) 
for  all  purposes  of  Government  finance.  When  the  war 
with  Japan  broke  out,  the  Empress  Dowager  issued  orders 
that  the  Naval  Department  should  be  abolished.  This  order 
evoked  very  general  criticism,  but,  as  the  Department  and 
the  Summer  Palace  rebuilding  fund  had  come  to  be  treated 
as  one  and  the  same  account,  her  Decree  simply  meant  that 
as  the  Palace  restoration  was  now  complete,  and  as  the 
funds  were  quite  exhausted,  the  account  in  question  might 
be  considered  closed.  There  was  obviously  nothing  to  be 
gained  by  useless  enquiries  for  money  to  be  transferred  from 
the  Palace  to  the  Navy. 

In  1889  the  Chief  Eunuch  accompanied  Prince  Ch’un  on 
his  first  tour  of  inspection  to  the  northern  Naval  ports, 
including  the  Naval  bases  of  Port  Arthur  and  Weihaiwei. 
It  was  a matter  of  very  general  comment  at  the  time  that 
the  honours  paid  to  the  eunuch  were  noticeably  greater  than 
those  shown  to  the  Prince.  Every  officer  in  the  Peiyang 
squadron,  from  Admiral  Ting  down wards,  did  his  best 
to  ingratiate  himself  with  tills  powerful  Chamberlain,  and  to 

99  h 2 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


become  enrolled  on  the  list  of  his  proteges,  so  that  he  was 
entoure  with  all  manner  of  bribery  and  adulation.  Many 
critics,  foreign  and  Chinese,  have  cast  on  Li  Hung-chang  the 
blame  for  the  disasters  of  the  Japanese  war,  but  they  surely 
overlook  the  fact,  to  which  even  the  great  Viceroy  dared 
not  openly  refer,  that  nine-tenths  of  the  funds  which  should 
have  gone  to  the  upkeep  and  provisioning  of  the  Navy  and 
the  maintenance  of  the  Coast  Defences,  had  been  diverted 
by  the  Chief  Eunuch  to  the  Palace  (and  much  of  them  to 
his  own  pocket),  so  that  the  ships’  crews  were  disaffected,  and 
their  ordnance  defective,  in  the  hour  of  need.  Readers  of 
Pepys  will  remember  a very  similar  state  of  affairs  obtaining 
in  the  British  Navy,  happily  without  affecting  the  moral  of 
its  officers  and  men,  at  a similarly  critical  period  of  British 
history. 

Li  Lien-ying’s  hatred  of  the  Emperor  Kuang-Hsii  was 
beyond  doubt  a most  important  factor  in  the  coup  d’etat,  and 
in  the  subsequent  estrangement  and  hostility  between  Tzii 
H si  and  the  nominal  ruler  of  the  Empire ; there  are  not 
lacking  those  who  say  that  it  had  much  to  do  with  the 
Emperor’s  death,  which  certainly  created  no  surprise  in  the 
capital.  The  eunuch  hated  and  feared  the  Emperor’s 
reforming  zeal,  as  well  as  the  Cantonese  advisers  who  in 
1898  came  swarming  to  Peking  as  the  apostles  of  a new 
dispensation,  and  it  was  therefore  only  natural  that  he 
should  become  the  foremost  adviser  and  partisan  of  the 
reactionaries  and  their  emissary  in  urging  the  Empress  to 
resume  control  of  affairs.  It  is  quite  safe  to  assert  that  had 
his  great  influence  with  Tzu  Hsi  been  exercised  against, 
instead  of  for,  the  Boxers,  had  he  abstained  from  encouraging 
her  superstitious  belief  in  their  magic  arts,  the  anti-foreign 
movement  would  never  have  gone  further  than  the  borders 
of  Shantung,  and  the  Chinese  people  w'ould  have  been  spared 
the  heavy  burden  of  the  indemnities.  How  interesting  a 
study  of  Asiatic  politics  and  Court  life  presents  itself  in  the 
spectacle  of  this  cobbler’s  apprentice  and  his  influence  on  the 

100 


TZU  IIS  I AND  THE  EUNUCHS 


destinies  of  so  great  a race  ! Seeing  him  as  lie  was  on  the 
day  of  his  mistress’s  burial,  how  bitter  must  have  been  the 
innermost  thoughts  of  the  man,  left  alone  on  the  brink  of 
the  grave  with  the  ill-gotten  wealth  that  his  country  has  paid 
for  so  heavily  ! 

At  the  height  of  the  Boxer  crisis  when  the  power  wielded 
by  Li  Lien-ying  was  enormous,  it  was  the  custom  of  Prince 
Tuan,  when  explaining  his  views  to  the  Empress  Dowager 
and  the  Grand  Council,  to  emphasise  the  fact  that  no 
step  had  been  taken  except  with  the  advice  and  approval 
of  the  Chief  Eunuch.  “ Such  and  such  a Decree,”  he 
would  say,  “ is  issued  with  the  chief  Chamberlain  Id’s 
approval.”  His  object  in  so  doing  was  to  head  off  opposition, 
for  he  well  knew  that  few  would  dare  to  oppose  any 
measures  that  the  Chief  Eunuch  approved.  When  Her 
Majesty  granted  rewards  to  the  Boxers  and  offered  head- 
money  to  the  troops  for  the  killing  of  Europeans,  it  was  at 
Li’s  urgent  request  that  she  consented  to  defray  these 
unusual  charges  from  her  Privy  Purse. 

When  the  relieving  forces  drew  near  to  Peking  and  it 
became  clear,  even  to  the  most  obstinate,  that  the  Boxer 
bolt  was  shot,  the  Chief  Eunuch  passed  through  a period  of 
deep  depression  and  mortification,  not  only  because  of  the 
failure  of  his  prophecies,  but  because  it  was  clear  to  all 
at  Court  that  his  Imperial  mistress,  seeking,  as  was  her 
wont,  a scapegoat,  was  disposed  to  vent  her  wrath  upon 
him.  Herself  deeply  stirred  by  fear  and  wrath,  it  was 
only  natural  that  she  should  turn  on  him,  who  had  been 
foremost  in  advising  her  to  follow  the  path  of  destruction. 
On  the  day  when  the  relief  of  the  Legations  took  place, 
Duke  Lan  rushed  headlong  into  the  Palace,  loudly  announ- 
cing that  the  foreign  devils  were  already  within  the  city  walls. 
Tzu  Hsi  turned  on  him  and  asked  how  he  could  reconcile 
such  a statement  with  his  previous  boasts.  “ I presume 
that  the  devils  have  flown  here,”  said  she,  “ for  you  were 
telling  me  only  tvro  days  ago  of  our  glorious  victories 

101 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


near  Tientsin ; and  yet  all  the  time  you  knew  well,  as  I 
knew,  that  the  Viceroy  and  the  Li  Ping-heng  were  both 
dead.”  Li  Lien-ying,  who  was  standing  close  by,  hearing 
tills,  went  out  and  informed  the  trembling  crowd  of  eunuchs, 
adding,  “The  Old  Buddha  is  in  an  unspeakable  rage.  There 
is  nothing  for  it ; we  must  make  our  escape  and  retire 
into  Shensi.  There  we  will  await  the  arrival  of  our  re- 
inforcements which  will  easily  drive  all  these  devils  back 
into  the  sea.”  But  the  hardships  and  dangers  of  the  flight 
told  even  more  severely  on  the  chief  eunuch  than  on  the 
Old  Buddha  herself,  and  it  was  not  until  the  Court’s 
safe  establishment  at  Hsi-an  that  he  recovered  his  self- 
possession. 

Certain  information  conveyed  by  an  official  of  the 
Household  in  exile  to  a fellow  provincial  at  Peking,  throws 
considerable  light  on  the  manner  in  which  the  Court  lived 
during  those  troublous  days,  and  the  part  played  in  affairs  of 
State  by  the  chief  eunuch  and  Tzu  Hsi’s  other  favourites  of 
the  Household.  We  take  the  following  disconnected  notes 
from  this  correspondence. 

When  Ts’en  Ch’un-hsuan  (Governor  of  Shensi)  came  to 
meet  the  Court  on  the  Shansi  frontier,  the  Old  Buddha, 
raising  the  curtain  of  her  sedan-chair,  looked  out  and  said  to 
him,  “ Have  you  any  idea  of  what  we  have  suffered  in 
Peking ? " “I  do  not  know  all,”  he  replied.  Pointing 
angrily  at  Li,  she  said,  “ It  was  all  his  doing  ; he  has  brought 
ruin  upon  me.”  The  chief  eunuch  hung  his  head,  and  for 
once  had  nothing  to  say.  Later  on,  when  the  fearless  Ts’en 
saw  the  eunuchs  under  Id’s  orders  mercilessly  harassing  the 
countryside  in  their  search  for  plunder,  he  promptly  reported 
matters  to  the  Empress  and  obtained  her  somewhat  reluc- 
tant permission  to  execute  three  of  the  offenders  on  the 
spot.  He  was  sorely  tempted  to  include  the  chief  eunuch 
in  the  number  of  his  victims,  but  realising  how  greatly  Her 
Majesty  depended  upon  her  favourite  attendant,  he  feared 
to  run  the  risk  of  inconveniencing  and  offending  her. 

102 


TZU  HSI  AND  THE  EUNUCHS 

Nevertheless,  Li  had  a narrow  escape.  Later  on,  when  Li 
had  recovered  his  equanimity,  and  the  Court  had  settled 
down  to  its  usual  routine,  the  eunuch  revenged  himself  on 
the  Governor,  with  the  help  of  Jung  Lu,  by  having  him 
transferred  to  the  Governorship  of  Shansi.  He  did  this,  not 
only  because  the  post  in  Shansi  was  considered  a dangerous 
one.  owing  to  the  fear  of  pursuit  by  the  Allies,  but  because 
Ts’en  had  gradually  made  himself  most  useful  to  Her 
Majesty  by  superintending  the  expenditure  of  her  House- 
hold. The  Governor  was  justly  famous  throughout  the 
Empire  for  his  incorruptible  honesty,  so  that,  when  placed 
in  charge  of  the  Palace  accounts,  these  speedily  showed  a 
very  considerable  reduction  in  expenditure.  The  first  result 
of  this  regime  was  to  put  a stop  to  all  the  “ squeeze  ” of  the 
eunuchs,  and  to  place  their  salaries  upon  a definite  and 
moderate  basis.  Ts’en  rapidly  attained  an  intimate  and 
confidential  position  with  Her  Majesty,  to  the  great  and 
increasing  wrath  of  the  chief  eunuch,  who  left  no  stone 
unturned  to  injure  him,  and  eventually  succeeded,  with  the 
help  of  Jung  Lu,  in  inducing  Her  Majesty  to  dispense  with 
his  personal  services.  For  over  a month,  however,  the  Old 
Buddha  spent  hours  daily  discussing  public  and  private 
affairs  with  this  fearless  and  upright  official,  and  it  would 
have  been  well  for  her  had  she  retained  him  and  others  of 
his  quality  about  her  to  counteract  the  corrupt  tendencies 
of  her  Manchu  clansmen  and  the  eunuchs.  After  Ts’en’s 
transfer  to  Shansi,  the  chief  eunuch  did  not  scruple  to 
suppress  and  destroy  many  of  the  memorials  which  as 
Governor  he  addressed  to  the  Old  Buddha,  and  which  Li  did 
not  desire  his  mistress  to  see.  Gradually  he  re-established 
himself  as  completely  as  before  in  the  confidence  and  favour 
of  his  mistress,  and  before  the  Court’s  return  to  Peking  he 
had  become  if  anything  more  familiarly  arrogant  than  at 
any  previous  stage  in  his  career.  At  audiences  given  to  the 
highest  officials  he  would  even  go  so  far  as  to  refuse  to 
transmit  Her  Majesty’s  orders,  bluntly  informing  her  that 

103 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


he  was  tired  and  that  there  had  been  enough  public  business 
for  that  day  ! 

The  vast  quantities  of  tribute  levied  by  the  Court  from 
the  Southern  Provinces  at  this  time  were  handled  in  the  first 
instance  by  Li  Lien-ying,  whose  apartments  were  stacked 
with  heaps  of  dragon  robes,  tribute  silk  and  other  valuables. 
Of  all  the  tribute  paid  in  bullion,  the  Empress  Dowager’s 
share  was  one-half,  while  the  eunuchs  divided  one-fifth,  and 
the  balance  was  handed  over  to  Jung  Lu  for  military 
purposes  and  his  own  emolument.  So  profitable  was  the 
eunuchs’  business  at  Hsi-an  and  Kai-feng,  that  Li  Lien-ying 
did  his  utmost  to  dissuade  the  Old  Buddha  from  returning 
to  Peking,  endeavouring  to  frighten  her  by  alarming 
prognostications  of  the  vengeance  of  the  foreign  Powers. 
Li’s  motives  were  not  entirely  mercenary,  however,  for  there 
is  no  doubt  that  for  a long  time  he  fully  expected  to  find 
his  own  name  on  the  “ black  list  ” of  the  Legations,  and  that 
it  fully  deserved  to  figure  there.  He  directed  the  second 
eunuch,  named  Ts’ui,  to  communicate  to  him  daily  the 
latest  news  from  Peking,  and  it  was  only  when  reassured 
by  reports  from  Prince  Ch  mg,  that  his  courage  returned,  and 
his  opposition  to  the  Court’s  return  ceased.  The  conciliatory 
attitude,  which  he  eventually  adopted  towards  the  Empress 
Dowager’s  reform  policy,  was  largely  induced  by  the  good 
advice  which  he  received  from  Jung  Lu,  who  strongly  urged 
him  to  control  his  reactionary  opinions  and  violent  temper. 

The  amount  of  tribute  paid  in  silver  to  the  Court  at 
Hsi-an  was  over  five  million  taels,  the  quota  from  each 
Province  being  kept  separate.  The  chief  eunuch  was 
assisted  in  the  supervision  of  the  tribute  accounts  by 
another  favourite  of  the  Old  Buddha,  a eunuch  named  Sun, 
whose  covetousness  and  bullying  methods  of  “ squeeze  ” 
were  almost  equal  to  those  of  his  chief.  On  one  occasion 
the  deputy  in  charge  of  the  tribute  from  Hupei  was  paying 
in  bullion  to  the  Imperial  Household,  and  Sun  was  tallying 
the  amounts  with  a steelyard.  He  said  there  was  a shortage. 

104 


TZU  HSI  AND  THE  EUNUCHS 


“ That  cannot  be  so,”  said  the  deputy,  “ for  every  shoe  of 
Hupei  silver  weighs  fifty  taels  exactly,  so  that  there  can  be 
no  mistake.”  The  eunuch  looked  at  him  insolently,  and 
said,  “ How  many  times  have  you  brought  tribute,  and  what 
do  you  know  about  the  customs  of  the  Court  ? ” The 
frightened  deputy  persisted  that  all  was  in  order.  Sun  then 
said  angrily : “ I suppose,  then,  you  mean  that  the  Old 
Buddha’s  scales  are  false  ? ” He  was  just  proceeding  to 
assault  the  unfortunate  deputy,  when  the  Old  Buddha 
herself,  overhearing  the  argument  (the  court-yards  of  her 
residence  being  very  small)  came  out  and  directed  the 
eunuch  to  bring  the  silver  into  her  own  apartments,  where 
she  would  weigh  it  herself.  “ I believe  there  has  been  a 
great  deal  of  leakage  lately,”  she  said  ; “ it  is  the  business  of 
my  eunuchs  to  see  that  1 am  not  cheated.”  The  deputy 
took  his  departure,  looking  extremely  crestfallen,  but  on  his 
way  out  he  was  met  by  Chi  Lu,  the  Controller  of  the 
Household,  who  said  to  him,  “ We  all  know  you  have  been 
having  a bad  time  of  it,  but  you  must  not  mind.  These 
eunuchs  have  been  making  very  little  money  of  late,  for  the 
Old  Buddha  has  been  keeping  a very  sharp  watch  on  them  ; 
you  must  therefore  excuse  them.  And  they  have  lost  a 
great  deal  in  Peking.” 

Tribute  of  twenty-four  kinds  was  received  from  Canton, 
but  the  eunuchs  on  their  own  initiative,  and  in  order  to 
compel  largesse,  rejected  nine  different  kinds  of  articles,  so 
that  the  official  in  charge  was  greatly  alarmed,  fearing  that 
the  Old  Buddha  would  accuse  him  of  having  stolen  the 
things  which  the  eunuchs  refused  to  receive.  This  was  one 
of  their  commonest  methods  of  levying  tribute  on  their  own 
account ; another  was  to  make  large  purchases  in  the  name 
of  the  Empress,  and  refuse  to  pay  for  them.  Much  hardship 
was  inflicted  on  the  people  of  Hsi-an,  and  indeed  of  the 
entire  province,  from  their  depredations,  especially  because 
at  the  time  Shensi  was  already  suffering  from  the  beginnings 
of  famine,  caused  by  the  prolonged  drought.  It  is  recorded 

105 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


in  the  accounts  of  the  Governor  Ts’en,  that  flour  cost  96 
cash  a pound,  eggs  34  cash  apiece,  and  pork  400  cash  a 
pound,  while  fish  was  almost  unobtainable ; these  prices 
being  about  six  times  as  high  as  those  ruling  in  southern 
China. 

Many  of  the  eunuchs  appeared  to  take  pleasure  in 
humiliating  the  Emperor,  and  subjecting  him  to  petty 
annoyances,  which  often  roused  him  to  petulant  outbursts 
of  temper.  In  one  letter  from  the  Court  at  Hsi-an  it  was 
reported  that  His  Majesty  appeared  to  be  a little  wrong  in 
the  head,  for  he  would  spend  his  time  playing  foolish  games, 
such  as  hide-and-seek,  with  the  younger  eunuchs,  until 
interrupted  by  the  Empress  Dowager,  when  he  would  im- 
mediately get  into  a corner  and  assume  a sullen  demeanour. 
At  other  times,  when  irritated,  he  would  give  way  to  violent 
fits  of  rage  and  throw  the  household  crockery  at  the  heads 
of  his  attendants.  These  reports  must  be  received  with 
caution,  as  they  were  frequently  spread  abroad  by  the  chief 
eunuch  and  members  of  the  reactionary  party  in  order  to 
damage  His  Majesty  in  the  eyes  of  the  outside  world. 

As  above  stated,  after  the  return  of  the  Court  from  its 
journeying  in  the  wilderness  (1902)  Li’s  influence  with  the 
Empress  Dowager  was,  if  anything,  greater  than  before,  all 
the  internal  affairs  of  the  Palace  being  under  his  supreme 
control.  Following  Her  Majesty’s  example,  however,  he 
professed  his  complete  conversion  to  the  necessity  of  reform, 
and  even  gave  his  approval,  after  certain  amendments  had 
been  made  by  the  Grand  Council  and  by  himself,  to  her 
programme  for  the  granting  of  a Constitution.  Jesting  with 
Her  Majesty  in  his  usual  familiar  manner,  he  was  heard  on 
more  than  one  occasion  to  predict  her  conversion  to 
Christianity.  “We  are  only  sham  devils  now,  Old  Buddha,” 
he  said. 

Nevertheless,  and  in  spite  of  advancing  years  and  infirmity, 
he  has  clung,  and  still  clings,  tenaciously  to  the  perquisites 
and  privileges  of  his  stewardship,  fiercely  defending  the 

106 


TZU  HS1  AND  THE  EUNUCHS 


eunuch  system  and  his  own  post  by  all  the  means  (and  they 
are  many)  in  his  power.  When,  in  1901,  T’ao  Mo,  late 
Viceroy  of  Canton,  sent  in  his  famous  Memorial  urging  that, 
in  view  of  the  greatly  reduced  number  of  the  Imperial 
concubines,  the  eunuchs  should  be  replaced  by  female 
attendants,  Li  successfully  intrigued  to  prevent  this  docu- 
ment reaching  Her  Majesty  until  he  had  taken  effective 
steps  to  prevent  her  being  advised  in  favour  of  the 
suggestion.  T’ao  Mo’s  Memorial  was  as  follows  : — 

“ The  prosperity  of  the  State  depends  absolutely  upon  the 
virtue  of  the  ruler.  Where  the  sovereign  surrounds  himself 
with  wise  and  just  men,  the  country  must  benefit ; where  he 
chooses  time-servers  to  advise  him,  rebellion  and  chaos  will  be 
the  inevitable  result.  If  one  human  being  be  called  upon  to 
attend  to  the  multifarious  duties  of  the  State,  in  addition  to 
managing  the  internal  affairs  of  the  Palace,  his  position  may 
be  glorious  indeed,  but  the  responsibilities  thereof  are  too 
great  for  any  man  to  bear.  Even  a sovereign,  surrounded  by 
men  of  the  sternest  integrity,  might  well  pause  and  falter  at 
the  dread  chances  of  failure.  But  how  can  a nation  possibly 
escape  dire  misfortune  when,  between  sovereign  and  subjects 
is  set  up  a barrier  composed  of  men  of  the  most  contemptible 
and  degraded  kind  ? These  creatures  are  not  necessarily  all 
traitors  or  notorious  scoundrels ; it  is  sufficient,  for  the 
undoing  of  a sovereign,  that  he  be  surrounded  at  all  hours 
by  illiterate  persons,  lacking  in  moral  perception,  who  pander 
to  his  moods  and  minister  to  his  caprices.  Even  the  worst 
Minister  of  State  has  not  the  same  opportunity  of  influenc- 
ing his  Emperor  for  evil : but  these  eunuchs  are  for  ever 
about  and  around  him.  Intimacy  with  eunuchs  necessarily 
brings  about  a sapping  of  the  moral  fibre  ; any  ruler  exposed 
to  their  influences  cannot  possibly  keep  in  touch  wdth  his 
people. 

“ But  if  we  wish  to  root  out  these  influences,  we  must 
proceed  as  if  we  were  weeding  out  tares  in  a field.  If  we 
leave  the  roots  in  the  ground,  they  will  sooner  or  later 
spring  up  again  to  fresh  life.  Complete  eradication  is  the 
only  cure.  His  Majesty  is  come  of  age  and  his  character  is 
daily  developing ; how  deeply  he  must  deplore  the  fact  that 

107 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


he  is  compelled  to  associate  with  this  class  of  men  at  a time 
when  he  is  doing  his  best  to  introduce  a policy  of  reform  ! 
If  previous  Dynasties  employed  eunuchs  it  was  because  of 
the  large  number  of  concubines  in  the  Palace,  but  his 
present  Majesty’s  harem  is  small,  and  he  might  therefore 
preferably  employ  female  attendants  to  minister  to  his 
personal  wants,  while  the  official  duties  of  the  Household 
might  be  discharged  by  men  of  good  birth  and  education. 
Why  should  it  be  necessary  to  employ  eunuchs  for  such 
posts  ? 

“ At  the  present  time,  the  Court  at  Hsi-an  employs  an 
enormous  number  of  eunuchs ; a favourable  opportunity 
therefore  presents  itself  for  reducing  their  number,  retaining 
only  some  twenty  or  thirty  of  the  more  respectable  among 
them.  Orders  should  be  given,  after  the  Court’s  return, 
that  for  the  future  no  more  eunuchs  shall  be  engaged,  and 
the  Palace  administration  shoidd  be  thoroughly  reorganised. 
By  this  means,  long-standing  abuses  will  be  removed,  and 
the  glory  of  your  Majesty’s  reign  will  be  enhanced  for  all 
time. 

“At  this  moment,  many  reforms  are  being  projected,  in 
regard  to  which  Your  Majesties  have  received  numerous 
suggestions  from  many  high  officials.  But  in  my  opinion, 
this  question  of  the  employment  of  eunuchs,  though 
apparently  of  minor  importance,  transcends  all  others,  and 
the  possibility  of  reform  depends  largely  on  their  removal. 
The  system  has  been  abolished  in  all  foreign  countries  and 
persists  only  in  China.  It  exposes  us  to  much  adverse 
criticism  and  contumely,  and  by  abolishing  it  we  should 
gain  the  respect  of  civilised  nations.  As  an  official  holding 
a provincial  post,  I am  prohibited  by  law  from  criticising 
the  administration  of  the  Palace ; nevertheless,  I hold  it  to 
be  my  duty  at  this  juncture  to  offer  my  suggestions, 
however  humble  and  worthless,  in  token  of  my  gratitude  to 
Your  Majesties  for  your  generous  favours.” 

Since  that  day,  there  have  been  repeated  denunciations  of 
the  eunuch  system,  and  rumours  of  their  impending 
removal,  but  their  influence  shows  little  sign  of  diminution, 
and  officials  of  the  courage  and  integrity  of  T’ao  Mo  are  a 

108 


TZU  HSI  AND  THE  EUNUCHS 


small  minority  in  the  Mandarinate.  Reform  measures  on 
paper  are  numerous  enough,  measures  forecasting  self-denial 
and  zeal  for  the  common  good  at  some  future  and  undeter- 
mined date,  but  it  is  significant  of  the  existing  condition  of 
affairs  and  the  strong  hold  of  the  powers  of  reaction,  that 
the  native  Press  has  lately  passed  from  its  former  robust 
independence  under  complete  official  control,  and  that  the 
voice  of  Young  China,  which  formerly  denounced  the 
eunuchs  and  other  causes  of  national  degeneration,  is  but 
faintly  heard  in  the  land. 


109 


VII 

A QUESTION  OF  ETIQUETTE 

The  following  secret  Memorial,  submitted  by  the  Censor 
Wu  K’o-tu,  in  1873,  casts  no  direct  light  on  the  life  and 
character  of  the  Empress  Dowager ; it  is  of  permanent 
interest  nevertheless,  and  valuable,  in  that  it  enables  us  to 
realise  something  of  the  unbounded  arrogance  of  the  Chinese 
official  class  and  the  childish  ignorance  of  that  Court  in 
which  Tzii  Hsi  lived  and  moved  and  had  her  being. 
Documents  like  these — their  number  is  legion  for  those  who 
look  for  them — throw  into  strong  relief  the  futility  of 
western  diplomacy  confronted  by  a national  sentiment  of 
contempt  for  the  barbarian  so  deep-rooted  and  far-reaching  ; 
and  they  make  one  wonder  at  the  persistence  of  those 
comfortable  delusions,  those  facile  lines  of  least  resistance, 
which  the  foreign  Powers  and  their  Legations  have 
cherished  to  this  day  in  spite  of  many  humiliating 
experiences.  And  if,  from  the  general,  one  returns  to 

particular  study  of  the  remarkable  woman  whose  personality 
dominated  the  destinies  of  men  and  the  foreign  relations  of 
her  country  for  half  a century,  the  state  of  affairs  revealed 
by  documents  like  these  must  compel  unstinted  admiration 
for  a mind  so  obviously  superior  to  its  environment. 
Finally,  there  lurks  in  this  Memorial  a certain  quality  of 
(possibly  unconscious)  humour  which  may  justify  its  inclu- 
sion, in  the  nature  of  an  entremets,  at  this  stage  of  our 
narrative : — 


110 


A QUESTION  OF  ETIQUETTE 

“ A Secret  Memorial  urging  the  Throne  to  'put  a stop  to 
official  wrangling  and  to  excuse  the  Ministers  of  foreign 
nations  from  kneeling  at  audiences , in  order  that  our 
magnanimity  may  be  proved  and  our  prestige  exalted.  A 
prayer  based , moreover,  on  the  fact  that  our  demands  in  this 
matter  cannot  be  successfully  pressed  and  that  protracted 
discussion  has  so  far  resulted  in  a hopeless  deadlock. 

“ From  the  day  when  first  the  foreign  Ministers  asked  to 
be  permitted  to  present  their  credentials,  nearly  six  months 
ago,  our  statesmen  have  discussed  the  question,  without 
arriving  at  any  solution  of  its  difficulties.  First,  they 
debated  whether  the  Ministers  should  be  granted  audience 
at  all,  and  having  agreed  upon  this,  they  proceeded  to 
discuss  whether  they  should  be  compelled  to  kneel. 

“ In  discussing  this  matter  with  certain  minor  officials,  it 
has  occurred  to  me  to  wonder  wherein  really  lies  the  gravity 
of  the  question  sufficient  to  justify  all  this  bother  and 
excitement?  As  Mencius  remarks,  ‘Why  should  the 
Superior  Man  engage  in  altercation  with  birds  and  beasts  ? ’ 

“ I have  heard,  and  believe,  that  the  rulers  of  foreign 
nations  are  deposed  by  their  subjects  for  all  the  world  like 
pawns  on  a chess  board.  I have  seen  with  my  own  eyes  the 
foreigners  who  live  in  Peking  walking  abroad,  preceded  by 
the  females  of  their  household  either  on  foot  or  in  sedan 
chairs ; the  men  folk  following  meekly  in  their  rear,  like 
servants — all  unashamed.  They  have  made  some  score  of 
treaties  with  China,  containing  at  least  ten  thousand  written 
characters.  Is  there  a word  in  any  one  of  them  concerning 
reverence  for  parents,  or  the  cultivation  of  virtue  and 
respect  for  the  nine  canons  of  rightful  conduct  ? No  ! Is 
there  one  word  in  any  one  of  them  as  to  the  observance  of 
ceremony,  as  to  duty,  integrity  and  a proper  sense  of  shame, 
the  four  cardinal  principles  of  our  nation  ? Again,  no  ! All 
that  they  speak  of  is  material  profit.  ‘ Such  and  such  a clause 
implies  benefits  or  profits  for  China.’  They  think  only  of 
profit,  and  with  the  meretricious  hope  of  profit  they  beguile 
the  Chinese  people.  These  men  know  not  even  the  meaning 
of  duty  and  ceremony,  wisdom  and  good  faith,  yet  -we 
profess,  forsooth,  to  expect  them  to  act  as  if  they  were 
endowed  with  the  five  cardinal  virtues  ! They  know  not  the 

111 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


meaning  of  the  Heaven-ordained  relationship  between  Sove- 
reign and  Minister,  between  father  and  son,  husband  and 
wife,  elder  and  younger  brother,  friend  and  friend — yet  we 
propose  to  require  them  to  conform  to  the  five  principles  of 
duty  ! It  seems  to  me  that  one  might  as  well  bring  together 
dogs  and  horses,  goats  and  pigs,  in  a public  hall  and  compel 
these  creatures  to  perform  the  evolutions  of  the  dance ! 

“ If  we  insist  upon  their  reverently  kneeling,  in  what 
manner  will  it  increase  the  lustre  of  the  Throne’s  prestige  ? 
If  we  excuse  them  from  kneeling,  how  can  this  possibly 
affect  the  Sovereign’s  majesty  ? 

“ But  our  statesmen  hold  that  long  and  careful  deliberation 
before  assenting  to  the  foreigners’  wishes  in  this  matter  will 
cause  the  latter  to  say : ‘If  so  great  pressure  be  required  to 
extract  even  this  trifling  concession  from  Chma,  how  small 
must  be  our  hopes  of  future  success  in  dealing  with  great 
matters.’  In  this  way,  it  is  thought,  we  may  cause  their 
everlasting  demands  on  China  to  cease,  and  we  should  thus 
gain,  while  they  lose,  prestige.  But,  in  my  humble  opinion, 
our  nation’s  prestige  depends  not  on  any  foreigners’  estimate 
of  us,  nor  is  their  humiliation  to  be  brought  about  in  this 
way.  If  once  they  perceive  that  we  attach  a real  importance 
to  their  kneeling  at  audience,  and  that  we  are  loth  to  exempt 
them  from  this  ceremony,  while  at  the  same  time  they 
are  fully  aware  that  we  dare  not  go  to  war  with  them,  they 
will  simply  insist  the  more  firmly  on  their  demands  and 
threaten  us  with  war  if  we  fail  to  comply.  Our  weakness 
once  exposed,  they  will  stick  at  nothing. 

“ I have  heard  that,  in  their  despatches  and  treaties,  the  puny 
hobgoblin  or  petty  monsters  whom  they  have  the  audacity  to 
call  ‘ Emperors  ’ are  placed  on  a level  of  equality  with  His 
Sacred  Majesty ! If  our  statesmen  can  brook  an  outrage 
like  this  and  feel  no  shame,  why  should  they  trouble  them- 
selves about  the  foreign  Envoys’  refusal  to  kneel  ? Two 
years  ago,  when  the  Russian  barbarians  were  pressing  in 
upon  China  from  Ili  and  all  the  North-west,  when  they 
were  seizing  vast  stretches  of  our  territory,  and  carrying 
out  their  policy  of  aggression  on  a scale  unparalleled  in  all 
the  history  of  our  relations  with  barbarians ; when  their 
crafty  and  deep-laid  plans  threatened  the  Empire  with  the 

112 


A QUESTION  OF  ETIQUETTE 

gravest  dangers — our  statesmen  showed  no  sense  of  shame. 
But  now,  we  are  to  believe  that  there  is  humiliation  to  China 
in  the  Ministers’  unwillingness  to  kneel ! Our  statesmen 
appear  to  imagine  that  if  foreign  nations  decline  to  comply 
with  the  formalities  of  Chinese  etiquette,  China  will  thereby 
be  disgraced,  but  in  my  humble  opinion,  compliance  on  their 
part  would  jeopardise  our  country.  From  ancient  times 
immemorial  the  policy  of  the  Government  has  been  guided 
by  two  main  factors,  viz.,  the  exigencies  of  the  moment  and 
the  amount  of  force  available  to  carry  out  a given  line 
of  action.  At  the  present  moment  China’s  position  does 
not  justify  her  in  contending  for  this  point  and  our  national 
forces  are  quite  inadequate  to  impose  our  will  upon  any 
other  nation.  China  should  therefore  seek  to  develop 
efficiency  and  in  the  meantime  resort  to  compromises. 

“ A disciple  of  Confucius  once  asked  the  Sage  in  what  lay 
the  art  of  government.  The  Master  replied  that  the  three 
first  requisites  were,  a sufficiency  of  food,  a sufficiency  of 
troops  and  the  confidence  of  the  people.  The  disciple  then 
asked  which  of  these  three  could  be  dispensed  with,  in  case 
of  urgent  necessity  ? Confucius  replied,  ‘ Dispense  first 
with  the  troops  and  next  with  the  food  supply.’  From  this 
we  may  learn  that  the  Sage,  aiming  at  perfection  in  the  art 
of  government,  would  approve  of  no  rash  or  ill-considered 
action  in  deciding  a matter  of  this  kind.  A clear  course 
of  action  should  be  definitely  pre-arranged  by  careful 
thought ; there  should  be  no  question  of  any  hasty  or 
immature  decision,  calculated  only  to  involve  the  country  in 
difficulties.  Our  statesmen  ought,  in  the  first  instance,  to 
have  examined  this  Audience  question  in  all  its  bearings, 
weighing  carefully  the  issues  involved,  and  should  have  con- 
sidered whether,  in  view  of  the  relative  strength  of  China 
and  foreign  nations,  resistance  was  advisable.  If  China 
were  not  well  aware  of  her  own  weakness,  she  would 
insist  upon  her  rights,  and  without  weighing  the  relative 
importance  in  each  case  ; but  as,  in  the  present  instance,  she 
does  not  feel  strong  enough  to  insist,  the  Ministers  should 
have  been  told  at  once  that  the  Throne  would  waive  the 
question  of  their  kneeling  at  audience,  and  that  His  Majesty 
would  dispense  in  their  case  with  the  formalities  and  cere- 


113 


i 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


monies  required  by  the  etiquette  of  the  Chinese  Court.  By 
so  doing  we  should  have  avoided  the  outward  and  visible 
manifestations  of  weakness,  and  foreigners  would  have  been 
led  to  perceive  how  small  is  the  importance  we  attach  to 
them  as  individuals.  Would  not  this  be  an  example  of 
enlightenment  and  statesmanship  to  impress  Chinese  and 
barbarians  alike  ? 

“ But  no ; we  must  needs  begin  by  raising  objections  to 
receiving  the  foreign  Envoys,  and  then,  having  been  com- 
pelled to  yield  this  point,  we  proceeded  to  require  them  to 
kneel  at  audience.  The  only  possible  result  of  this  will  be 
that  we  shall  finally  have  to  yield  to  their  protest ; but  our 
acquiescence  will  perforce  be  performed  with  bad  grace  and 
with  every  appearance  of  an  act  performed  under  com- 
pulsion. It  was  precisely  in  this  way  that  we  blundered 
when  we  made  the  Treaty  of  Tientsin.  I am  convinced 
that  the  Throne’s  position  will  be  an  unenviable  one  if  the 
views  of  these  statesmen  be  adopted,  and  would  suggest  as  a 
solution  of  the  difficulty,  that  His  Majesty  should  decide  for 
himself,  and  inform  his  Councillors  that  the  question  is  really 
one  of  minor  importance.  The  foreign  Ministers  are  not 
Chinese  subjects ; why,  then,  should  they  conform  to  a 
Chinese  ceremony  ? If  they  were  to  do  so,  and  if  the 
ceremonial  were  slovenly  or  awkwardly  performed,  might  it 
not  become  a burlesque  ? And  if  the  foreign  Ministers  were 
thus  made  to  look  ridiculous,  would  not  China  be  violating 
the  principle  which  lays  down  that  we  must  ‘ treat  strangers 
from  afar  with  courtesy  and  consideration  ’ ? If  it  should 
happen — as  well  might  be — that  the  spectators  should  be 
unable  to  control  their  mirth  at  so  ridiculous  a spectacle, 
might  not  the  humiliation  felt  by  the  foreigners  at  their 
discomfiture,  and  their  consequent  rage,  lead  them  to 
declare  war  against  China  ? It  seems,  therefore,  advisable 
that  the  Throne  should  issue  a Decree  excusing  the  Envoys 
from  performing  the  ceremonies  of  our  Court,  and,  in  the 
event  ot  their  ignorantly  offending  against  any  of  the  rules 
of  etiquette,  that  we  should  exercise  a wise  forbearance. 
Our  statesmen  should  refrain  from  querulous  arguments  ; 
they  should  bear  in  mind  that  to  dispute  with  these 
foreigners  is  unworthy  of  us.  In  this  they  will  display  the 


114 


A QUESTION  OF  ETIQUETTE 


perfection  of  magnanimity.  At  the  same  time  it  should  be 
carefully  explained  that  this  Decree  is  an  act  of  clemency; 
of  the  Emperor’s  own  initiative,  and  contrary  to  the  advice 
of  his  Ministers.  It  must  not  serve  as  a precedent  by  reason 
of  which  foreigners  may  be  led  to  demand  other  concessions 
from  China,  or  to  coerce  her  in  other  directions.  By  these 
means  we  shall  preserve  our  self-respect,  and  at  the  same 
time  prevent  all  possibility  of  our  people  attempting  reprisals 
against  foreigners,  to  avenge  what  they  might  regard  as  an 
insult  to  China.  And  for  the  rest,  let  us  proceed  to  develop 
our  strength,  biding  our  time. 

“ One  word  only  would  I add,  of  warning.  It  is  possible  that 
the  audacious  and  treacherous  foreigners  may  endeavour  to 
address  His  Majesty  at  audience.  Our  statesmen  should  be 
prepared  in  advance  with  the  proper  reply  to  make  in  such  a 
case,  so  that  they  may  avoid  being  put  to  sudden  confusion. 

“ I,  the  writer  of  this  worthless  Memorial,  am  but  an 
ignorant  inhabitant  of  a wild  and  remote  district,  and  know 
nothing  of  affairs  of  State.  Greatly  daring  and  of  rash 
utterance,  1 present  this  my  Memorial,  knowing  the  while 
that  in  so  doing  I risk  the  penalty  of  death.” 

To  this  Memorial  the  following  Rescript  was  issued  by 
the  Empresses  Dowager  : — 

“ We  have  perused  this  Memorial  and  find  it  not  lacking 
in  point.  The  foreign  Ministers  are  hereby  permitted  to 
appear  at  Audience  and  to  act  thereat  in  accordance  with 
their  own  national  Court  ceremonies.  Thus  the  Throne  will 
display  its  benevolent  indulgence  to  the  strangers  from 
afar  and  make  a proper  distinction  between  Chinese  and 
barbarians.” 

It  is  worthy  of  note  that  the  author  of  the  Memorial  was 
the  same  upright  and  fearless  Censor,  Wu  K’o-tu,  whose 
name  became  a household  word  upon  his  committing  suicide 
at  the  grave  of  T’ung-Chih,  as  an  act  of  protest  against  the 
illegality  of  the  succession  ordained  by  Tzu  Hsi.  If  such 
were  (and  are)  the  views  held  by  China’s  bravest  and  best, 

115  I 2 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


can  we  wonder  at  the  absurdities  that  have  led  the  ignorant 
masses  to  sudden  uprisings  and  deeds  of  violence  against  the 
foreigners  ? Wu  K’o-tu’s  trenchant  scorn  of  the  sordid 
commereialism  that  marks  the  foreigners’  Treaties,  is  typical 
of  the  attitude  of  the  orthodox  Chinese  scholar. 


116 


VIII 

MAJORITY  AND  DEATH  OF  THE  EMPEROR 

TUNG-CHIH 

In  the  eleventh  year  of  T’ung-Chih  (November  1872)  the 
Empresses  Dowager,  as  Co-Regents,  issued  a Decree 
recounting  the  circumstances  which  had  led  to  the  Regency 
(which  they  once  more  described  as  having  been  thrust  upon 
them),  and  announced  the  fact  that  His  Majesty’s  education 
having  been  completed,  they  now  proposed  to  hand  over  to 
him  the  reigns  of  government ; they  therefore  directed  that 
the  Court  of  Astronomers  should  select  an  auspicious  day 
upon  which  His  Majesty  should  assume  control.  The 
astrologers  and  soothsayers  having  announced  that  the 
26th  day  of  the  1st  Moon  was  of  fortunate  omen  (wherein, 
as  far  as  the  Emperor  was  concerned,  they  lied),  the  Co- 
Regents  issued  on  that  day  the  last  Decree  of  their  first 
Regency,  which  is  worth  reproducing  : — 

“ His  Majesty  assumes  to-day  the  control  of  the  Govern- 
ment, and  our  joy  at  this  auspicious  event  is  in  some  degree 
blended  with  feelings  of  anxiety  as  to  the  possible  results  of 
this  change  ; but  we  bear  in  mind  the  fact  that  his  sacred 
Ancestors  have  all  feared  the  Almighty,  and  endeavoured 
to  follow  in  the  sacred  traditions  of  their  predecessors.  At 
the  moment,  peace  has  not  been  completely  restored 
throughout  the  Empire,  for  rebellion  is  still  rife  in  Yunnan, 
Shensi  and  the  North-West  region.  It  behoves  the  Emperor 
to  bear  steadily  in  mind  the  greatness  of  the  task  which  God 
and  his  ancestors  have  laid  upon  him  alone,  and  carefully  to 

117 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


obey  the  House  laws  of  the  Dynasty  in  all  things.  When 
not  actually  engaged  on  business  of  State,  he  should  employ 
his  time  in  studying  the  classics  and  the  precedents  of 
history,  carefully  enquiring  into  the  causes  which  have 
produced  good  or  bad  government,  from  the  earliest  times 
down  to  the  present  day.  He  should  be  thrifty  and  diligent, 
endeavouring  to  make  perfect  his  government.  This  has 
been  our  one  constant  endeavour  since  we  took  upon  our- 
selves the  Regency,  the  one  ideal  that  has  been  steadily 
before  our  eyes.” 

The  Decree  concludes  with  the  usual  exhortation  to  the 
Grand  Council  and  the  high  officers  of  the  Provincial 
administration,  to  serve  the  Throne  with  zeal  and  loyalty. 

As  far  as  the  Emperor  was  concerned,  these  admirable 
sentiments  appeared  to  have  little  or  no  effect,  for  his 
conduct  from  the  outset  was  undutiful,  not  to  say 
disrespectful,  to  his  mother.  Nor  was  this  to  be  wondered 
at,  when  we  remember  that  since  his  early  boyhood  he  had 
shown  a marked  preference  for  the  Empress  Dowager  of  the 
East  (Tzu  An)  and  that  he  was  well  aware  of  the  many 
dissensions  and  intrigues  rife  in  the  Palace  generally,  and 
particularly  between  the  Co-Regents.  He  had  now  attained 
his  seventeenth  year,  and,  with  it,  something  of  the  autocratic 
and  imperious  nature  of  his  august  parent.  He  was  encour- 
aged in  his  independent  attitude  by  the  wife  whom  Tzu  Hsi 
had  chosen  for  him,  the  virtuous  A-lu-te.  This  lady  was 
of  patrician  origin,  being  a daughter  of  the  assistant  Imperial 
tutor,  Chung  Ch’i.  In  the  first  flush  of  supreme  authority, 
the  boy  Emperor  and  his  young  wife  would  appear  to 
have  completely  ignored  the  danger  of  their  position, 
but  they  were  speedily  to  learn  by  bitter  experience  that 
Tzu  Hsi  was  not  to  be  opposed,  and  that  to  live  peacefully 
with  her  in  the  Palace  was  an  end  that  could  only  be 
attained  by  complete  submission  to  her  will.  The  first 
trouble  arose  from  the  Emperor’s  refusal  to  submit  State 
documents  for  his  mother’s  inspection,  but  there  were 

118 


MAJORITY  AND  DEATH  OF  T’UNG-CHIH 


soon  other  and  more  serious  causes  of  friction.  But  above 
and  behind  all  lay  the  ominous  fact  that,  in  the  event  of  an 
heir  being  born  to  the  Emperor,  A-lu-te  would  from  that 
day  become  Empress  mother,  and  in  the  event  of  the 
Emperor’s  subsequent  decease,  to  her  would  belong  by  right 
the  title  of  Empress  Dowager,  so  that,  come  what  might, 
Tzu  Hsi  would  be  relegated  to  a position  of  obscurity  and 
insignificant  authority.  It  is  impossible  to  overlook  this 
fact  in  forming  our  opinion  of  subsequent  events,  and 
especially  of  the  motives  which  actuated  the  Empress 
Dowager  when,  alter  the  death  of  T’ung-Chih,  she  insisted 
on  the  election  of  another  infant  Emperor  at  all  costs  and  in 
violation  of  the  sacred  laws  of  Dynastic  succession.  Apart 
from  her  inability  to  brook  any  form  of  opposition  and  her 
absolutely  unscrupulous  methods  for  ridding  herself  of 
anything  or  anyone  who  stood  in  the  path  of  her  ambition, 
no  impartial  estimate  of  her  action  at  this  period  can  deny 
the  tact  that  it  was  entirely  to  her  interest  that  the  Emperor 
T’ung-Chih  should  not  have  an  heir,  and  that  his  Consort 
should  follow  him  speedily,  in  the  event  of  his  “ mounting 
the  Dragon  chariot,  and  proceeding  on  the  long  journey,” 
All  commentators  agree  that  Tzu  Hsi  encouraged  the 
youthful  Emperor's  tendencies  to  dissipated  habits,  and  that, 
when  these  had  resulted  in  a serious  illness,  she  allowed  it  to 
wreck  havoc  with  his  delicate  constitution,  without 
providing  him  with  such  medical  assistance  as  might  have 
been  available.  One  of  the  members  of  the  Imperial 
Household,  by  name  Kuei  Ching,1  deploring  the  Emperor’s 
licentious  habits  and  foreseeing  his  early  death,  took  occasion 
to  urge  that  the  deplorable  influence  exercised  over  him  by 
disreputable  eunuchs  should  be  removed,  and  that  greater 
care  should  be  taken  of  his  manners,  morals  and  health. 
He  even  went  so  far,  in  his  zeal,  as  to  decapitate  several  of 
the  offending  eunuchs,  but  in  so  doing  he  incurred  not  only 

1 This  Kuei  Ching  was  an  uncle  of  Tuan  Fang,  recently  Viceroy  of  Chihli 
and  a man  generally  respected. 


119 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


the  displeasure  of  the  Empress  Dowager,  but  of  the 
Emperor  himself,  who  desired  neither  criticism  nor  assistance 
from  anyone  around  him.  The  unfortunate  Kuei  Ching 
was  therefore  compelled  to  resign  his  post,  and  to  leave  the 
Emperor  to  his  fate.  His  colleagues,  the  Ministers  of 
the  Household,  Wen  Hsi  and  Kuei  Pao,  men  of  a very 
different  stamp,  and  open  partisans  of  the  Empress 
Dowager,  not  only  did  nothing  to  restrain  the  Emperor 
from  his  vicious  courses,  but  actually  encouraged  him,  so  that 
it  became  a matter  of  common  knowledge  and  notorious  in 
the  capital  that  they  and  the  Emperor  together  were  wont 
to  consort  with  all  the  evil  characters  in  the  worst  localities 
of  the  Southern  City.  It  became  cause  for  scandal  in  the 
Palace  itself  that  His  Majesty  would  return  from  his  orgies 
long  after  the  hour  fixed  for  the  morning  audience  with  his 
high  officers  of  State.  He  was  mixed  up  in  many  a 
drunken  brawl  and  consorted  with  the  lowest  dregs  of  the 
Chinese  city,  so  that  it  was  no  matter  for  surprise  when  lie 
contracted  the  germs  of  disease  which  speedily  led  to  his 
death.  Already  in  1873  it  was  apparent  that  the  Dragon 
Throne  would  soon  be  vacant.  In  December  1874,  he 
contracted  smallpox  and  during  his  illness  the  Empresses 
Dowager  were  called  upon  to  assume  control  of  the 
Government.  Towards  the  end  of  the  month,  he  issued  the 
following  Decree. 

“ We  have  had  the  good  fortune  1 this  month  to  contract 
smallpox,  and  their  Majesties,  the  Empresses  Dowager, 
have  shown  the  greatest  possible  tenderness  in  the  care 
for  our  person.  They  have  also  consented  to  peruse  all 
Memorials  and  State  papers  on  our  behalf,  and  to  carry 
on  the  business  of  the  State,  for  which  we  are  deeply 
grateful.  We  feel  bound  to  confer  upon  their  Majesties 
additional  titles  of  honour,  so  as  to  make  some  return, 
however  small,  for  their  infinite  goodness.” 


1 This  disease  is  regarded  amongst  the  Chinese  as  one  of  good  omen, 
especially  if  the  symptoms  develop  satisfactorily. 

120 


MAJORITY  AND  DEATH  OF  T’UNG-CHIH 

The  Emperor’s  enfeebled  constitution  was  unable  to 
resist  the  ravages  of  his  combined  diseases,  and  his  physical 
condition  became  in  the  highest  degree  deplorable ; at 
8 p.m.  on  the  13th  January  1875,  in  the  presence  of  the 
Empresses  Dowager  and  some  twenty  Princes  and  Ministers 
of  the  Household,  he  “ ascended  the  Dragon  ” and  was 
wafted  on  high.  Amongst  those  present  at  his  death-bed 
were  the  Princes  Kung  and  Ch’un,  as  well  as  Tzu  Hsi’s 
devoted  henchman  and  admirer  Jung  Lu.  After  the  Em- 
peror’s death,  a Censor,  bolder  than  his  fellows,  impeached 
the  two  Ministers  of  the  Household  who  had  openly  encou- 
raged the  Emperor  in  his  dissipated  courses,  and  Tzu  Hsi, 
having  no  further  use  for  their  services,  dismissed  them  from 
office.  As  further  proof  of  her  virtuous  admiration  for 
faithful  sendee  and  disinterested  conduct,  she  invited  Kuei 
Ching  to  resume  his  appointment,  praising  his  loyalty  ; but 
he  declined  the  invitation,  having  by  this  time  formed 
his  own  opinion  of  the  value  of  virtue  in  Her  Majesty’s 
service. 

The  Emperor  having  died  without  issue,  all  would  have 
been  plain  and  meritorious  sailing  for  Tzu  Hsi  and  her 
retention  of  supreme  power,  had  it  not  been  for  the  un- 
pleasant fact,  known  to  all  the  Court,  that  the  Emperor’s 
consort,  A-lu-te,  was  enceinte  and  therefore  might  confer 
an  heir  on  the  deceased  sovereign.  In  the  event  of  a son 
being  born,  it  was  clear  that  both  A-lu-te  and  Tzu  An 
would  ipso  facto  acquire  authority  theoretically  higher  than 
her  own,  since  her  title  of  Empress  Mother  had  lapsed 
by  the  death  of  T’ung-Chih,  and  her  original  position 
was  only  that  of  a secondary  consort.  As  the  mother  of 

Ithe  Emperor,  she  had  by  right  occupied  a predominant 
position  during  his  minority,  but  this  was  now  ended.  It 
was  to  her  motherhood  that  she  had  owed  the  first  claims  to 
power ; now  she  had  nothing  but  her  own  boundless  am- 
bition, courage  and  intelligence  to  take  the  place  of  lawful 
claims  and  natural  ties.  With  the  death  of  her  son  the 

121 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


Emperor,  and  the  near  prospect  of  A-lu-te’s  confinement, 
it  was  clear  that  her  own  position  would  require  desperate 
remedies,  if  her  power  was  to  remain  undiminished. 

Among  the  senior  members  of  the  Imperial  Clan,  many  of 
whom  were  jealous  of  the  influence  of  the  Yehonala  branch, 
there  was  a strong  movement  in  favour  of  placing  on  the 
Throne  a grandson  of  the  eldest  son  of  the  venerated 
Emperor  Tao-Kuang,  namely,  the  infant  Prince  P’u  Lun, 
whose  claims  were  excellent,  in  so  far  as  he  was  of  a genera- 
tion lower  than  the  deceased  T’ung-Chih,  but  complicated  by 
the  fact  that  his  father  had  been  adopted  into  the  direct  line 
from  another  branch.  The  Princes  and  nobles  who  favoured 
this  choice  pointed  out  that  the  infant  P’u  Lun  was  almost 
the  only  nominee  who  would  satisfy  the  laws  of  succession 
and  allow  of  the  proper  sacrifices  being  performed  to  the 
spirit  of  the  deceased  T’ung-Chih.1 

Tzii  Hsi,  however,  was  too  determined  to  retain  her 
position  and  power  to  allow  any  weight  to  attach  to  senti- 
mental, religious,  or  other  considerations.  If,  in  order  to 
secure  her  objects,  a violation  of  the  ancestral  and  House- 
laws  were  necessary,  she  was  not  the  woman  to  hesitate,  and 
she  trusted  to  her  own  intelligence  and  the  servility  of  her 
tools  in  the  Censorate  to  put  matters  right,  or,  at  least,  to 
overcome  all  opposition.  At  this  period  she  was  on  bad 
terms  with  her  colleague  and  Co-Regent,  whom  she  had 
never  forgiven  for  her  share  in  the  decapitation  of  her  Chief 
Eunuch,  An  Te-hai ; she  hated  and  mistrusted  Prince  Kung, 
and  there  is  hardly  a doubt  that  she  had  resolved  to  get 
rid  of  the  young  Empress  A-lu-te  before  the  birth  of  her 
child.  The  only  member  of  the  Imperial  family  witli  whom 
she  was  at  this  time  on  intimate  terms  was  her  brother-in- 
law,  Prince  Ch’un,  the  seventh  son  of  the  Emperor  Tao- 

1 The  annual  and  seasonal  sacrifices  at  the  ancestral  Temple  and  at  the 
Imperial  tombs  involve  “ kowtowing  ” before  each  tablet  of  the  sacred 
ancestors,  and  this  cannot  be  done  in  the  presence  of  one  of  the  same 
generation  as  the  last  deceased,  much  less  by  him. 

122 


MAJORITY  AND  DEATH  OF  T’UNG-CHIH 


Kuang.  This  Prince,  an  able  man,  though  dissolute  in  his 
habits,  had  married  her  favourite  sister,  the  younger 
Yehonala,  and  it  will,  therefore,  be  readily  understood  that 
the  reasons  which  actuated  her  in  deciding  to  place  this 
Prince’s  infant  son  upon  the  Throne  were  of  the  very 
strongest.  During  his  minority  she  would  continue  to  rule 
the  Empire,  and,  should  he  live  to  come  of  age,  her  sister, 
the  Emperor’s  mother,  might  be  expected  to  exert  her 
influence  to  keep  him  in  the  path  of  dutiful  obedience.  Tzu 
Hsi’s  objection  to  the  son  of  Prince  Ivung  was  partly  due  to 
the  fact  that  she  had  never  forgiven  his  father  for  his  share 
in  the  death  of  the  eunuch,  An  Te-hai,  and  other 
offences,  and  partly  because  the  young  Prince  was  now  in 
his  seventeenth  year,  and  would,  therefore,  almost  imme- 
diately have  assumed  the  Government  in  his  own  person. 
Tzu  Hsi  was  aware  that,  in  that  event,  it  would  be  in 
accordance  with  tradition  and  the  methods  adopted  by  the 
stronger  party  in  the  Forbidden  City  for  ridding  itself  of 
inconvenient  rivals  and  conflicting  authorities,  that  either 
she  should  be  relegated  to  complete  obscurity  here  below,  or 
forcibly  assisted  on  the  road  to  Heaven.  It  was  thus  abso- 
lutely necessary  for  her  to  put  a stop  to  this  appointment, 
and.  as  usual,  she  acted  with  prompt  thoroughness,  which 
speedily  triumphed  over  the  disorganised  efforts  of  her 
opponents.  By  adroit  intrigues,  exercised  chiefly  through 
her  favourite  eunuch,  she  headed  off  any  attempt  at  co- 
operation between  the  supporters  of  Prince  P’u  Lun  and 
those  of  Prince  Kung,  while,  with  the  aid  of  Jung  Lu  and 
the  appearance  on  the  scene  of  a considerable  force  of 
Li  Hung-chang’s  Anhui  troops,  she  prepared  the  way  for 
the  success  of  her  own  plans ; her  preparations  made,  she 
summoned  a Council  of  the  Clansmen  and  high  officials,  to 
elect  and  appoint  the  new  Emperor. 

This  solemn  conclave  took  place  in  the  Palace  of  “ Mind 
Nurture,”  on  the  western  side  of  the  Forbidden  City,  about 
a quarter  of  a mile  distant  from  the  palace  in  which  the 

123 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


Emperor  T’ung-Chih  had  expired.  In  addition  to  the 
Empresses  Regent,  those  present  numbered  twenty-five  in 
all,  including  several  Princes  and  Imperial  Clansmen,  the 
members  of  the  Grand  Council,  and  several  of  the  highest 
metropolitan  officials ; but  of  all  these,  only  five  were 
Chinese.  Prince  Tsai  C-hih,  the  father  of  Prince  P’u  Lun, 
was  there,  as  well  as  Prince  Kung,  both  representing  the 
proposed  legitimate  claims  to  the  Throne.  The  approaches 
to  the  Palace  were  thronged  with  eunuchs,  and  Tzti  Hsi 
had  taken  care,  with  the  assistance  of  Jung  Lu,  that 
all  the  strategical  points  in  the  Forbidden  City  should 
be  held  by  troops  on  whose  loyalty  she  could  completely 
depend.  Amongst  them  were  many  of  Jung  Lu’s  own 
Banner  Corps,  as  well  as  detachments  chiefly  composed 
of  members  and  adherents  of  the  Yehonala  clan.  By  Tzu 
Hsi’s  express  orders,  the  newly-widowed  Empress  A-lu-te 
was  excluded  from  the  Council  meeting,  and  remained 
dutifully  weeping  by  the  bedside  of  her  departed  lord,  who 
had  already  been  arrayed  in  the  ceremonial  Dragon  robes. 

In  the  Council  Chamber  Tzu  Hsi  and  her  colleague  sat 
opposite  to  each  other  on  Thrones  ; all  the  officials  present 
were  on  their  knees.  Taking  precedence  as  usual,  and 
assuming  as  of  right  the  rdle  of  chief  speaker,  Tzu  Hsi 
began  by  remarking  that  no  time  must  be  lost  in  selecting 
the  new  Emperor  ; it  was  not  fitting  that  the  Throne  should 
remain  vacant  on  the  assumption  that  an  heir  would  be 
born  to  His  late  Majesty.  Prince  Kung  ventured  to  disagree 
with  this  opinion,  expressing  the  view  that,  as  A-lu-te’s  child 
would  shortly  be  born,  there  should  be  no  difficulty  in 
keeping  back  the  news  of  the  Emperor’s  death  for  a little 
while  ; the  child,  if  a boy,  could  then  rightly  and  fittingly 
be  placed  on  the  Throne,  while  in  the  event  of  the  post- 
humous child  being  a daughter,  there  would  still  be  time 
enough  to  make  selection  of  the  Emperor’s  successor.  The 
Princes  and  Clansmen  appeared  to  side  with  this  view,  but 
Tzu  Hsi  brushed  it  aside,  observing  that  there  were  still 

124 


MAJORITY  AND  DEATH  OF  TTJNG-CH1H 


rebellions  unsuppressed  in  the  south,  and  that  if  it  were 
known  that  the  Throne  was  empty,  the  Dynasty  might  very 
well  be  overthrown.  “ When  the  nest  is  destroyed,  how 
many  eggs  will  remain  unbroken  ? ” she  asked.  The  Grand 
Councillors  and  several  senior  statesmen,  including  the 
three  Chinese  representatives  from  the  south,  expressed 
agreement  with  this  view,  for  they  realised  that,  given 
conditions  of  unrest,  the  recently  active  Taiping  rebels  might 
very  easily  renew  the  anti- Dynastic  movement. 

The  Empress  Dowager  of  the  East  then  gave  it  as  her 
opinion  that  Prince  Kung’s  son  should  be  chosen  heir  to  the 
Throne ; Prince  Kung,  in  accordance  with  the  customary 
etiquette,  kowtowed  and  professed  unwillingness  that  such 
honour  should  fall  to  his  family,  and  suggested  that  the 
youthful  Prince  P u Lun  should  be  elected.  P’u  Lull’s  father 
in  turn  pleaded  the  unworthiness  of  his  offspring,  not  because 
he  really  felt  any  qualms  on  the  subject,  but  because  custom 
necessitated  this  self-denying  attitude.  “ That  has  nothing 
to  do  with  the  case,”  said  Tzu  Hsi  to  the  last  speaker,  “ but 
as  you  are  only  the  adopted  son  of  Yi  Wei  ” (the  eldest  son 
of  the  Emperor  Tao-Ivuang)  “ what  precedent  can  any  of 
you  show  for  placing  on  the  Throne  the  heir  of  an  adopted 
son  ? ” Prince  Kung,  called  upon  to  reply,  hesitated,  and 
suggested  as  a suitable  precedent  the  case  of  a Ming  Emperor 
of  the  fifteenth  century  canonised  as  Ying-Tsung.  “ That  is 
a bad  precedent,”  replied  the  Empress,  who  had  every  pre- 
cedent of  history  at  her  finger  ends.  “ The  Emperor  Ying- 
Tsung  was  not  really  the  son  of  his  predecessor,  but  was 
palmed  off  on  the  Emperor  by  one  of  the  Imperial  concu- 
bines. His  reign  was  a period  of  disaster  ; he  was  for  a time 
in  captivity  under  the  Mongols  and  afterwards  lived  in 
retirement  at  Peking  for  eight  years  while  the  Throne  was 
occupied  by  his  brother.”  Turning  next  to  her  colleague 
she  said,  “As  for  me,  I propose  as  heir  to  the  Throne,  Tsai 
Tien,  the  son  of  Yi  Huan  (Prince  Chun),  and  advise  you  all 
that  we  lose  no  time.”  On  hearing  these  words  Prince  Kung 

125 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


turned  to  his  brother  and  angrily  remarked  : “ Is  the  right  of 
primogeniture 1 to  be  completely  ignored  ? ” “ Let  the 

matter  then  be  decided  by  taking  a vote,”  said  Tzu  Hsi,  and 
her  colleague  offered  no  objections.  The  result  of  the  vote 
was  that  seven  of  the  Princes,  led  by  Prince  Chun,  voted 
for  Prince  P’u  Lun,  and  three  for  the  son  of  Prince  Kung ; 
the  remainder  of  the  Council  voted  solidly  for  Tzu  Hsi’s 
nominee.  The  voting  was  done  openly  and  the  result  was 
entirely  due  to  the  strong  will  and  dominating  personality  of 
the  woman  whom  all  had  for  years  recognised  as  the  real 
ruler  of  China.  When  the  voting  was  concluded,  Tzti  An, 
who  was  always  more  anxious  for  an  amicable  settlement 
than  for  prolonged  discussion,  intimated  her  willingness  to 
leave  all  further  arrangements  in  the  hands  of  her  colleague. 
It  was  now  past  nine  o’clock,  a furious  dust-storm  was  raging 
and  the  night  was  bitterly  cold,  but  Tzu  Hsi,  who  never 
wasted  time  at  moments  of  crisis,  ordered  a strong  detach- 
ment of  Household  troops  to  be  sent  to  the  residence  of 
Prince  Chun  in  the  Western  City,  and  with  it  the  Imperial 
yellow  sedan  chair  with  eight  bearers,  to  bring  the  boy 
Emperor  to  the  Palace.  At  the  same  time,  to  keep  Prince 
Kung  busy  and  out  of  harm’s  way,  she  gave  him  charge  of 
the  body  of  the  dead  Emperor,  while  she  had  the  Palace 
surrounded  and  strongly  guarded  by  Jung  Lu’s  troops.  It 
was  in  her  careful  attention  to  details  of  this  kind  that  lay 
her  marked  superiority  to  the  vacillating  and  unbusinesslike 
methods  of  those  who  opposed  her,  and  it  is  this  Napoleonic 
characteristic  of  the  woman  which  explains  much  of  the  success 
that  her  own  people  frequently  attributed  to  luck.  Before 
midnight  the  little  Emperor  had  been  duly  installed  in  the 
Palace,  weeping  bitterly  upon  his  ill-omened  coming  to  the 
Forbidden  City.  With  him  came  his  mother  (Tzu  Hsi’s 
sister)  and  several  nurses.  The  first  event  of  his  reign, 
imposed  upon  him,  like  much  future  misery,  by  dynastic 

1 Prince  Kung  was  the  sixth.  Prince  Ch’un  the  seventh,  in  order  of 
seniority. 


126 


MAJORITY  AND  DEATH  OF  TTING-CHIH 


precedent,  was  to  be  taken  at  once  to  the  Hall  where  his 
deceased  predecessor  was  lying  in  State,  and  there  to  kowtow, 
as  well  as  his  tender  years  permitted,  before  the  departed 
ruler.  A Decree  was  thereupon  issued  in  the  names  of  the 
Empresses  Dowager,  who  thus  became  once  more  Regents, 
announcing,  “ that  they  were  absolutely  compelled  to  select 
Tsai  Tien  for  the  Throne,  and  that  he  should  become  heir 
by  adoption  to  his  uncle  Hsien-Feng,  but  that,  so  soon 
as  he  should  have  begotten  a son,  the  Emperor  T’ung-Chih 
would  at  once  be  provided  with  an  heir.” 

By  this  means  the  widowed  Empress  A-lu-te  was 
completely  passed  over,  and  the  claims  of  her  posthumous 
son  ignored  in  advance.  Once  more  Tzu  Hsi  had  gained  an 
easy  and  complete  victory.  It  was  clear  to  those  who  left 
the  Council  Chamber  after  the  issue  of  this  Decree,  that 
neither  the  young  widowed  Empress  nor  the  unborn  child  of 
T’ung-Chih  were  likely  to  give  much  more  trouble. 

For  form’s  sake,  and  in  accordance  with  dynastic  pre- 
cedents, a Memorial  was  submitted  by  all  the  Ministers  and 
Princes  of  the  Household,  begging  their  Majesties  the 
Empresses  to  resume  the  Regency,  who,  on  their  part,  went 
through  the  farce  of  acceding  graciously  to  this  request,  on 
the  time-honoured  ground  that  during  the  Emperor’s 
minority  there  must  be  some  central  authority  to  whom  the 
officials  of  the  Empire  might  look  for  the  necessary  guidance. 
It  was  only  fitting  and  proper,  however,  that  reluctance 
should  be  displayed,  and  Tzu  Hsi’s  reply  to  the  Memorial 
therefore  observed  that  “ the  perusal  of  this  Memorial  has 
greatly  increased  our  grief  and  sorrowful  recognition  of  the 
exigencies  of  the  times,  for  we  had  hoped  that  the  Regency 
was  merely  a temporary  measure  of  unusual  expediency. 
Be  it  known  that  so  soon  as  the  Emperor  shall  have 
completed  his  education,  we  shall  immediately  hand  over 
to  him  the  affairs  of  the  Government.” 

The  infant  Emperor  was  understood  to  express  “ dutiful 
thanks  to  their  Majesties  for  this  virtuous  act  ” and  all  the 

127 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


formalities  of  the  tragic  comedy  were  thus  completed.  The 
Empress  Dowager  gave  orders  that  the  repairs  which  had 
been  begun  at  the  Lake  and  Summer  Palaces  should  now  be 
stopped,  the  reason  given  being  that  the  Empresses  Regent 
would  have  no  time  nor  desire  for  gaiety  in  the  years  to 
come  ; the  real  reason  being,  however,  that  the  death  of  the 
Emperor  removed  all  necessity  for  their  Majesties  leaving 
the  Forbidden  City. 

Tzu  Hsi’s  success  in  forcing  her  wishes  upon  the  Grand 
Council  and  having  her  sister’s  infant  son  appointed  to  the 
Imperial  succession,  in  opposition  to  the  wishes  of  a power- 
ful party  and  in  violation  of  the  dynastic  law,  was  entirely 
due  to  her  energy  and  influence.  The  charm  of  her  person- 
ality, and  the  convincing  directness  of  her  methods  were 
more  effective  than  all  the  forces  of  tradition.  This  fact, 
and  her  triumph,  become  the  more  remarkable  when  we 
bear  in  mind  that  she  had  been  advised,  and  the  Grand 
Council  was  aware,  that  the  infant  Emperor  suffered  from 
physical  weaknesses  which,  even  at  that  date,  rendered  it 
extremely  unlikely  that  he  would  ever  provide  an  heir  to 
the  Throne.  Those  who  criticised  her  selection,  knowing 
this,  would  have  been  therefore  in  a strong  position  had  they 
not  been  lacking  in  courage  and  decision,  since  it  was  clear, 
if  the  fact  were  admitted,  that  Her  Majesty’s  only  possible 
motive  was  personal  ambition. 

From  that  time  until  the  death  of  the  Emperor  and 
her  own,  on  the  14th  and  15th  November  1908,  the  belief 
was  widespread,  and  not  infrequently  expressed,  that  the 
Emperor,  whose  reign  began  thus  inauspiciously,  would  not 
survive  her,  and  there  were  many  who  predicted  that  his 
death  would  occur  before  the  time  came  for  him  to  assume 
supreme  control  of  the  Government.  All  foretold  that  Tzu 
Hsi  would  survive  him,  for  the  simple  reason  that  only  thus 
could  she  hope  to  regulate  once  more  the  succession  and 
continue  the  Regency.  The  prophets  of  evil  were  wrong,  as 
we  know,  inasmuch  as  Kuang-Hsii  was  allowed  his  years  of 

128 


f 


MAJORITY  AND  DEATH  OF  T’UNG-CHIH 

Lrrace  in  control  of  affairs,  but  we  know  also  that  after 
the  coup  d'etat  it  was  only  the  fear  of  an  insurrection  in  the 
south  that  saved  his  life  and  prevented  the  accession  of 
a new  boy  Emperor. 

The  designation  of  the  new  reign  was  then  ordered  to  he 
“ Kuang-Hsii,”  meaning  “glorious  succession”;  it  was 
chosen  to  emphasise  the  fact  that  the  new  Emperor  was 
a direct  lineal  descendant  of  the  last  great  Manchu  Emperor, 
Tao-Kuang,  and  to  suggest  the  hope  that  the  evil  days 
of  Hsien-Feng  and  T’ung-Chih  had  come  to  an  end.  The 
next  act  of  the  Empresses  Regent  was  to  confer  an 
honorific  title  upon  the  late  Emperor’s  widow ; but  the 
honour  was  not  sufficient  to  prevent  her  from  committing 
suicide  on  the  27th  of  March  as  an  act  of  protest  at 
the  grievous  wrong  done  to  her,  to  the  memory  of  her 
husband  and  to  the  claims  of  his  posthumous  heir.  This 
was  the  unofficial  explanation  current,  but  opinions  have 
always  differed,  and  must  continue  to  differ,  as  to  the  truth 
of  the  suicide,  there  being  many  who,  not  unnaturally, 
accused  Tzu  Hsi  of  putting  an  end  to  the  unfortunate 
woman.  Against  this  the  Empress’s  advocates  observe  that, 
having  succeeded  in  obtaining  the  appointment  of  Kuang- 
Hsii  to  the  Throne,  and  the  matter  being  irrevocably  settled, 
there  existed  no  further  necessity  for  any  act  of  violence : 
but  few,  if  any,  suggest  that  had  circumstances  necessitated 
violent  measures  they  would  not  have  been  taken.  The 
balance  of  evidence  is  undoubtedly  in  the  direction  of  foul 
play.  But,  however  administered,  it  is  certain  that  the 
death  of  the  Empress  A-lu-te  influenced  public  opinion  more 
profoundly  than  she  could  ever  have  done  by  living ; as 
a result,  thousands  of  Memorials  poured  in  from  the 
Censorate  and  the  provinces,  strongly  protesting  against  the 
selection  of  the  infant  son  of  Prince  Ch’un  for  the  Throne,  as 
a violation  of  all  ancestral  custom  and  the  time-honoured 
laws  of  succession.  It  is  significant  that  all  these  protests 
were  clearly  directed  against  Tzti  Hsi,  her  colleague’s 

129  K 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


nonentity  being  practically  and  generally  recognised.  For  a 
time  Tzii  Hsi’s  popularity  (and  therefore  the  position  of  the 
Yehonala  clan)  was  seriously  affected,  and  when,  four  years 
later,  the  Censor,  Wu  K’o-tu,  committed  suicide  near  T’ung- 
Chih’s  grave  to  emphasise  the  seriousness  of  the  crime  and  to 
focus  public  attention  on  the  matter,  the  Empress  was 
compelled  to  how  to  the  storm  and  to  give  a second 
and  more  solemn  pledge  that  the  deceased  Emperor  should 
not  permanently  be  left  without  heirs  to  perform  for  him  the 
sacrifices  of  ancestral  worship.  It  will  be  seen  hereafter  how 
she  kept  that  pledge. 

Prince  Ch’un,  in  the  capacity  of  father  to  the  new 
Emperor,  submitted  a Memorial  asking  leave  to  be 
permitted  to  resign  his  various  offices,  because,  as  an  official, 
he  would  be  bound  to  kowtow  to  the  Emperor,  and  as  a 
father  he  could  not  kowtow  to  his  own  son.  In  the  course 
of  this  Memorial,  which  reminds  the  reader  unpleasantly  of 
Mr.  Pecksniff,  the  Prince  observes  that  when  first  informed 
of  his  son’s  selection  as  heir  to  the  Dragon  Throne,  “ he 
almost  fainted  and  knew  not  what  to  do.  When  borne  to 
his  home,  his  body  was  trembling  and  his  heart  palpitating 
severely  ; like  a madman,  or  one  who  walks  in  dreams,  was 
he,  so  that  he  incurred  a serious  recurrence  of  his  liver 
trouble  and  the  state  of  his  health  became  really  a matter 
for  anxiety.  He  would  prefer  that  the  silent  tomb  should 
close  forthwith  over  his  remains  rather  than  to  continue 
to  draw  the  breath  of  life  as  the  useless  son  of  the  Emperor 
Tao-Kuang.” 

The  Empress  Dowager,  in  reply,  directed  her  faithful 
Ministers  to  devise  a careful  compromise  “ based  on  the 
special  requirements  of  the  case,”  the  result  of  which  was 
that  Prince  Ch’un  was  permitted  to  resign  his  offices  and 
excused  n-om  attendance  at  all  Court  ceremonies  involving 
obeisance  to  the  Emperor,  but  was  retained  in  a sort  of 
general  capacity  as  “ adviser  to  the  Empresses  Regent  ” to 
serve  when  called  upon.  On  the  birthdays  of  the 

130 


MAJORITY  AND  DEATH  OF  T’UNG-CHIH 


Empresses  Regent,  lie  would  be  permitted  to  prostrate 
himself  before  them  in  private,  and  not  as  a member  of  the 
Court  in  attendance  on  the  Emperor.  His  first  class 
Princedom  was  made  hereditary  for  ever,  and  he  was 
commanded  to  give  the  benefit  of  his  experience  and  sage 
counsel  to  his  successor,  Prince  Tun,  as  officer  commanding 
the  Mancliu  Field  Force — an  order  which  he  must  have 
obeyed,  for  the  Force  in  question  became  more  and  more 
notorious  for  its  tatterdemalion  uselessness  and  the 
corruption  of  its  commanders. 

Remembering  the  institution  of  the  first  Regency,  it  will 
be  noted  how  faithfully  history  can  be  made  to  repeat  itself 
in  the  Celestial  Empire. 


K *2 


131 


IX 


THE  PROTEST  AND  SUICIDE  OF  WU  K’O-TU 

Immediately  after  the  deatli  of  T’ung-Chih’s  young 
widow,  the  validity  of  the  Imperial  succession  and  the 
violation  of  all  traditions  which  Tzu  Hsi  had  committed, 
became  a matter  of  grave  concern  to  the  conservative  and 
more  conscientious  supporters  of  the  Dynasty.  The  first 
evidence  of  dissatisfaction  was  contained  in  a Memorial 
submitted  by  a Manchu  sub-Chancellor  of  the  Grand 
Secretariat  who,  while  accepting  the  situation  as  it  stood 
in  regard  to  the  boy  Emperor,  Kuang-Hsii,  stipulated 
that  safeguards  or  guarantees  should  be  given  by  the 
Throne  for  the  eventual  regulation  of  the  succession  and 
for  the  provision  of  heirs  to  His  orbate  Majesty,  T’ung-Chih. 
The  Memorial  was  as  follows  : — 

“ The  selection  of  an  heir  to  the  Throne  is  a matter 
resting  entirely  with  the  Sovereign  and  beyond  scope  of 
interference  or  criticism  by  any  subject.  But  in  cases  where 
the  arrangements  made  necessitate  modification  in  order 
to  render  them  perfect,  a loyal  subject  is  justified,  if  not 
compelled,  to  speak  his  mind  freely. 

“ The  whole  Empire  looked  forward  to  seeing  our  late 
Emperor  enjoy  a long  and  prosperous  reign,  but  he  has 
passed  away  without  leaving  any  posterity.  The  selection 
of  a successor  which  your  Majesties  the  Empresses  Dowager 
have,  in  your  wisdom,  decided  upon  is  admirable  no  doubt, 
particularly  since  you  have  promised  that  an  heir  shall 
eventually  be  provided  for  His  Majesty,  T’ung-Chih.  This 
proves  that  in  regulating  the  dynastic  succession,  you  are 

132 


THE  PROTEST  AND  SUICIDE  OF  WU  K’O-TU 


proceeding  precisely  as  if  it  were  a case  of  adoption  from 
one  family  into  another  : you  have  therefore  wisely  decided 
that  not  only  shall  a son  be  adopted  to  the  late  Emperor, 
but  that  in  due  course  his  succession  will  he  carried  on  by  a 
grandson  in  the  direct  line  of  generation,  so  that  His 
Majesty’s  posterity  may  he  established  without  a break,  and 
perpetuated  without  intermission  for  all  time. 

“ The  proposal  in  itself  is  excellent,  but  study  of  the 
Sung  Dynasty’s  history  has  led  me  to  view  the  matter 
with  no  small  apprehension.  The  founder  of  that  Dynasty, 
the  Emperor  Chao  Kuang-yin  (tenth  century),  following  the 
directions  of  his  mother  the  Empress  Dowager,  made  his 
brother  heir  to  the  Throne  instead  of  his  son,  it  being  under- 
stood that  upon  his  brother’s  death  the  succession  should 
revert  to  his  son.1  Subsequently  however,  the  brother, 
having  come  to  the  Throne,  and  having  listened  to  the  evil 
suggestions  of  his  Privy  Councillors,  ignored  the  claims  of 
his  nephew,  and  placed  his  own  son  upon  the  Throne.  In 
that  instance,  obedience  to  the  wishes  of  his  mother  has 
brought  down  upon  the  Emperor  Chao  Kuang-yin  the 
undying  censure  of  posterity.  If  the  Empress,  on  that 
occasion,  had  done  her  duty,  and  had  caused  unbreakable 
bonds  to  be  given  assuring  the  reversion  of  the  succession  to 
the  direct  line,  no  irregularities  could  possibly  have  occurred  : 
the  Decrees  would  have  been  as  immovable  as  the  Sacred 
Mountain,  and  as  self-evident  as  the  nine  tripods  of  the 
Emperor  Yii.  It  would  have  been  impossible  for  any 
misguided  Councillors  of  State  to  justify  their  unlawful 
interference  with  the  rightful  course  of  succession. 

“ From  all  this  we  learn  that  the  succession,  although 
decided  in  a moment,  affects  all  posterity.  Was  it  not, 
moreover,  by  self-sacrifice  and  strong  family  affections  2 that 

1 On  the  occasion  to  which  the  Memorialist  refers,  the  lawful  heir  to  the 
Throne  committed  suicide.  The  allusion  would  be  readily  understood  (if 
not  appreciated)  by  the  Empress  Dowager,  w hose  irregular  choice  of  Kuang- 
Hsii  and  violation  of  the  dynastic  laws  had  certainly  led  to  the  death  of 
A-lu-te.  Looked  at  from  the  Chinese  scholar’s  point  of  view',  the  innuendo 
was  in  the  nature  of  a direct  accusation. 

2 The  writer  refers  to  the  united  action  of  the  Manchu  Princes  and 
nobles  w ho  assisted  in  the  establishment  of  law  and  order,  and  the  expulsion 
of  the  Chinese  rebels  and  Pretenders,  during  the  troublous  time  of  the  first 
Regency  (l6'44)  and  the  minority  of  the  infant  Emperor,  Shun-Chih. 

133 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


our  Dynasty  acquired  the  Empire : have  we  not  for  example 
the  records  of  each  succeeding  virtuous  Emperor  ? We 
cannot  therefore  entertain  any  doubt  but  that  the  present 
Emperor,  when  he  comes  to  have  an  heir,  will  forthwith 
make  him  son  by  adoption  to  the  late  Emperor,  so  that 
the  succession  may  proceed  along  the  direct  line.  No  doubt 
this  is  the  intention,  but,  as  history  shows,  there  exists  a 
danger  that,  with  the  lapse  of  time,  suggestions  may  be 
put  forward  similar  to  those  of  the  Privy  Council  nine 
centuries  ago,  which  would  utterly  frustrate  the  wise  policy 
animating  your  Majesties  the  Empresses  Dowager,  and 
leave  no  fixed  principles  for  posterity  to  follow.  With  your 
approval,  therefore,  we  would  ask  that  the  Princes  and 
Ministers  be  now  required  to  draw  up  and  record  an  un- 
breakable and  unchangeable  pledge  as  to  the  succession 
to  the  Throne,  which  should  be  proclaimed  for  the  information 
of  all  your  Majesties’  subjects.” 

Tzu  Hsi  was  becoming  decidedly  irritable  on  this  subject 
of  the  succession,  and  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  her 
own  conscience  and  the  views  of  patriotic  Memorialists 
came  to  much  the  same  conclusion.  The  Rescript  which 
she  issued  on  the  present  occasion  was  short,  sharp,  and 
suggestive  of  temper : — 

“We  have  already  issued  an  absolutely  clear  Decree 
on  this  subject,”  she  said,  “ providing  for  an  heir  to  the 
late  Emperor,  and  the  Decree  has  been  published  all  over 
the  Empire.  The  Memorialist’s  present  request  gives  evi- 
dence of  unspeakable  audacity  and  an  inveterate  habit  of 
fault-finding,  which  has  greatly  enraged  us,  so  that  we  hereby 
convey  to  him  a stern  rebuke.” 

The  Memorials  and  remonstrances  of  many  high  officials 
emphasised  the  seriousness  of  this  question  of  the  legitimacy 
of  the  Imperial  succession  to  the  nation  at  large,  and  its 
profound  effect  on  the  fundamental  principles  of  ancestor 
worship.  Nevertheless,  having  delivered  their  souls,  the 
Mandarinate,  led  hy  the  Peking  Boards,  were  disposed  to 
acquiesce  in  the  fait,  accompli ; in  any  case,  there  was  no 

134 


THE  PROTEST  AND  SUICIDE  OF  WU  K’O-TU 


sign  of  organised  opinion  in  opposition  to  the  will  of  the 
Empress  Dowager.  The  irregularity  was  evidently  serious, 
and  Heaven  would  doubtless  visit  the  sins  of  the  Throne, 
as  usual,  on  the  unoffending  “ stupid  people  ” ; hut  the 
individualism  aud  mutual  suspicion  that  peculiarly  distinguish 
the  Chinese  official  world,  precluded  all  idea  of  concerted 
action  or  remedial  measures. 

One  official,  however,  had  the  full  courage  of  his  con- 
victions, and,  by  the  time-honoured  expedient  of  self- 
destruction,  focussed  the  attention  of  the  nation  on  the 
gravity  of  the  question,  as  no  amount  of  fine  writing  could 
have  done.  Resort  to  suicide  by  indignant  patriots,  as  a 
proof  of  their  sincere  distress,  is  a practice  praised  and 
justified  alike  by  historians  in  China  and  Japan,  and  there  is 
no  denying  that,  as  an  argument  against  all  forms  of 
despotism,  it  has  the  crowning  merit  of  finality.  It  has, 
moreover,  certain  qualities  of  deliberate  courage  and  cultured 
philosophy  that  bring  irresistibly  to  mind  the  Roman 
patrician  at  his  best,  and  which  fully  account  for  the  distinction 
which  such  a death  confers  amongst  a people  that  loves  its 
orthodoxies,  as  it  loves  peace,  undisturbed. 

The  name  which  will  go  down  in  Chinese  history,  as  the 
defender  of  the  national  and  true  faith  in  connection  with 
the  illegal  succession  of  the  infant  Emperor  Kuang-Hsii,  is 
that  of  the  Censor,  Wu  K’o-tu,  an  upright  and  fearless 
scholar  of  the  best  type.  For  the  reasons  stated  in  his 
farewell  Memorial,  he  waited  four  years  after  the  death  of 
the  Emperor  T’ung-Chih,  hoping  against  hope  that  the  wide- 
spread dissatisfaction  of  the  literati  and  officials  wrould  take 
definite  form,  and  lead  the  Empress  Dowager  to  regulate  the 
future  succession,  and  to  placate  the  disinherited  ghost  of 
T'ung-Chih,  by  the  issue  of  a new  Decree.  Disappointed 
in  this  hope,  he  seized  the  classically  correct  occasion  of  the 
late  Emperor’s  funeral  (1879)  to  commit  suicide  near  his 
grave,  taking  care  to  leave  behind  him  a swran-song  which, 
as  he  knew,  will  live  long  in  the  memory  of  scholars  and 

135 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


officials  throughout  the  Empire.  His  death  had  the  imme- 
diate effect  of  convincing  Tzu  Hsi  of  error.  Realising  the 
strength  of  public  opinion  underlying  the  Censor’s  protest, 
she  endeavoured  at  once  to  placate  his  accusing  spirit  by 
giving  the  pledges  for  which  he  had  pleaded,  in  regard  to 
provision  in  the  future  of  a successor  to  T’ung-Chih.  Nor 
was  it  on  this  occasion  only  that  the  death  of  Wu  K’o-tu 
influenced  her  actions  and  disturbed  her  superstitious  mind. 
In  after  years,  and  especially  at  the  time  of  the  flight  to 
Hsi-an,  she  recognised  his  influence,  and  the  punishment  of 
her  misdeed,  in  the  disasters  which  had  overtaken  the 
Throne. 

As  an  example  of  the  principles  of  action,  and  the  calm 
frame  of  mind  which  are  the  fine  flower  of  the  Confucian 
system  of  philosophy,  and,  therefore,  worthy  of  our  close 
and  sympathetic  study,  we  give  the  full  story  of  the  death 
of  this  patriotic  protestant,  as  well  as  a translation  of  his 
Memorial. 

His  suicide  took  place  in  a small  temple  at  Ma-shen  ch’iao, 
close  to  the  mausoleum  of  T’ung-Chih.  His  minutely 
detailed  instructions  for  the  disposal  of  his  remains,  with  the 
least  possible  trouble  to  his  family  and  friends,  bespeak  the 
gentleman  and  the  scholar.  To  the  priest  in  charge  of  the 
shrine,  a “ bad  man,”  he  addressed  the  following  characteristic 
letter : — 

“ Priest  Chou,  be  not  afraid.  I have  no  desire  to  bring 
evil  upon  you.  I was  compelled  to  borrow  the  use  of  your 
plot  of  hallowed  ground,  as  a spot  appropriate  for  the  death 
of  an  honest  man.  Inform  now  the  Magistrate  at  once,  and 
see  that  the  Memorial  enclosed  in  my  despatch  box  is  for- 
warded without  delay.  Buy  for  me  a cheap  coffin  and  have 
it  painted  black  inside.  My  clothes  are  all  in  order,  only  the 
leather  soles  of  my  boots  require  to  be  cut  off  before  you  lay 
me  in  your  coffin.  I have  cut  my  finger  slightly,  which 
accounts  for  the  blood  stains  that  you  may  notice.  Twenty 
taels  will  be  ample  for  my  coffin.  I should  not  think  that 
the  Magistrate  will  need  to  hold  an  inquest.  Please  have  a 

136 


THE  PROTEST  AND  SUICIDE  OF  WU  K’O-TU 


coating  of  lacquer  put  on  the  coffin,  to  fill  up  any  cracks  in 
the  joints,  and  have  it  nailed  down,  pending  the  Empresses’ 
decision  as  to  my  remains.  Then,  buy  a few  feet  of  ground 
adjoining  the  late  Emperor’s  tomb,  and  have  me  buried 
quickly.1  There  is  no  need  for  me  to  be  buried  in  my 
ancestral  cemetery  ; any  spot  is  a good  enough  resting  place 
for  a loyal  and  honest  man. 

“ You  will  find  forty-five  taels  in  my  box,  of  which  you 
may  keep  the  balance  after  paying  for  my  coffin  and  burial 
expenses.  As  to  my  watch,  and  the  other  articles  on  my 
person,  it  is  known  at  my  home  exactly  what  I brought  here 
with  me.  You  must  see  to  it  that  no  one  is  permitted  to 
insult  my  corpse,  and  my  son  will  be  deeply  grateful  to  you 
for  performing  these  last  offices  for  me,  in  his  place.  You 
need  not  fear  that  the  Magistrate’s  underlings  will  make 
trouble  for  you,  but  be  careful  not  to  tamper  with  the  box 
containing  my  Memorial  to  the  Empresses. 

“You  can  cut  my  body  down  to-morrow  morning,  and 
then  have  it  placed  in  some  cool  and  shady  spot.  Fearing 
that  possibly  you  might  come  in  by  accident  and  find  me 
hanging,  I have  taken  a dose  of  opium,  so  as  to  make  certain 
of  death.  If  you  should  dare  to  meddle  with  my  private 
affairs,  as  you  have  been  trying  to  do  these  past  few  days,  it 
will  only  lead  to  your  being  mixed  up  in  the  case,  which 
might  bring  you  to  grief. 

“All  I ask  of  you  is  that  you  notify  the  Magistrate  at 
once,  and  that  you  do  not  allow  women  and  children  to  come 
in  and  gaze  upon  my  remains.  There  is  nothing  strange  or 
abnormal  here ; death  had  become  an  unavoidable  duty. 
Those  who  understand  me,  will  pity ; that  is  all.  The  last 
earnest  instructions  of  Wu  K’o-tu.” 

Next,  to  his  son,  he  expressed  his  dying  wishes  in  a letter 
which  embodies  many  of  the  Confucian  scholar’s  most 
cherished  ideals  and  beliefs,  a document  pathetic  in  its  simple 
dignity,  its  pride  of  ancient  lineage  and  duty  well  done 
according  to  his  lights. 

1 The  burial  place  was  close  to,  but  necessarily  outside,  the  large  enclosed 
park  which  contains  the  Imperial  mausolea. 

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CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


“ Chih-huan,  my  son,  be  not  alarmed  when  you  hear  the 
news  of  my  death,  and  on  no  account  allow  your  grief  to 
disturb  the  family.  Your  mother  is  old,  your  wife  is  young, 
and  my  poor  little  grandchildren  are  but  babies.  Tell  them 
that  I am  dead,  but  bid  them  not  to  grieve  over  my  suicide. 
Our  family  tree  goes  back  over  five  hundred  years ; for  two 
centuries  there  have  been  members  of  our  clan  among  the 
Imperial  concubines,  and  for  three  hundred  years  we  have 
devoted  ourselves  to  husbandry  and  scholarship.  For 
eighteen  generations  our  family  has  borne  a good  name  ; I, 
who  am  now  seventy  years  of  age,  can  claim  an  unsullied 
record,  although  as  a lad  I was  somewhat  given  to  dissipa- 
tion. No  man  can  truthfully  accuse  me  of  having  failed  to 
observe  the  main  principles  of  duty,  and  it  is  for  this  reason 
that  my  friends  and  former  pupils  have  always  sought  my 
services  as  a teacher  of  the  Confucian  doctrine.  Quite 
recently  I declined  the  pressing  invitation  of  the  Grand 
Secretary,  the  Marquis  Tso  Tsung-t’ang,  who  wished  me  to 
become  tutor  to  his  family,  because  the  date  was  at  hand 
for  His  late  Majesty’s  burial,  and  I desired  quietly  to  await 
to-day’s  event. 

“ Ever  since,  at  the  age  of  twenty-four,  1 took  my  M.A. 
degree,  I have  been  of  prudent  conduct,  and  have  observed 
the  proprieties  in  official  life.  In  the  study  of  history  I 
have  ever  been  deeply  touched  by  examples  of  patriotism 
and  loyalty  to  the  Sovereign,  and  the  splendid  lives  of  the 
ancients  have  moved  me,  now  to  tears  and  again  to 
exuberance  of  joy. 

“ Upon  the  death  of  the  late  Emperor,  I had  determined  to 
memorialise  the  Empresses  Dowager,  through  the  Censorate, 
and  had  fully  made  up  my  mind  to  accept  my  fate  for  so 
doing ; but  an  old  friend,  to  whom  I showed  the  draft, 
begged  me  not  to  forward  it,  not  only  because  I had  already 
been  punished  for  similar  rashness  on  a former  occasion,  but 
because  he  said  some  of  its  allusions  to  current  events  were 
not  absolutely  accurate.  Therefore  I waited  until  to-day, 
but  now  I can  wait  no  longer.  It  is  my  wish  to  die,  in  order 
that  the  purpose  of  my  life  may  be  fittingly  accomplished 
and  a lifetime  of  loyalty  consummated.  My  death  is  in  no 
way  due  to  the  slanders  which  have  been  circulated  about  me. 


138 


THE  PROTEST  AND  SUICIDE  OF  \VU  K’O-TU 


“ When  you  receive  this  letter,  come  straightway  to  the 
Temple  of  the  Threefold  Duties  at  the  bridge  of  the  God 
of  Horses,  twelve  miles  to  the  east  of  Chi  Chou  and  quite 
close  to  the  Imperial  mausolea.  There  seek  out  the  Taoist 
priest,  Chou  ; he  knows  my  burial  place,  and  I have  asked 
him  to  buy  me  a coffin  and  to  have  it  painted  black  inside. 
My  burial  clothes  are  all  in  order,  but  I have  asked  him  to 
cut  off*  the  leather  soles  from  my  boots.1  He  is  to  buy  a 
certain  small  piece  of  ground,  close  to  the  Imperial  tomb, 
which  is  to  be  my  grave.  This  will  be  far  better  than 
having  my  remains  taken  to  the  ancestral  burial  ground,  and 
there  is  really  no  need  for  me  to  rest  there,  as  my  younger 
brother  already  lies  beside  your  grandparents.  He,  you 
remember,  committed  suicide  twenty  years  ago  at  his  house 
in  Peking,  because  of  private  troubles,  and  now  I follow  his 
example,  because  of  disorder  in  the  State.  People  will  say, 
no  doubt,  that  our  family  burial  ground  is  become  a place  of 
evil  omen,  but  pay  no  heed  to  them.  No  doubt  you  will 
desire  to  take  home  my  remains,  but  do  not  so.  Take  instead 
my  photograph,  the  one  1 had  taken  just  before  I left 
Peking,  and  have  an  enlargement  of  it  hung  up  in  our  family 
hall.  Thus  shall  you  observe  the  old  custom  which  preserves 
relics  of  the  departed.  Why  go  to  the  expense  and  trouble 
of  transporting  a coffin  over  a thousand  miles  ? 

“ Even  though  it  should  happen  that  the  Empresses 
should  cause  dire  penalties  to  be  inflicted  upon  my  corpse 
because  of  my  effrontery  of  language,  you  may  be  sure  that 
in  this  enlightened  age,  there  is  no  possibility  of  my  offences 
being  visited  upon  my  wife  and  family.  All  you  need  do  is 
to  borrow  from  our  friends  money  enough  to  take  you  from 
Peking,  and  after  that,  you  must  make  the  best  of  your  way 
to  our  family  home,  begging  if  necessary.  On  no  account 
must  you  remain  in  Peking,  for  by  so  doing  you  will  only 
attract  attention  and  further  endanger  your  father.2 

“ What  I chiefly  deprecate  in  you,  my  son,  is  your  quick 
tongue ; you  must  really  try  to  amend  your  ways  in  this 
respect  and  endeavour  to  be  less  hasty.  If  people  tell  you 

1 Burial  clothes  should  all  be  new  and  clean — by  cutting  away  the  soles, 
his  boots  would  look  less  shabby. 

2 I.e.  by  causing  the  Empresses  to  have  his  corpse  mutilated. 


139 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


that  your  father  was  loyal,  do  not  contradict  them  ; if  they 
say  he  was  an  honest  man,  you  should  agree.  Read  care- 
fully the  advice  of  Ma  Yiian,  the  great  General,  to  his 
nephew,  and  Wang  Hou’s  admonitions  to  his  sons. 

“ When  your  mother  married  me  she  had  good  prospects, 
as  the  daughter  of  an  old  military  family.  Since  her 
marriage  she  has  dutifully  served  my  parents,  and  her 
reputation  for  filial  devotion  is  excellent.  I regret  that  I 
was  not  destined  to  bring  her  happiness  and  good 
fortune : she  is  old  now,  and  you  alone  are  left  to  her. 
It  is  your  duty  to  take  her  to  our  home  and  minister 
to  her  old  age. 

“As  regards  the  few  poor  acres  of  land  left  me  by  my 
father,  I feel  that  I cannot  reasonably  expect  you  to  follow' 
the  example  of  the  ancient  worthies  and  to  surrender  it  all 
to  your  brothers,  but  at  least  I ask  that  you  should  allowr 
them  to  live  amicably  with  you.  Y our  wife  is  a sensible 
woman — tell  her  from  me  that  the  happiness  of  every 
household  depends  on  the  temper  of  its  womenfolk.  I knew' 
one  woman  wdio  feigned  death  in  order  to  induce  her 
husband  to  treat  his  brothers  more  kindly,  but  this  was  a 
heroic  act,  far  above  the  moral  capacity  of  your  wife. 

“ As  to  the  forty  taels 1 which  you  will  find  on  my 
person,  you  wnll  hand  over  to  the  Taoist  priest,  Chou, 
any  balance  there  may  remain  after  he  has  paid  for  my 
coffin  and  burial  expenses.  On  arriving  at  Chi  Chou,  go  at 
once  and  see  the  Magistrate,  to  whom  I have  written ; 
thence  proceed  to  the  temple,  wrhere  you  must  give  them 
some  extra  money  to  compensate  them  for  all  the  trouble 
they  have  had.  Thereafter  return  to  Peking,  and  there 
await  the  Empresses’  decision  in  regard  to  my  case. 

“ See  to  it  that  my  small  debts  are  all  paid,  that  my 
life  may  end  in  fitting  and  harmonious  dignity.  At  a 
moment  like  this,  I am  naturally  agitated  in  mind.  It 
is  hard  to  foretell  what  the  decision  of  the  Empresses  may 
be,  but  at  least  my  conscience  is  clear,  and  what  does 
anything  else  matter?  For  your  own  personal  safety,  I 
do  not  think  you  need  have  any  fear. 

“ Present  my  compliments  to  Chang  Chih-tung  : I only 

1 About  £10. 


140 


THE  PROTEST  AND  SUICIDE  OF  WU  K’O-TU 


wish  1 could  have  had  more  oi'  the  old  time  talks  with 
him.  Go  also  to  the  Marquis  Tso  Tsung-t’ang.  He  has 
not  treated  me  well  of  late,  hut  slanders  poisoned  his 
sympathy,  at  which  I do  not  wonder.  The  memory  of 
his  former  kindnesses  is  precious  to  me,  and  I know  that 
he  will  never  let  you  starve. 

“ Your  wife,  in  giving  birth  to  my  grandchildren,  has 
conferred  blessings  upon  me ; yon  must  never  think  of 
allowing  her  parents  to  provide  for  you.  Leave  therefore  at 
once  for  our  family  home.  There  must  he  no  delay  about 
this.  As  to  the  Taoist  priest,  it  irks  me  to  make  use 
of  people  in  this  way.  He  is  a bad  man  ; yet  must  we  bear 
with  him.  Tell  him  that  l regret  having  put  his  temple  to 
this  purpose  ; he  need  only  spend  ten  taels  on  my  coffin  and 
a few  taels  more  for  the  little  plot  of  ground  to  bury  me  in. 
I am  a worthless  official  and  deserve  nothing  better  than  this. 

“ Why  have  I delayed  so  long  ? Because  I did  not  wish 
to  disturb  the  Empresses  with  the  news  of  my  death  at  this 
critical  time.  All  the  Decrees  which  have  appeared  since 
the  Emperor  Kuang-Hsu  came  to  the  Throne  have  moved 
me  greatly,  and  much  have  I deplored  my  inability  to  serve 
Their  Majesties  better.  In  days  of  old,  loyal  servants  of  the 
State  were  wont  to  commit  suicide  as  an  act  of  remonstrance 
against  the  degeneracy  of  their  Sovereigns.  Not  for  a 
moment  are  the  Empresses  to  be  compared  to  monarchs  like 
Ming  Huang  of  the  T’ang  Dynasty, who  deserted  his  capital 
before  the  invader,  or  Li  Tsung,  of  the  Sungs,  whose 
foolishness  led  to  the  Mongol  wars.  Nevertheless  my  death 
is  due  to  the  same  principles  as  those  which  actuated  those 
faithful  Councillors. 

“ Go  home  now,  and  teach  your  children  to  study.  Do 
not  open  my  Memorial  to  the  Empresses.  It  is  sealed,  and 
I have  asked  the  local  Magistrate  to  forward  it  for 
presentation.” 

His  Memorial  to  the  Throne  was,  in  fact  (as  the  letter  to 
his  son  plainly  indicates),  an  indictment  of  the  degeneracy 
of  the  ruler  of  the  Empire  ; incidentally,  it  throws  much 
light  on  the  orthodox  point  of  view  in  regard  to  the 
question  of  the  Imperial  succession.  Its  preamble  sets 

141 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


forth  the  object  with  which  it  was  written,  and  in  the  hope 
of  which  the  writer  died,  namely,  to  induce  the  Empress 
Dowager  to  determine  the  future  succession,  providing  an 
heir  to  the  Emperor  T’ung-Chih,  in  accordance  with 
precedent  and  the  laws  of  the  Dynasty.  The  text  of  this 
remarkable  document  is  as  follows  : — 

“ I,  your  worthless  servant,  have  heard  that  the  fact  of  a 
nation  being  well  governed  does  not  necessarily  preclude  all 
possibility  of  anarchy,  nor  does  a nation  at  peace  dismiss 
altogether  from  mind  the  chances  of  violent  disturbance  ; 
should  anarchy  and  rebellion  be  regarded  as  possibilities  too 
remote  to  merit  a thought,  it  were  idle  and  superfluous  to 
advise  the  Sovereign  of  so  perfect  a State.  To  ask  the 
Imperial  wisdom  to  see  danger  where  no  real  peril  exists 
would  be  simply  inviting  evil  omens. 

“ On  a former  occasion  I,  your  guilty  servant,  wittingly 
incurred  danger  of  death  or  imprisonment,  because,  in  the 
heat  of  indignation,  I dared  to  remonstrate  with  the  Throne. 
At  that  time  the  Princes  and  Ministers  about  your  Throne 
asked  permission  to  subject  me  to  a criminal  enquiry,  but 
His  late  Majesty  T’ung-Chih  was  pleased  to  spare  me, 
so  that  I neither  suffered  death  by  the  headsman’s  sword 
nor  imprisonment,  nor  did  I run  the  risk  of  further  exciting 
the  Imperial  wrath  by  my  evidence  before  a criminal  court. 
Thrice  have  I deserved,  without  receiving,  the  penalty  of 
death.  Without  desiring  my  forfeit  life,  it  was  granted  me, 
so  that  my  last  few  years  have  been,  as  it  were,  a boon  at 
the  hands  of  His  late  Majesty. 

“ But  on  the  5th  day  of  the  l*2th  Moon  of  the  13th  year  of 
T’ung-Chih  the  earth  was  rent  and  heaven  itself  was  shaken 
by  the  great  catastrophe,  and  on  that  day  their  Majesties 
the  Empresses  Dowager  issued  the  following  Decree  : ‘ The 
departed  Emperor  has  mounted  the  Dragon  and  is  become  a 
guest  on  high,  leaving  no  heir  to  the  Throne.  We  are 
compelled  to  appoint  Tsai  T’ien,  son  of  Prince  Chun,  to  be 
heir  to  His  Majesty  Hsien-Feng,  to  enter  on  the  great 
inheritance  as  the  new  Emperor.  When  to  him  an  heir 
shall  be  born,  he  shall  become  son  by  adoption  to  the  late 
Emperor  T’ung-Chih.’ 


142 


THE  PROTEST  AND  SUICIDE  OF  WU  K’O-TU 


“ 1,  your  unworthy  servant,  wept  bitterly  as,  reverently 
kneeling,  I read  this  Decree.  I cannot  hut  feel,  after  most 
careful  consideration,  that  the  Empresses  Dowager  have 
doubly  erred  in  appointing  an  heir  to  the  Emperor  Hsien- 
Feng  and  not  to  His  late  Majesty.  For  thus  the  new 
Emperor,  being  heir  to  His  Majesty  Hsien-Feng,  enters  upon 
the  great  heritage  not,  as  he  should,  by  mandate  of  His  late 
Majesty  Tung-Chill,  but  by  mandate  of  the  Empresses. 
Hence  the  future  succession  must,  as  a matter  of  course, 
revert  to  the  heir  of  the  new  Emperor,  even  though  there 
should  be  no  explicit  instructions  to  that  effect.  But,  as  this 
Decree  expressly  ordains  that  this  shall  be  so,  it  follows  that 
a precedent  will  be  established,  whereby  the  great  inheritance 
may  pass  by  adoption. 

“ I,  your  unworthy  servant,  realise  that  it  is  no  light  matter 
for  a loyal  subject  to  refer  to  the  future  death  of  a Sovereign 
while  that  Sovereign  is  still  alive,  entitled  to  all  his  reverence 
and  devotion.  But,  for  more  than  two  centuries,  the 
ancestral  tradition  of  our  House-law  has  been  observed  that 
the  Throne  shall  pass  from  father  to  son,  and  this  law  should 
be  steadfastly  maintained  for  ten  thousand  generations 
amongst  those  of  us  who  recognise  a common  descent. 
Moreover,  Prince  Ch  un  is  a loyal  statesman,  justly  revered 
by  all  as  a virtuous  Prince.  His  Memorial  has  inspired 
every  one  of  us  with  fresh  feelings  of  enthusiastic  loyalty. 
His  words  are  but  the  mirror  of  his  mind  ; how  could  any 
falseness  find  therein  a place  ? When  I perused  his 
Memorial,  tears  of  joy  irrepressible  fell  from  my  eyes. 
If  ever  the  Prince  should  learn  of  this  my  humble  Memorial, 
he  may  perchance  be  wroth  at  my  perversity  or  pity  my 
folly ; at  all  events  he  will  never  blame  me  for  endeavouring 
to  stir  up  vain  strife  by  my  words. 

“ The  new  Emperor  is  of  gentle  disposition  ; from  the 
Empress  Dowager  he  had  received  the  ‘ precious  inheritance  ’ 
and  until  his  dying  day  he  will  naturally  be  of  one  mind  with 
the  Empresses  in  this  matter.  But  in  the  Palace  there  are 
sycophants  as  well  as  honest  men,  and  many  conflicting 
opinions.  To  take  examples  from  history  : at  the  beginning 
of  the  Sung  Dynasty,  even  that  great  and  good  man  the 
Grand  Secretary  Chao  P’u,  led  the  way  in  obeying  the 

143 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


orders  of  the  Empress  Dowager  Tu.  Again,  under  the 
Ming  Dynasty,  a venerable  servant  of  the  State,  the  Grand 
Secretary  Wang  Chih,  was  ashamed  that  it  should  be  left  to 
a barbarian  like  Huang  Rung  (native  of  an  aboriginal  tribe 
in  Kuangsi)  to  memorialise  urging  the  lawful  Heir  Apparent’s 
succession  to  the  Emperor  Ching-T’ai,  when  no  Chinese 
official  dared  to  do  so.  If  even  virtuous  men  could  act  thus 
what  need  to  enquire  about  disloyal  subjects  ? If  such  be 
the  conduct  of  old  servants,  how  shall  we  blame  upstarts  ? 
To  set  aside  settled  ordinances  may  be  bad,  but  how  much 
worse  is  our  case  where  no  ordinances  exist  ? We  should 
therefore  seek  if  perchance  we  may  find  some  way  out  of 
this  double  error,  whereby  we  may  return  to  the  right  way. 
I therefore  beg  that  the  Empresses  may  be  pleased  to  issue  a 
second  Decree  explicitly  stating  that  the  great  inheritance 
shall  hereafter  revert  to  the  adopted  son  of  His  late 
Majesty  T’ung-Chih,  and  that  no  Minister  shall  be  allowed 
to  upset  this  Decree,  even  though  the  new  Emperor  be 
blessed  with  a hundred  sons.  If,  in  this  way,  the  succession 
be  rectified  and  the  situation  defined,  so  that  further 
confusion  be  hereafter  impossible,  the  House-law  of  the 
present  Dynasty  will  be  observed,  which  requires  that  the 
Throne  be  handed  down  from  father  to  son.  Thus,  to  the 
late  Emperor,  now  childless,  an  heir  will  be  provided  and 
the  Empresses  Dowager  will  no  longer  be  without  a 
grandson.  And,  for  all  time,  the  orderly  maintenance  of  the 
succession  will  be  ascribed  to  the  Empresses,  whose  fame  wall 
be  changeless  and  unending.  This  is  what  I,  your  guilty 
servant,  mean,  when  I say  that  the  double  error  which  lias 
been  committed  may  yet  serve  to  bring  us  back  to  the  right 
way. 

“ I,  your  most  unworthy  slave,  had  intended  to 
memorialise  on  this  matter  when  His  Majesty  died,  and  to 
present  the  Memorial  through  the  Censorate.  But  it  occurred 
to  me  that,  since  I had  lost  my  post,  I was  debarred  from 
addressing  the  Throne.  Besides,  how  grave  a matter  is  this! 
If  advice  in  such  a matter  be  given  by  a Prince  or  a Minister, 
it  is  called  the  sage  and  far-reaching  counsel  of  a statesman ; 
but  if  it  comes  from  a small  and  insignificant  official  it  is 
called  the  idle  utterance  of  a wanton  babbler.  Never  could 


144 


THE  PROTEST  AN1)  SUICIDE  OF  YVU  K’O-TU 


I have  believed  that  the  many  wise  and  loyal  statesmen  of 
your  Court  could  one  and  all  regard  this  as  a matter  of  no 
immediate  urgency,  dismissing  it  as  a question  unprofitable 
for  discussion.  I waited,  therefore,  and  the  precious  moments 
passed,  hut  none  of  them  have  moved  in  the  matter. 

“ Afterwards,  having  received  renewed  marks  of  the 
Imperial  favour,  and  being  again  summoned  to  audience,  1 
was  granted  the  position  of  a Hoard  Secretary,  and  placed 
on  the  Board  of  Appointments.  This  was  more  than  four 
years  ago  ; yet  all  this  time  apparently  not  one  of  all  the 
Ministers  of  your  Court  has  even  given  this  grave  matter  a 
moment’s  consideration.  The  day  for  His  late  Majesty’s 
entombment  has  now  arrived,  and  I fear  that  what  has 
happened  will  gradually  pass  from  the  minds  of  men.  The 
time,  therefore,  is  short,  and  the  reasons  which  led  me  to 
delay  hold  good  no  longer.  Looking  upward,  as  the  divine 
soul  of  His  Majesty  soars  heavenward  on  the  Dragon,  wist- 
fully I turn  my  eyes  upon  the  Palace  enclosure.  Beholding 
the  bows  and  arrows  left  behind  on  the  Bridge  Mountain,1 
my  thoughts  turn  to  the  cherished  mementoes  of  my 
Sovereign.  Humbly  I offer  up  these  years  of  life  that  have 
been  added  unto  me  by  His  Majesty’s  clemency  ; humbly  I 
lay  them  down  in  propitiation  of  the  Empresses  Dowager,  to 
implore  from  them  a brief  Decree  on  behalf  of  the  late 
Emperor. 

“ But,  on  the  point  of  leaving  this  world,  I feel  that  my 
mind  is  confused.  The  text  of  this,  my  Memorial,  lacks 
clearness  ; there  are  manifold  omissions  in  it.  It  has  ever 
been  my  custom  to  revise  a draft  twice  before  handing  in  a 
Memorial,  but  on  this  occasion  1 have  not  been  able  to 
make  such  careful  revision.  I,  your  unworthy  servant,  am 
no  scholar  like  to  the  men  of  old  ; how,  then,  could  I be  calm 
and  collected  as  they  were  wont  to  be  ? Once  there  went  a 
man  to  his  death,  and  he  could  not  walk  erect.  A bystander 
said  to  him  ‘ Are  you  afraid,  sir?’  He  replied,  ‘ I am.’  ‘ If 
you  are  afraid,  why  not  turn  back  ? ’ He  replied,  ‘ My  fear 
is  a private  weakness  ; my  death  is  a public  duty.’  This  is 
the  condition  in  which  I find  myself  to-day.  ‘ When  a bird 

1 The  point  whence,  according  to  legend,  the  Yellow  Emperor  ascended 
to  heaven  and  where  his  clothes  were  buried. 


145 


L 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


is  dying  its  song  is  sad.  When  a man  is  dying  his  words 
are  good.’ 1 How  could  I,  your  worthless  servant,  dare  to 
compare  myself  with  the  sage  Tseng  Tzu  ? Though  I am 
about  to  die,  yet  may  my  words  not  be  good  ; but  I trust 
that  the  Empresses  and  the  Emperor  will  pity  my  last  sad 
utterance,  regarding  it  neither  as  an  evil  omen  nor  the  idle 
plaint  of  one  who  has  no  real  cause  for  grief.  Thus  shall  I 
die  without  regret.  A statesman  of  the  Sung  Dynasty  has 
remarked : ‘To  discuss  an  event  before  it  occurs  is  fool- 
hardy. But  if  one  waits  until  it  has  occurred,  speech  is  then 
too  late,  and,  therefore,  superfluous.’  Foolhardiness  not- 
withstanding, it  is  well  that  the  Throne  should  be  warned 
before  events  occur ; no  Minister  should  ever  have  to 
reproach  himself  with  having  spoken  too  late.  Heartily  do 
I wish  that  my  words  may  prove  untrue,  so  that  posterity 
may  laugh  at  my  folly.  I do  not  desire  that  my  words  may 
be  verified,  for  posterity  to  acclaim  my  wisdom.  May  it  be 
my  fate  to  resemble  Tu  Mu,2  even  though  to  imitate  him  be 
a transgression  of  duty.  May  I be  likened,  rather,  to  Shih 
Ch’iu,  the  sight  of  whose  dead  body  proved,  as  he  had  hoped, 
an  effective  rebuke  to  his  erring  Prince.  Thus  may  my 
foolish  but  loyal  words  be  justified  in  the  end. 

“ I pray  the  Empresses  and  Emperor  to  remember  the 
example  of  Their  Majesties  Shun-Chih  and  K’ang-Hsi, 
in  tempering  justice  with  mercy : that  they  may  promote 
peace  and  prosperity,  by  appointing  only  worthy  men  to 
public  offices  ; that  they  may  refrain  from  striving  for  those 
objects  which  foreigners  hold  dear,  for  by  such  striving  they 
will  surely  jeopardise  the  future  of  our  Middle  Kingdom ; 
that  they  may  never  initiate  any  of  the  innovations  disdained 
by  their  ancestors,  which  would  assuredly  leave  to  posterity 
a heritage  of  woe.  These  are  my  last  words,  my  last  prayer, 
the  end  and  crown  of  my  life. 

1 A quotation  from  Tseng  fzu,  one  of  the  most  noted  disciples  of 
Confucius. 

2 A sort  of  Chinese  Mr.  Malaprop,  known  to  history  as  one  who  invari- 
ably spoke  at  the  wrong  time. 


146 


THE  PROTEST  AN1)  SUICIDE  OF  WU  K’O-TU 


Postscript. 

“ Having  been  a Censor,  I venture  thus  to  memorialise 
the  Throne.  But  as  my  present  offieial  position  does  not 
permit  of  my  forwarding  this  direet,  1 request  the  high 
officials  of  my  Board  to  present  it  for  me.  As  my  name  did 
not  figure  originally  in  the  list  of  officials  to  represent 
my  Board  at  the  ceremonies  preparatory  to  His  late 
Majesty’s  burial,  I begged  the  Grand  Secretary  Pao  Yiin  to 
allow  me  to  be  included  in  the  fist.  Pao  Yiin  could  not 
have  foretold  my  suicide,  so  that  no  blame  can  attach  to 
him  for  being  my  sponsor.  Under  our  enlightened  Dynasty, 
how  could  anyone  imagine  a return  to  the  ancient  and 
happily  obsolete  practice  of  being  buried  alive  with  one’s 
Sovereign  ? But  my  grief  is  too  great  and  cannot  be 
restrained  ; for  to-day  my  Sovereign  returns,  dragon- 
borne,  to  Heaven,  and  all  the  world  weeps  with  me  in  woe 
unutterable. 

“ I have  respectfully  but  fully  explained  my  feelings 
in  this  question  of  the  lawful  succession  to  the  Throne, 
and  now,  under  the  title  of  your  guilty  servant,  I present 
this  my  Memorial.” 


l 2 


147 


X 


TZU  HSI  BECOMES  SOLE  REGENT 

The  days  of  mourning  for  T’ung-Chih  being  done,  his 
remains  disposed  of  as  auspiciously  as  the  Court  of  Astro- 
nomers could  desire,  and  his  ghost  placated,  thanks  to 
Wu  K’o-tu,  by  solemn  promises  on  the  part  of  his  mother 
to  provide  him  with  a suitable  and  legitimate  heir  in  due 
season,  life  in  the  Forbidden  City  settled  down  once  more 
into  the  old  grooves  under  the  joint  Regency  of  the 
Empresses  of  the  Eastern  and  Western  Palaces. 

But  before  long  the  new  Emperor,  a nervous  and  delicate 
boy,  became,  all  unconsciously,  a thorn  in  the  side  of  the 
woman  who  put  him  on  the  Throne.  As  he  passed  from 
infancy  to  boyhood,  it  was  a matter  of  common  knowledge 
and  report  in  the  Palace  that  he  showed  a marked  preference 
for  the  Empress  Tzii  An,  who,  by  her  kind  and  sympathetic 
treatment,  had  won  the  child’s  heart.  In  the  innocence 
of  his  lonely  youth  he  frequented  therefore  the  Eastern 
Palace,  while  Tzu  Hsi,  whose  pride  could  brook  no  rivals, 
even  in  the  heart  of  a child,  was  compelled  to  look  on, 
and  to  realise  that  the  forming  of  the  future  ruler’s  mind 
was  in  the  hands  of  another  woman.  There  were  not 
lacking  those  who  told  her  that  her  colleague,  secretly 
and  with  ulterior  motives,  encouraged  the  hoy  to  oppose 
and  displease  her.  Under  these  conditions,  it  was  inevit- 
able that  the  young  Emperor  should  gradually  become  a 

148 


Interior  of  the  I Kun  Kung. 
in  these  Apartments  for  some  time  after  the  death  of  T’ung-Chih. 


T ZtJ  HSI  BECOMES  SOLE  REGENT 


cause  of  increasing  jealousy  and  friction  between  the  two 
women. 

Tzu  Hsi  undoubtedly  resented  the  boy’s  predilection 
as  much  as  her  colleague’s  action  in  encouraging  it.  At 
Court,  where  everyone  and  everything  is  a potential  instru- 
ment for  ii  rigue  and  party  faction,  the  young  Emperor’s 
attitude  could  not  fail  to  cause  her  grave  concern.  She 
was  well  aware  that  Tzu  An  could  never  become,  of  herself, 
a formidable  rival,  but  should  she  hereafter  enjoy  the 
Emperor’s  confidence  and  support,  and  instigate  him  to 
become  the  centre  of  a faction  against  her  (which  he  did), 
there  might  be  danger  in  the  situation  for  herself.  As 
the  Emperor’s  minority  approached  its  end,  it  therefore 
became  the  more  necessary  for  her  to  take  all  possible 
precautions.  She  had  no  intention  of  sharing  the  fate 
of  that  Empress  Consort  of  Ch’ien  Lung  who  was  banished 
to  the  “ Cold  Palace  ” and  whose  honours  and  titles  were 
taken  from  her  on  charges  of  “ wild  extravagance,  love 
of  the  theatre  and  insubordination  to  the  Emperor’s 
mother.” 

A further  cause  of  friction  occurred  between  the  two 
Empresses  Regent  on  the  occasion  of  the  Imperial  progress 
to  the  Eastern  tombs,  in  1880,  when  the  boy  Emperor  was 
nine  years  old.  On  this  occasion,  Tzu  An,  evidently 
prompted  by  Prince  Kung  to  assert  herself  and  her  rights, 
insisted  on  taking  precedence  in  all  the  ceremonies  of  the 
ancestral  sacrifices  at  the  Imperial  Mausolea  and  at  the 
prostrations  which  custom  decrees  shall  be  made  before  each 
of  the  “Jewelled  Cities,”  as  the  mounds  are  called  which 
cover  the  Imperial  grave  chambers.  When  their  Majesties 
arrived  at  the  grave  of  Hsien-Feng,  there  was  serious  friction. 
Tzu  An,  as  the  senior  Consort  of  the  deceased  monarch, 
claimed  as  her  right  the  central  position,  at  the  same  time 
relegating  her  colleague  to  the  place  on  her  right,  leaving  the 
place  of  honour  on  the  left  unoccupied.  Not  content  with 
this,  Tzu  An  went  on  to  remind  her  Co-Regent  that,  where 

149 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


sacrifices  to  Hsien-Feng  were  in  question,  Tzu  Hsi  was 
entitled  only  to  claim  precedence  as  a senior  concubine,  her 
elevation  to  the  position  of  Empress  Mother  having  taken 
place  after  his  decease.  As  a concubine,  etiquette  required 
her,  during  the  sacrifice,  to  take  a position  on  one  side  and 
slightly  in  the  rear,  while  the  vacant  place  of  honour  to 
Tzu  An’s  left  belonged  to  the  shade  of  Hsien-Feng’s  first 
consort,  who  had  died  before  his  accession,  but  had  been 
posthumously  raised  to  the  rank  of  senior  Empress.  Tzu 
Hsi,  reahsing  that  this  indignity  was  put  upon  her  at  the 
instigation  of  Prince  Rung  and  the  Princes  of  the  Imperial 
family,  had  no  intention  of  submitting,  and  peremptorily 
insisted  upon  taking  the  position  to  which  her  actual  rank 
and  authority  entitled  her.  The  quarrel  was  sharp  hut 
short.  Tzti  Hsi,  as  might  have  been  expected,  carried  the 
day,  but  she  felt  that  such  a scene  before  the  ancestral 
tombs,  witnessed  by  a large  entourage,  was  semi -sacrilegious 
and  from  every  point  of  view  unseemly.  She  had  been  made 
to  lose  face  by  the  incident — clearly  premeditated — and  the 
fact  had  immediate  effect  upon  her  subsequent  actions  and 
her  relations  with  her  colleague.1 

At  the  time  of  this  progress  to  the  tombs,  Jung  Lu  was 
in  command  of  the  Metropolitan  Gendarmerie,  entrusted 
with  the  duty  of  escorting  their  Majesties.  Shortly  after 
their  return  to  Peking,  however,  he  incurred  her  sharp 
displeasure  by  reason  of  conduct  which  Tzti  Hsi  was  not 
likely  to  overlook,  even  in  her  chief  favourite.  Ever  since 
the  Jehol  days  of  the  Tsai  Yuan  conspiracy,  and  particularly 
during  the  crisis  that  followed  the  death  of  T’ung-Chih,  this 

1 It  is  curious  to  note  how  frequently  the  Imperial  tombs  have  been  the 
scene  of  such  unseemly  wrangles,  wherein  grievances  and  passions,  long 
pent  up  within  the  Palace  precincts,  find  utterance.  A case  of  this  kind 
occurred  in  1909,  on  the  occasion  of  the  burial  of  Tzti  Hsi,  when  the 
surviving  consorts  of  T’ung-Chih  and  Kuang-Hsii,  having  quarrelled  with 
the  new  Empress  Dowager  (Lung  Yii)  on  a similar  question  of  precedence, 
refused  to  return  to  the  City  and  remained  in  dudgeon  at  the  tombs  until 
a special  mission,  under  an  Imperial  Duke,  was  sent  humbly  to  beg  them  to 
come  back,  to  the  no  small  scandal  of  the  orthodox. 

150 


TZU  HSI  BECOMES  SOLE  REGENT 


powerful  Manchu  had  enjoyed  her  favour  and  confidence  in 
an  unusual  degree,  and  as  Comptroller  of  her  Household,  he 
had  the  right  of  entree  to  the  Forbidden  City  at  all  times. 
But  in  1880,  suffering  no  doubt  from  ennui  induced  by  the 
inactivity  of  Court  life,  he  committed  the  indiscretion  of  an 
intrigue  with  one  of  the  ladies  of  the  late  Emperor’s  seraglio. 
Information  of  the  scandal  was  laid  before  Her  Majesty  by 
the  Imperial  tutor  Weng  T’ung-ho,  between  whom  and 
Jung  Lu  there  was  never  love  lost.  It  was  commonly 
rumoured  at  Court,  after  the  event,  that  Tzu  Hsi,  leaving- 
nothing  to  chance,  had  herself  discovered  the  culprit  in  the 
women’s  quarters  of  the  Palace,  a heinous  offence.  Be  this 
as  it  may,  Jung  Lu  was  summarily,  though  quietly,  deprived 
of  all  his  posts,  and  for  the  next  seven  years  he  lived  in 
retirement.  In  this  case  Tzu  Hsi  vindicated  her  pride  at  the 
expense  of  her  own  comfort  and  sense  of  security,  and  it  was 
not  long  before  she  had  reason  to  regret  the  absence  of  her 
most  loyal  and  trusty  adviser.  Amongst  her  courtiers  she 
found  none  to  replace  him  ; she  missed  his  wise  counsel, 
courage  and  fidelity.  But  having  once  committed  herself  to 
the  step  of  dismissing  him,  she  was  unwilling  to  lose  face 
with  him  and  with  her  Court  by  changing  her  mind.  His 
removal,  however,  undoubtedly  led  to  increased  friction 
between  herself  and  Tzu  An,  whom  she  suspected  of  being  a 
party  to  Jung  Lu’s  liaison. 

Finally,  in  March  1881,  a serious  quarrel  took  place 
between  the  two  Empresses,  on  the  subject  of  the  influence 
which  the  Chief  Eunuch  Li  Lien-ying  had  come  to  exercise, 
and  the  arrogance  of  his  manner.  Tzu  An  complained  that 
this  favourite  and  confidential  servant  of  her  colleague 
ignored  her,  setting  her  authority  at  nought,  so  that  she  was 
mocked  even  by  her  own  subordinates.  She  deplored  and 
denounced  the  existing  state  of  affairs,  commenting 
unpleasantly  on  the  notorious  fact  that  the  eunuch  was 
openly  known  by  the  title  of  “ Lord  of  nine  thousand 
years.”  a title  which  implied  that  he  was  but  one  degree 

151 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


lower  than  the  Emperor  (Lord  of  ten  thousand  years)  and 
entitled  to  something  approximating  to  Imperial  honours.1 

The  quarrel  on  this  occasion  was  exceedingly  bitter,  nor 
was  any  reconciliation  subsequently  effected  between  the 
Empresses.  It  is  very  generally  believed,  and  was  freely 
stated  at  the  time,  that,  incensed  beyond  measure  and 
impatient  of  any  further  interference  with  her  authority, 
Tzti  Hsi  brought  about  the  death  of  her  colleague,  which 
was  commonly  attributed  to  poison.  In  the  atmosphere  of 
an  Oriental  Court  such  charges  are  as  inevitable  as  they  are 
incapable  of  proof  or  disproof,  and  were  it  not  for  the 
unfortunate  fact  that  those  who  stood  in  the  way  of  Tzu 
Hsi’s  ambitions,  or  who  incurred  her  displeasure,  frequently 
failed  to  survive  it,  we  should  be  justified  in  refusing  to 
attach  importance  to  the  imputations  of  foul  play  raised  on 
this  and  other  occasions.  But  these  occasions  are  too 
numerous  to  be  entirely  overlooked  or  regarded  as  simple 
coincidences.  In  the  present  instance,  the  Empress  Tzu  An 
fell  ill  of  a sudden  and  mysterious  sickness,  and,  in  the  words 
of  the  Imperial  Decree,  she  “ ascended  the  fairy  chariot  for 
her  distant  journey”  on  the  evening  of  the  10th  day  of 
the  3rd  Moon.  In  accordance  with  prescribed  custom,  she 
drafted  just  before  her  decease  a valedictory  Decree  which, 
as  will  be  observed,  touches  hardly  at  all  on  the  political 
questions  of  the  day.  These,  even  at  the  moment  of  her 
death,  she  appeared  to  leave,  as  by  established  right,  to  her 
strong-minded  colleague.  After  referring  to  her  position  as 
Senior  Consort  of  the  Emperor  Hsien-Feng,  and  recording 
the  fact  that  during  his  minority  the  young  Emperor  had 
done  justice  to  his  education  (in  which  she  had  always  been 
much  interested),  the  Edict  proceeds  as  follows : — 

••  In  spite  of  the  arduous  duties  of  the  State,  which  have 

1 This  title  was  originally  given  to  an  infamous  eunuch  ot  the  Court  of 
the  Ming  Emperor  Chu  Yii-hsiao,  who,  because  of  his  influence  over  his 
dissolute  master,  was  canonised  by  the  latter  after  his  death.  The  same  title 
was  claimed  and  used  by  the  Eunuch  An  Te-hai,  vide  supra,  page  90. 

152 


TZU  HSI  BECOMES  SOLE  REGENT 


fully  occupied  my  time,  1 was  naturally  of  robust 
constitution  and  had  therefore  fully  expected  to  attain  to  a 
good  old  age  and  to  enjoy  the  Emperor’s  dutiful  minis- 
trations. Yesterday,  however,  I was  suddenly  stricken  with 
a slight  illness  and  His  Majesty  thereupon  commanded  his 
physician  to  attend  me  ; later  His  Majesty  came  in  person 
to  enquire  as  to  my  health.  And  now,  most  unexpectedly, 
I have  had  a most  dangerous  relapse.  At  7 p.m.  this 
evening  1 became  completely  confused  in  mind  and  now  all 
hope  of  my  recovery  appears  to  he  vain.  I am  forty-five 
years  of  age  and  for  close  on  twenty  years  have  held  the 
high  position  of  a Regent  of  the  Empire.  Many  honorific 
titles  and  ceremonies  of  congratulation  have  been  bestowed 
upon  me  : what  cause  have  I therefore  for  regret  ? ” 

At  her  request,  and  with  that  modesty  which  custom 
prescribes,  the  period  of  Imperial  mourning  was  reduced 
from  twenty-seven  months  to  twenty-seven  days.  There 
is  a human  touch  in  the  conclusion  of  this  Decree  which 
seems  to  preclude  the  conclusion  that  Tzu  Hsi  had  any 
hand  in  its  drafting,  for  it  describes  Tzu  An  as  having  been 
careful  to  “ set  a good  example  of  thrift  and  sobriety  in  the 
Palace  and  to  have  steadily  discountenanced  all  pomp  and 
vain  display  in  her  share  of  the  Court  ceremonies.”  As  most 
of  the  charges  levelled  for  many  years  against  Tzu  Hsi  by 
Censors  and  other  high  officials  referred  to  her  notorious 
extravagance,  this,  and  Tzu  An’s  last  request  for  a modest 
funeral  as  the  fitting  conclusion  to  a modest  life,  wrere  a 
palpable  hit. 

Tzii  An  was  dead.  The  playmate  of  her  youth,  the  girl 
wrho  had  faced  writh  her  the  solemn  mysteries  of  the 
Forbidden  City,  the  woman  who  later,  because  of  her 
failure  to  provide  an  heir  to  the  Throne,  had  effaced  herself 
in  favour  of  the  Empress  Mother,  her  poor-spirited  rival  of 
many  years — Tzu  An  wrould  trouble  her  no  more.  Hence- 
forth, without  usurpation  of  authority,  Tzu  Hsi  wras  free  to 
direct  the  ship  of  State  alone,  sole  Regent  of  the  Empire. 

And  with  the  death  of  her  colleague  came  the  desire  to 

153 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


be  free  from  the  restraints  of  advice  given  by  prescriptive 
right  of  long-standing  authority,  the  ambition  to  be  the 
only  and  undisputed  controller  of  the  nation’s  destinies,  and 
acknowledged  Head  of  the  State.  For  many  years — in  fact, 
since  the  decapitation  of  her  favourite  eunuch,  An  Te-hai, 
by  Prince  Rung 1 and  her  Co-Regent — she  had  been  on  bad 
terms  with  that  Prince,  and  jealous  of  his  influence  and 
well-earned  reputation  for  statesmanship.  The  manner  in 
which,  years  before,  she  had  taken  from  him  his  title  of 
Adviser  to  the  Government  has  already  been  described. 
Unable  to  dispense  with  his  services,  desirous  of  profiting 
by  his  ripe  experience,  especially  in  foreign  affairs,  she 
had  borne  with  her  Prime  Minister  grudgingly  and  of 
necessity.  In  1884,  however,  she  felt  strong  enough  to  stand 
alone,  and  the  war  with  France  (caused  by  the  dispute  as  to 
China’s  claims  to  suzerainty  over  Tongking)  gave  her  an 
opportunity  and  an  excuse  for  getting  rid  at  one  stroke  of 
Prince  Rung  and  his  colleagues  of  the  Grand  Council. 

The  immediate  pretext  for  their  dismissal  was  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  Chinese  fleet  of  junks  by  the  French  in  the  Min 
River,  but  Her  Majesty’s  real  reason  was  that  she  believed 
that  the  Prince  was  intriguing  against  her  with  the  young 
Emperor,  and  that  he  was  to  some  extent  responsible  for  a 
recent  Memorial,  in  which  several  Censors  had  roundly 
denounced  her  for  depraved  morals  and  boundless  extrava- 
gance. 

The  Decree  in  which  she  dismissed  this  able  adviser  of 
the  Throne  is  in  her  best  manner,  displaying  many  of  the 
qualities  which  explain  this  remarkable  woman’s  long  and 
successful  rule.  The  facts  to  which  she  refers  have  a direct 
and  interesting  connection  with  much  subsequent  history : — 

“ Our  country  has  not  yet  returned  to  its  wonted  stability, 
and  its  affairs  are  still  in  a critical  state.  There  is  chaos  in 
the  Government  and  a feeling  of  insecurity  amongst  the 


1 See  above,  page  93. 

154 


TZtJ  HS1  BECOMES  SOLE  REGENT 


people.  It  is,  therefore,  of  the  utmost  importance  that 
there  should  be  competent  statesmen  at  the  head  of  affairs, 
and  that  our  Grand  Council  should  be  an  efficient  pivot  and 
centre  of  administration. 

“ Prince  Kung,  at  the  outset  of  his  career,  was  wont  to 
render  us  most  zealous  assistance ; but  this  attitude  became 
modified,  as  time  went  by,  to  one  of  self-confident  and 
callous  contentment  with  the  sweets  of  office,  and  of  late  he 
has  become  unduly  inflated  with  his  pride  of  place,  dis- 
playing nepotism  and  slothful  inefficiency.  On  occasions 
when  we  have  urged  the  Grand  Council  to  display  zeal  and 
single-hearted  devotion  to  the  State,  he  and  his  colleagues 
have  ruthlessly  stuck  to  their  preconceived  ideas,  and  have 
failed  to  carry  out  our  orders,  for  which  reason  they  have 
more  than  once  been  impeached,  either  on  grounds  of 
obstructiveness  or  general  uselessness.  It  lias  even  been 
said  of  them  that  their  private  lives  are  disreputable,  and 
that  they  have  dared  to  recommend  persons  for  high 
office  from  improper  and  corrupt  motives. 

“ The  House-laws  of  our  Dynasty  are  most  severe,  and  if 
there  were  any  truth  in  the  accusations  of  treason  that  have 
been  made  against  Prince  Kung,  we  should  not  hesitate  for 
a single  moment  to  inflict  upon  him  the  extreme  penalty  of 
the  law.  We  do  not  believe,  however,  that  he  can  have 
dared  to  act  in  the  manner  suggested.  We  set  these  aside, 
therefore,  and  will  deal  only  with  the  other  charges  to  which 
we  have  referred,  and  for  which  there  would  appear  to  be 
good  foundation.  They  are  in  themselves  more  than  sufficient 
to  cause  the  gravest  injury  to  the  State,  and  if  we  continue 
to  treat  the  Prince  with  leniency,  how  shall  we  justify  our- 
selves hereafter  in  the  eyes  of  our  glorious  ancestors  ? We 
shall  incur  no  small  blame  in  the  eyes  of  posterity,  and  when 
the  day  comes  for  the  Emperor  to  take  over  charge  of  the 
Government  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  he  would  be  likely 
to  fail,  under  such  conditions,  to  shed  lustre,  by  his  reign,  on 
the  Dynasty. 

“ If  we  were  to  make  public  even  one  or  two  of  the 
accusing  Memorials  that  have  reached  us,  it  would  be 
impossible  for  us,  on  grounds  of  privilege,  to  extenuate  the 
Prince’s  faults,  and  we  should  be  forced  to  cashier  several  of 


155 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


our  senior  advisers.  In  the  magnanimity  of  our  heart  we 
shrink,  however,  from  any  such  drastic  steps,  being  moved 
to  deep  compassion  at  the  thought  that  Prince  Kung  and 
his  colleague,  the  Grand  Secretary,  Pao  Yiin,  should  have 
served  us  so  long  and  now  have  come  to  deserve  our  stern 
censure  and  severe  punishment.  We  are  prompted  to 
leniency  by  remembrance  of  the  fact  that  Prince  Kung 
suffers  from  a complication  of  diseases,  while  Pao  Y tin  has 
reached  an  advanced  old  age.  In  recognition  of  their  past 
merits  we  have,  therefore,  decided  that  their  good  fame 
may  be  left  to  them,  and  remain  unsullied  for  the  rest  of 
their  days.  As  a mark  of  our  Imperial  clemency  we  have 
decided  to  permit  Prince  Kung  to  retain  his  hereditary 
Princedom,  together  with  all  the  emoluments  thereof,  but 
he  is  hereby  deprived  of  all  his  offices,  and  the  double  salary 
which  he  has  hitherto  enjoyed  is  withdrawn.  He  is  per- 
mitted to  retire  into  private  life  and  attend  to  the  care  of 
his  health. 

“As  regards  the  Grand  Secretary,  Pao  Yiin,  he  also  is 
allowed  to  retire  from  public  life,  retaining  his  present  rank 
and  titles.  As  for  Li  Hung-tsao,1  who  has  been  a member 
of  the  Council  for  many  years,  his  narrow  views  and  lack  of 
practical  experience  have  caused  him  to  fail  completely  in  his 
duties.  Finally,  Ching  Lien,  the  President  of  the  Board  of 
War,  seems  to  think  that  his  duties  are  satisfactorily  per- 
formed by  adherence  to  a routine  of  procrastination,  the 
man  being  devoid  of  the  first  elements  of  knowledge.  Both 
these  officials  are  hereby  relieved  of  their  posts,  to  he 
employed  in  lower  positions  hereafter.  Weng  T'ung-ho,  the 
President  of  the  Board  of  Works,  has  only  recently  been 
appointed  a member  of  the  Council,  at  a time  of  serious 
complications,  and  has,  so  far,  taken  no  active  part  in  its 
proceedings.  He  therefore  escapes  censure  or  penalty.  As 
a mark  of  our  consideration  we  hereby  remove  him  from  his 
post  on  the  Grand  Council,  but  permit  him  to  retain  his 
position  on  the  Board  of  Works,  and  he  will  continue 
his  services  as  Tutor  to  the  Emperor.” 

1 Tza  Hsi  had  no  love  for  this  official,  for  it  was  he  who  drafted  Hsien- 
Feng’s  valedictory  Decree,  at  the  dictation  of  Su  Shun,  in  1861.  Vide 
page  33. 


156 


TZU  HSI  BECOMES  SOLE  REGENT 


“ For  a long  time  past  we  have  been  quietly  observing  the 
behaviour  and  general  tendencies  of  Prince  Kung  and  bis 
colleagues,  and  we  are  quite  convinced  in  our  mind  that  it  is 
useless  to  look  to  them  for  any  activity  or  awakening  of  their 
petrified  energies.  If  they  were  retained  in  office,  we  firmly 
believe  that  they  would  end  by  incurring  severe  punishment 
by  causing  some  really  serious  disaster  to  the  State.  For 
this  reason  we  now  content  ourselves  with  mild  censure  from 
a sense  of  pity,  as  a measure  of  precaution.  It  is  not 
because  of  any  trivial  misdemeanour,  or  because  of  the 
impeachment  by  Censors  that  we  thus  dismiss  from  office  a 
Prince  of  the  Blood  and  these  high  Ministers  of  our 
Government,  nor  is  our  action  taken  on  any  sudden  impulse 
and  without  full  consideration.” 

As  the  result  of  this  Decree,  Prince  Kung  retired  from 
the  scene,  to  remain  in  unemployed  obscurity  until  1894, 
wrhen,  after  the  first  disasters  of  the  war  with  Japan, 
Tzu  Hsi,  older  and  wiser,  turned  to  him  once  more  for 
assistance.  He  never  completely  regained  the  influence 
with  the  Empress  which  he  had  enjoyed  in  the  earlier  days 
of  the  first  Regency,  but  after  his  return  to  office  until  his 
death  in  1898,  his  prestige,  especially  among  foreigners,  was 
great.  Tzu  Hsi,  though  she  loved  him  not,  was  forced 
to  admit  that  he  had  accepted  and  borne  his  degradation 
with  dignity. 

After  the  issue  of  the  above  Decree,  Prince  Kung 
was  succeeded  in  office  by  Prince  Li,  the  head  of  the 
eight  Princely  families  and  a descendant  of  a younger 
son  of  Nurhachu.  With  him  were  associated  on  the  Grand 
Council,  amongst  others,  the  elder  brother  of  Chang  Chih- 
tung  and  Sun  Yu-wen.1  The  latter  wras  a bitter  enemy 
of  the  Imperial  Tutor,  Weng  T’ung-ho.  In  appointing  him 

1 Sun  remained  in  high  favour  until  December  1894,  when  the  Emperor 
• was  induced  by  Weng  T’ung-ho  to  dismiss  him.  At  that  time  the  Empress 
was  taking  little  active  part  in  the  direction  of  affairs,  occupying  her  time 
with  theatricals  and  other  diversions  at  the  Summer  Palace,  and  playing  a 
watching  game  in  politics,  so  that  for  a while  Sun’s  life  was  in  real  danger. 

157 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


to  the  Council,  Tzu  Hsi  followed  her  favourite  tactics 
of  creating  dissension  among  her  advisers  and  maintaining 
the  equilibrium  of  her  own  authority  as  the  resultant  of 
their  conflicting  forces. 

Her  Majesty’s  next  step  aroused  a storm  of  opposition  and 
criticism.  She  decreed  that  in  all  matters  of  urgency,  the 
Grand  Council,  before  advising  the  Throne,  should  confer 
with  the  Emperor’s  father,  Prince  Ch’un,  but  added  that 
upon  the  Emperor’s  attaining  his  majority,  she  would  issue 
further  instructions  on  this  subject.  This  was  not  only 
an  entirely  new  and  irregular  departure,  since  it  made 
the  Emperor’s  father  de  facto  head  of  the  executive,  but 
it  implied  the  possibility  of  violation  of  the  solemn  pledges 
given  to  the  nation  in  1875,  as  to  the  provision  of  an  heir  to 
the  Emperor  T’ung-Chih.  Fears  were  once  more  aroused 
in  an  acute  form  that  Prince  Ch’un  might  hereafter  persuade 
his  son  to  ignore  the  ancestral  claims  of  the  late  Emperor, 
and  thus  constitute  the  house  of  Ch’un  founders  of  a 
new  line.  The  Prince  would  have  great  inducement  to 
adopt  this  policy,  as  it  would  confer  upon  him  and  upon  his 
wife  (Tzii  Hsi’s  sister)  Imperial  rank  during  their  lives 
and  Imperial  honours  after  their  death.  The  reign  of  T’ung- 
Chih  would  in  that  case  be  practically  expunged,  going 
down  to  posterity  dishonoured  as  the  ignominious  end  of  the 
senior  branch  of  the  Ta  Ching  Dynasty,  and  the  Yehonala 
clan  would  become  of  paramount  influence.  A wide  field 
would  thus  be  left  for  future  dissensions,  treasons,  stratagems 
and  Court  intrigues.  In  fact  the  position  thus  created 
would  be  somewhat  similar  to  that  which  arose  from  the 
rivalry  of  the  Houses  of  York  and  Lancaster  in  English 
history. 

An  Imperial  Clansman,  named  Sheng  Yu,  and  other 
scholars,  memorialised  in  the  most  urgent  terms  praying 
the  Empress  to  cancel  this  appointment  and  suggesting 
that  if  Prince  Ch’un’s  advice  were  really  needed,  it  should 
be  given  to  herself  direct  and  not  to  the  Grand  Council. 

158 


TZU  HS1  BECOMES  SOLE  REGENT 


The  writers  advanced  numerous  arguments,  all  calculated  to 
save  the  face  of  Prince  Ch’un  while  preventing  him  from 
accepting  the  position.  They  doubted  whether  his  health 
would  stand  the  strain,  and  whether  the  duties  of  the  post 
were  consistent  with  his  high  calling ; at  the  same  time 
they  foresaw  that  a post  which  practically  conferred  the 
powers  of  a Dictator  must  undoubtedly  make  him  unpopular, 
a result  which  Her  Majesty  herself  would  be  the  first  to 
deplore. 

Besides,  had  not  the  Emperor  Chia-Ch’ing  declared  (in 
1799)  that  Princes  of  the  Blood  were  not  eligible  for  service 
on  the  Grand  Council,  except  in  cases  of  urgent  and  excep- 
tional emergency  ? 

“ The  truth  is,”  they  concluded,  “ that  a Prince  of  the 
Blood,  by  virtue  of  his  position,  cannot  be  liable  to  the 
same  punishments  as  ordinary  subjects,  and  for  this  reason 
be  should  not  hold  a Government  office.  Prince  Kung 
has  held  this  high  post,  it  is  true,  but  this  was  merely 
temporary,  and  in  any  case,  the  power  conferred  upon  him 
was  much  less  than  that  which  it  is  now  proposed  to  confer 
upon  Prince  Ch’un.  We  therefore  respectfully  invite  Your 
Majesty  reverently  to  conform  to  the  laws  of  the  Dynasty, 
and  to  cancel  the  Decree  conferring  these  functions  upon 
Prince  Ch’un.” 

As  final  objections,  the  Memorialists  observed  that  the 
Prince  could  not  be  expected  to  attend  every  morning  at 
the  Palace,  nor  could  he  usurp  the  Imperial  prerogative 
by  expecting  the  Grand  Council  to  meet  at  his  residence ; 
and  it  would  be  irregular  for  the  Censors  to  denounce  any 
errors  committed  by  a Prince  of  the  Blood  as  head  of  the 
Council. 

The  Censor  Chao  Erh-hsun  (an  upright  official  who  has 
since  held  office  as  Viceroy  in  Manchuria  and  in  Ssu-Ch’uan) 
memorialised  in  the  same  sense,  observing  that  the  Grand 
Council  would  be  superfluous  if  everything  had  to  be  referred 
to  Prince  Ch  un,  whose  position  as  father  of  the  Emperor 

159 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


made  him  impossible  for  this  post.  “ Why,”  said  he,  “ could 
not  Her  Majesty  command  the  Prince  to  attend  before  her, 
whenever  she  needed  his  advice,  and  let  him  expound  his 
views  to  her  in  person  ? There  could  be  no  objections  to 
this  course.” 

To  these  remonstrances  Tzu  Hsi  replied  : 

“ There  is  no  doubt  that  the  sage  decisions  of  former  Em- 
perors deserve  to  be  treated  with  every  consideration  and 
respect,  but  it  is  to  be  observed  that,  ever  since  I assumed 
the  Regency,  I have  been  by  circumstances  compelled  to 
confer  regularly  on  confidential  business  with  a Prince  of  the 
Blood.  You  must  all  be  aware  that  this  situation  has  been 
forced  upon  me  owing  to  the  exigencies  of  the  times,  and 
was  none  of  my  seeking.  The  Decree  in  which,  some  days 
ago,  I appointed  Prince  Ch’un  to  be  Adviser  to  the  Council, 
had  no  reference  to  ordinary  routine  business,  with  which  he 
has  no  concern,  but  only  to  urgent  matters  of  State.  I had 
not,  and  have  not,  any  intention  of  giving  him  a definite 
appointment,  and  he  himself  was  most  reluctant  to  accept  at 
my  hands  even  this  advisory  position  ; it  was  because  of  his 
repeated  entreaties  that  I promised  to  issue  further  instruc- 
tions in  the  matter  upon  the  Emperor's  reaching  his  majority. 
The  present  arrangement  is  of  a purely  temporary  nature. 
You  cannot  possibly  realise  how  great  and  numerous  are  the 
problems  with  which  I have  to  deal  single-handed.  As  to 
the  Grand  Council,  let  them  beware  of  making  Prince 
Ch’un’s  position  an  excuse  for  shirking  their  responsibilities. 
In  conclusion,  I wish  that  my  Ministers  would  for  the  future 
pay  more  respect  to  the  motives  with  actuate  their  Sovereign’s 
actions,  and  abstain  from  troubling  me  with  their  querulous 
criticisms.  The  Memorialists’  requests  are  hereby  refused.” 

Rescripts  of  this  kind  are  curiously  suggestive  of  Queen 
Elizabeth,  and  her  manner  of  dealing  with  similar  petitions 
from  her  loyal  and  dutiful  subjects. 


1G0 


XI 


TZU  HSI  “EN  RETRAITE  ” 

In  1887  Kuang-Hsi'i  completed  his  seventeenth  year, 
and  Tzu  Hsi  saw  herself  confronted  by  the  necessity  of 
surrendering  to  him  the  outward  and  visible  signs  of 
sovereignty.  The  change  was  naturally  viewed  with 
apprehension  by  those  of  her  courtiers  aiuj  kinsmen  who 
for  the  last  ten  years  had  basked  in  the  sunshine  of  her 
unfettered  authority  and  patronage,  whose  places  and 
privileges  might  well  be  endangered  by  a new  regime. 
When,  therefore,  as  in  duty  bound,  she  expressed  a desire  to 
retire  from  public  life,  it  was  not  surprising  that  urgent 
petitions  and  remonstrances  poured  in,  begging  her  to 
continue  yet  a little  while  in  control  of  affairs,  nor  that  she 
should  finally  allow  herself  to  be  persuaded.  It  was  not 
until  February  1889  that  she  definitely  handed  over  the 
reins  of  government  to  the  Emperor,  on  the  occasion  of 
his  marriage  to  the  daughter  of  her  brother,  Duke  Kuei 
Hsiang. 

Tzu  Hsi  was  now  fifty-five  years  of  age.  For  nearly  thirty 
years  she  had  been  de  facto  ruler  of  the  Celestial  Empire. 
She  had  tasted  the  sweets  of  autocracy,  had  satisfied  all  her 
instincts  of  dominion,  and  it  seemed  as  if  she  were  not  un- 
willing to  enjoy  the  fruit  of  her  labours  and  to  exchange  the 

I formal  routine  of  the  Forbidden  City  for  the  pleasures  and 
comparative  freedom  of  life  at  the  Summer  Palace,  which 
was  now  in  course  of  reconstruction.  Always  avid  of  move- 

161  M 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


ment  and  change,  weary  of  the  increasing  toil  of  audiences 
and  Rescripts,  apprehensive,  too,  of  the  steadily  increasing 
pressure  of  the  earth-hungry  Powers  on  China’s  frontiers, 
she  could  not  fail  to  be  attracted  by  the  prospect  of  a life  of 
gilded  leisure  and  recreation.  Nor  could  she  have  remained 
on  the  Throne,  Kuang-Hsii  being  alive,  without  an  overt 
and  flagrant  act  of  usurpation  for  which,  until  he  had  been 
tried  and  found  wanting,  there  was  no  possible  justification. 
Certain  writers,  foreign  and  Chinese,  have  imputed  to  her  at 
this  period  a policy  of  reculer  pour  mieux  sauter,  suggesting 
that  her  hand,  though  hidden,  was  never  really  withdrawn 
from  the  affairs  of  the  Forbidden  City.  To  some  extent  the 
suggestion  is  justifiable  ; but  Tzu  Hsi’s  retirement  in  the 
I -Ho  Yuan  lasted,  roughly  speaking,  for  ten  years,  during  a 
considerable  portion  of  which  period  she  undoubtedly  ceased 
to  concern  herself  with  affairs  of  State,  other  than  those 
which  directly  affected  the  replenishing  of  her  privy  purse. 

But  while  divesting  herself  of  the  outward  and  visible 
signs  of  rulership,  Tzu  Hsi  had  no  intention  of  becoming  a 
negligible  quantity,  or  of  losing  touch  with  current  events. 
From  her  luxurious  retreat  at  the  foot  of  the  hills  which 
shelter  Peking,  she  could  keep  close  watch  on  the  doings  of 
the  Emperor,  and  protect  the  interests  of  her  personal 
adherents  in  the  capital  and  the  provinces.  Her  power  of 
appointing  and  dismissing  officials,  which  drew  much  of  its 
inspiration  from  the  Chief  Eunuch,  was  never  surrendered. 

In  marrying  the  Emperor  to  her  favourite  niece,  Tzu  Hsi 
intended  to  avoid  a repetition  of  the  mistake  which  she  had 
committed  in  the  case  of  her  son,  the  Emperor  T’ung-Chih, 
whose  marriage  with  the  virtuous  and  courageous  A-lu-te 
had  resulted  in  dangerous  intrigues  against  herself,  until 
death  had  removed  the  offenders.  Warned  by  this  expe- 
rience, she  made  her  selection  in  the  present  instance  less 
with  a view  to  the  Emperor’s  felicity  than  to  the  furtherance 
of  her  own  purposes,  which  necessitated  the  presence  by  his 
side  of  someone  who  would  watch  over,  and  report  on,  his 

162 


TZU  MSI  “EN  RETRAITE  ” 


proceedings  and  proclivities.  This  part  her  niece  played  to 
perfection.  In  appearance  she  was  unattractive,  and  in 
disposition  and  temper  unsympathetic,  but  she  possessed  a 
considerable  share  of  the  Yehonala  intelligence  and  strength 
of  will.  From  the  very  first  she  was  on  bad  terms  with  the 
Emperor.  It  was  no  secret  at  Court  that  they  indulged  in 
fierce  and  protracted  quarrels,  in  which  the  young  Empress 
generally  came  off  victorious.  As  a natural  result,  Kuang- 
Hsii  developed  and  showed  a marked  preference  for  the 
society  of  his  two  senior  concubines,  known  respectively  as 
the  “ Eearl  ” and  “ Lustrous  consorts. 

Upon  the  Emperor’s  assumption  of  rulership,  there  was 
shown  a strong  feeling  amongst  the  senior  members  of 
the  Yehonala  clan  that  the  opportunity  should  he  taken  to 
consolidate  its  position  and  power  by  conferring  on  the 
Emperors  father  rank  in  the  hierarchy  higher  than  that 
which  he  had  hitherto  held,  with  a view  to  his  ultimate 
canonisation  as  Emperor.  The  manner  in  which  this 
proposal  was  put  forward,  and  Tzu  Hsi’s  refusal  to  act  upon 
it — while  giving  all  possible  “ face  ” to  Prince  Ch  un — throw 
light  upon  one  of  the  undercurrents  of  China’s  dynastic 
affairs  which  are  so  difficult  for  Europeans  to  follow. 

The  views  of  Prince  Chun’s  adherents  were  voiced  in 
a Memorial  addressed  to  the  Empress  Dowager  by  W u Ta- 
eh’eng,  formerly  Vice-President  of  the  Censorate,  who 
at  that  time  held  the  post  of  Director  of  the  Yellow  River 
Conservancy.  This  Memorial,  after  referring  to  the  services 
rendered  by  Prince  Ch’un  as  head  of  the  Admiralty,  and 
praising  his  patriotism,  zeal  and  extreme  modesty,  proceeded 
to  observe  that  he  was,  after  all,  the  Emperor’s  own  father, 
and,  as  such,  entitled  to  higher  respect  in  a Dynasty  which 
“ won  the  Empire  by  virtue  of  its  respect  for  filial  piety.” 
The  Memorialist  further  recommended  that  the  Son  of 
Heaven  should  be  authorised  to  grant  special  recognition 
and  honour  to  his  parent,  on  the  principle  laid  down  by 
Mencius  that  “ the  main  principle  underlying  all  ceremonies 

163  m 2 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


is  that  satisfaction  should  be  felt  by  those  concerned.”  As 
usual,  the  Memorialist  strengthened  his  request  with  reference 
to  historical  precedents,  and  quoted  a case,  referred  to 
by  the  Emperor  Ch’ien  Lung  in  his  edition  of  Chu  Hsi’s 
famous  historical  work,  where  two  parties  in  the  State  under 
the  Sung  Dynasty  disagreed  as  to  the  title  to  be  accorded  to 
the  father  of  the  Emperor  (a.d.  1050).  In  that  instance  the 
opinion  of  His  Majesty  Ch’ien-Lung  (as  a commentator) 
was  opposed  to  that  of  the  historians,  for  he  supported  the 
contention  that  the  Emperor’s  father,  as  a simple  matter  of 
filial  piety,  is  entitled  to  special  honour.  He  quoted  a case 
where,  under  the  Ming  Dynasty  (1525),  the  Emperor  desired 
to  have  his  father  raised  to  the  rank  of  Emperor,  although 
he  also  had  been  born  only  to  princely  rank ; in  other 
words,  the  Emperor  Ch’ien  Lung,  who  is  justly  regarded  as 
the  highest  authority  on  precedents  produced  by  the 
present  Dynasty,  placed  the  blood-tie  between  father  and  son 
above  all  the  theories  and  conventions  that  might  be  raised 
by  courtiers  as  to  their  official  relationship.  The  Memorialist 
concluded  by  recommending  that  the  title  of  “ Imperial 
father”  be  given  to  Prince  Ch’un,  and  that  the  Empress 
Dowager  should  announce  this  as  the  last  act  of  her 
rule,  so  that  His  Majesty’s  filial  piety  might  be  fittingly 
displayed. 

There  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  the  above  Memorial 
was  inspired  in  the  high  quarters  immediately  concerned,  so 
as  to  afford  Her  Majesty  an  opportunity  for  putting  on 
record  her  own  views,  while  bestowing  great  honour  on  the 
house  of  Ch’un.  After  praising  the  Prince  and  his  unswerv- 
ing loyalty,  she  continues  : — 

“ Whenever  I have  wished  to  bestow  any  special  honour 
upon  him,  he  has  refused  it  with  tears  in  his  eyes.  On  one 
occasion  I granted  him  permission  to  ride  in  a sedan  chair 
with  curtains  of  apricot  yellow1  silk,  but  not  once  has  he 

1 Apricot  yellow  is  a colour  reserved,  strictly  speaking,  for  the  use  of  the 
Throne. 


164 


TZU  HSI  “EN  RETRAITE  ” 

ventured  to  avail  himself  of  this  honour.  He  has  thus 
displayed  his  loyalty  and  unselfish  modesty,  already  well 
known  to  my  people  as  well  as  to  myself. 

“ Years  ago,  in  the  first  month  of  the  present  reign,  the 
Prince  put  in  a secret  Memorial,  in  which,  after  reciting 
numerous  precedents,  he  expressed  a fear  that  the  very 
example  which  has  now  been  cited  by  the  present  Memoralist 
(Wu  Ta-ch’eng)  might  be  used  by  sycophants  and  other  evil 
persons  to  advance  improper  proposals  on  his  behalf.  For 
this  reason  he  handed  in  his  secret  Memorial  in  advance,  with 
a request  that,  when  the  Emperor  should  attain  his  majority, 
no  change  whatsoever  should  be  made  in  bis  own  rank  and 
titles.  Never  was  there  a more  brilliant  example  of  devoted 
service  by  a Minister  of  the  Crown,  and,  while  heartily 
praising  him,  I yielded  reluctantly  to  his  request.  Now  that  1 
am  about  to  hand  over  the  reins  of  Government,  the  very 
thing  that  Prince  Ch’un  feared  has  come  to  pass,  and  I 
therefore  feel  bound  to  take  this  occasion  to  publish  to  the 
world  his  original  Memorial,  so  that  none  may  hope  to  work 
mischief  by  any  further  proposals  of  a similar  kind,  and  that 
this  worthy  Princes  sincerity,  thus  manifested,  may  become 
an  example  for  all  to  follow.” 


Prince  Chun’s  original  Memorial,  dated  1875,  is  of  no 
particular  interest  except  in  that  it  reveals,  even  at  that  date, 
a sense  of  the  dangers  arising  from  the  confusion  of  the  Imperial 
succession  and  considerable  anxiety  as  to  the  future  adjust- 
ment of  the  situation.  His  own  object  in  declining  further 
honours  was  clearly  stated  to  be  that  he  wished  to  prevent 
sycophants  and  persons  of  doubtful  loyalty  from  establishing 
claims  upon  him  or  forming  a party  in  the  Forbidden  City, 
which  (it  may  be  observed)  has  actually  come  to  pass.  He 
deplored  the  possibility  that  when  His  Majesty  the  Emperor 
begins  to  rule  in  person,  “ officials  of  obscure  origin  may  be 
led  to  think  that,  by  artful  and  treasonable  suggestions,  they 
may  delude  His  Majesty  and  thus  rise  to  high  office  by 
creating  opportunities  of  dissension.” 

The  rank  of  the  Emperor’s  father  therefore  remained  that 

165 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


of  an  hereditary  Prince,  but  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  matter 
is  by  no  means  disposed  of,  and  may  possibly  be  revived  upon 
the  conclusion  of  the  present  Regent’s  term  of  office.1 

Shortly  after  Tzu  Hsi’s  retirement  from  public  affairs  the 
Emperor’s  father,  Prince  Ch’un,  fell  ill  of  a sickness  which 
increased  until,  on  1st  January  1891,  he  died.  In  1890,  the 
Censorate,  deeply  concerned  for  a strict  observance  of  the 
laws  and  ceremonial  etiquette  of  filial  piety,  took  occasion, 
in  a Memorial  of  remonstrance,  to  draw  Her  Majesty’s 
attention  to  her  duty,  and  that  of  the  Emperor,  of  visiting 
the  invalid.  Tzii  Hsi’s  reply  took  the  form  of  a rebuke  to 
the  Censors,  whom  she  bluntly  directed  to  mind  their  own 
business,  in  a manner  which  forcibly  brings  to  mind  Queen 
Elizabeth’s  methods  of  dealing  with  similar  remonstrances. 
Nevertheless  she  took  the  hint  and  thenceforward,  through- 
out the  summer  of  1890,  she  paid  repeated  visits  to  Prince 
Ch’un’s  bedside. 

This  Prince  had  always  been  a favourite  with  Tzu  Hsi, 
who  greatly  preferred  him  to  his  elder  brothers  ; she  regretted 
his  death  and  felt  the  loss  of  his  wise  and  fearless  counsel, 
which  had  often  guided  her  policy.  He  was  a staunch 
Manchu,  jealous  of  the  power  and  privileges  of  the  Clans, 
and  will  long  be  remembered  in  Chinese  history  for  the 
remark  which  he  made  at  a meeting  of  the  Council  after 
the  campaign  in  Tongking.  “ It  were  better,”  said  he, 
“ to  hand  over  the  Empire  to  the  foreign  devils,  than  to 
surrender  it  at  the  dictation  of  these  Chinese  rebels,”  a 
remark  which  was  prompted  by  the  growing  discontent  of 
the  province  of  Canton  against  the  Manchus  and  their 
rule. 

In  her  Decree  recording  the  Prince’s  deatli  and  praising  his 
eminent  services  as  Chamberlain  of  the  Palace,  Head  of  the 

1 In  that  event  it  would  not  be  the  Yehonala  clan  alone  which  would 
benefit,  as  the  present  Emperor’s  grandmother  (who  was  one  of  Prince  Ch’un’s 
concubines)  is  still  alive  and  would  necessarily  share  in  any  honours  post- 
humously conferred  on  her  husband,  whilst  Kuang-Hsii's  mother  would  be 
excluded. 


166 


Interior  ok  the  Tai  Ilo  Tien. 

This  Palace  is  used  only  for  occasions  of  high  ceremony,  such  as  Imperial  birthday  celebrations 


TZU  HSI  “EN  RETRAITE 


Navy1  and  Commander  of  the  Manchu  Field  Force,  Tzu 
Hsi  gave  detailed  instructions  for  the  mourning  and  funeral 
ceremonies,  donating  in  her  own  name  a Tibetan  prayer 
coverlet  for  the  body.  She  conferred  upon  him  the  some- 
what obvious  (but  according  to  Chinese  ideas,  highly 
honourable)  title  of  “ deceased  father  of  the  Emperor  ” 
and  ordered  that  the  funeral  should  be  upon  a scale 
“which  shall  simultaneously  display  His  Majesty’s  favour 
and  his  sense  of  filial  piety,”  due  care  being  taken  at 
the  same  time  not  to  outrage  the  deceased’s  conspicuous 
modesty.  By  these  means,  which  were  in  accordance  with 
her  guiding  principle  of  the  “ happy  mean,”  she  hoped  to  set 
at  rest  all  question  of  “ usurping  tendencies  ” and  to  reassure 
the  Aisin  Gioros  as  to  their  fears  of  the  undue  ambition  of  the 
house  of  Ch’un.  Finally,  in  accordance  with  the  precedent 
established  by  the  Emperor  Ch'ien-Lung,  she  decreed 
that  the  late  Prince’s  residence  should  be  divided  into  two 
portions,  one  to  be  set  aside  as  his  own  ancestral  Hall  and 
the  other  as  a shrine  (it  being  the  birthplace)  of  his  Majesty 
Kuang-Hsii. 

In  1894  the  Empress  Dowager  reached  her  sixtieth  year, 
which,  according  to  Chinese  ideas,  is  an  event  calling  for 
special  thanksgiv  ing  and  honour.  Secure  in  her  great  and 
increasing  popularity,  safely  entrenched  in  her  prestige  and 
influence,  the  Old  Buddha  had  expected  to  devote  her 
leisure  at  the  Summer  Palace  to  preparations  for  celebrating 
this  anniversary  on  a scale  of  unparalleled  magnificence. 
The  I-Ho  Yuan,  as  the  Summer  Palace  is  called,2  had  been 
entirely  rebuilt,  by  the  Emperor’s  orders,  with  funds  taken 
from  the  Navy  Department  and  other  Government  Boards 
since  1889,  and  had  just  been  completed.  Most  of  the  high 
provincial  authorities  had  been  summoned  to  the  capital  to 

1 The  results  of  the  Prince’s  eminent  services  in  naval  and  military  re- 
organisation were  demonstrated  three  years  later,  not  entirely  to  the  nation’s 
satisfaction,  in  the  war  with  Japan. 

2 From  a sentence  in  the  Book  of  Rites,  which  means  “ to  give  rest  and 
peace  to  Heaven-sent  old  age  ” 


167 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


take  part  in  these  festivities  (and,  incidentally,  to  help  to  pay 
for  them),  and  amongst  them  the  faithful  Jung  Lu  returned 
once  more  to  his  mistress’s  side,  in  high  favour,  as  General 
in  command  of  the  Forces  at  Peking.  (For  the  last  three 
years  he  had  been  at  Hsi-an,  holding  the  sinecure  post  of 
Tartar  General.)  Every  high  official  in  the  Empire  had  been 
“ invited  ” to  contribute  twenty-five  per  cent,  of  his  salary 
as  a birthday  gift  to  Her  Majesty,  and  the  total  amount 
of  these  offerings  must  have  amounted  to  several  millions 
of  taels.  Everything  pointed  to  festivities  of  great 
splendour ; orders  had  already  been  given  for  the  erection 
of  triumphal  arches  in  her  honour  throughout  the  whole 
five  miles  of  the  Imperial  highway  between  Peking  and  the 
Summer  Palace,  when  the  continued  disasters  which  over- 
took China’s  forces,  immediately  after  the  outbreak  of  the 
war  with  Japan,  caused  Her  Majesty  to  reconsider  the 
situation,  and  eventually  to  cancel  all  arrangements  for  the 
celebration.  In  the  Emperor’s  name  she  issued  the  following 
somewhat  pathetic  Decree  : — 

“ The  auspicious  occasion  of  my  sixtieth  birthday,  occurring 
in  the  10th  Moon  of  this  year,  was  to  have  been  a joyful 
event,  in  which  the  whole  nation  would  unite  in  paying 
to  me  loyal  and  dutiful  homage.  It  had  been  intended  that 
His  Majesty  the  Emperor,  accompanied  by  the  whole  Court, 
should  proceed  to  offer  congratulations  to  me,  and  make 
obeisance  at  the  Summer  Palace,  and  my  officials  and  people 
have  subscribed  funds  wherewith  to  raise  triumphal  arches, 
and  to  decorate  the  Imperial  highway  throughout  its  entire 
length  from  Peking  to  the  I-Ho  Yiian  ; high  altars  have 
been  erected  where  Buddhist  Sutras  were  to  have  been 
recited  in  my  honour.  I was  not  disposed  to  be  unduly 
obstinate  and  to  insist  on  refusing  these  honours,  because,  at 
the  time  that  the  celebration  was  planned,  my  people  were 
enjoying  peace  and  prosperity  ; moreover,  there  is  precedent 
for  such  displays  of  pageantry  and  rejoicing  in  the  occasions 
on  which  the  Emperors  K’ang-Hsi  and  Ch’ien-Lung  cele- 
brated their  sixtieth  birthdays.  I,  therefore,  consented  to 

168 


TZU  HSI  “EN  RETRAITE  ” 


H is  Majesty’s  filial  request,  and  decided  to  receive  birthday 
congratulations  at  the  Summer  Palace.  Who  would  ever  have 
anticipated  that  the  Japanese  (literally,  ‘ dwarf  men  ’)  would 
have  dared  to  force  us  into  hostilities,  and  that  since  the 
beginning  of  the  summer  they  have  invaded  our  tributary 
State  (Corea)  and  destroyed  our  fleet?  We  had  no  alterna- 
tive but  to  draw  the  sword  and  to  commence  a punitive 
campaign  ; at  this  moment  our  armies  are  pressing  to  the 
front.  The  people  of  both  nations  (China  and  Corea)  are 
now  involved  in  all  the  horrors  of  war,  and  I am  continually 
haunted  by  the  thought  of  their  distress ; therefore,  I have 
issued  a grant  of  three  million  taels  from  my  privy  purse  for 
the  maintenance  and  relief  of  our  troops  at  the  front. 

“ Although  the  date  of  my  birthday  is  drawing  close,  how 
could  I have  the  heart,  at  such  a time,  to  delight  my  senses 
with  revelries,  or  to  receive  from  my  subjects  congratulations 
which  could  only  be  sincere  if  we  had  won  a glorious 
victory  ? I therefore  decree  that  the  ceremonies  to  be 
observed  on  my  birthday  shall  be  performed  at  the  Palace 
in  Peking,  and  all  preparations  at  the  Summer  Palace  shall 
be  abandoned  forthwith.  The  words  of  the  Empress.” 

To  which  the  Emperor  adds  the  filial  remark  on  his  own 
account : “ That  Her  Majesty  had  acted  in  accordance  with 
the  admirable  virtue  which  always  distinguished  her,  and 
that,  in  spite  of  his  own  wishes,  he  was  bound  reverently  to 
obey  her  orders  in  the  matter.” 

China’s  complete  and  ignominious  defeat  by  the  Japanese 
forces  undoubtedly  inflicted  no  small  loss  of  prestige  on  the 
Manchu  Dynasty,  and  was  a direct  cause  of  the  violent  agi- 
tation of  the  Southern  Provinces  for  reform,  which  led  in  turn 
to  the  coup  d'etat  and  to  the  Boxer  rising.  It  is  doubtful 
whether  war  could  have  been  avoided  without  even  greater 
sacrifices  and  humiliation,  and  the  Empress  Dowager  showed 
her  usual  sagacity  therefore  in  refraining  from  expressing 
any  opinion  or  taking  any  share  of  responsibility  in  the 
decision  taken  by  the  Emperor.  She  knew,  moreover,  that, 
by  the  action  and  advice  of  her  Chief  Eunuch,  the  Navy 
had  for  years  been  starved  in  order  to  provide  her  with 

169 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


funds  to  rebuild  and  decorate  the  Summer  Palace,  a fact 
of  which  some  of  China’s  most  distinguished  advisers  were 
at  that  time  unaware. 

As  Viceroy  of  the  Metropolitan  Province,  Li  Hung-chang 
was  generally  blamed  for  advising  the  Court  to  maintain 
China’s  suzerainty  over  Corea  by  force  of  arms,  but,  speaking 
from  personal  knowledge  of  this  subject,  we  may  state  that, 
like  many  other  Ministers  similarly  situated,  he  hesitated 
until  the  very  last  moment  before  taking  risks  which  he 
knew  to  be  enormous  in  both  directions.  The  documents 
upon  which  history  might  have  been  written  with  full 
knowledge  of  the  facts  were  unfortunately  destroyed  in  the 
Viceroy’s  Yamen  at  Tientsin  and  in  the  Inspector-General 
of  Customs’  quarters  at  Peking,  in  1900,  so  that  the  imme- 
diate causes  of  that  disastrous  war  will  probably  never 
be  established  with  complete  accuracy.  Li  Hung-chang 
was  aware  that  twice  already  Japan  had  been  bought  off 
from  a war  of  aggression  against  China,  the  first  time 
(in  1874)  by  payment  of  an  indemnity,  and  again  (in  1885) 
by  admitting  her  to  a share  in  the  control  of  Corea,  a 
concession  which  had  led  directly  to  the  present  crisis. 
He  realised  that  even  had  he  been  willing  to  surrender 
China’s  rights  over  Corea  (which  were  of  no  real  advantage 
to  the  Chinese  Government)  the  concession  might  have 
purchased  peace  for  the  time  being,  but  it  would  certainly 
have  led  before  long  to  the  loss  of  the  Manchurian  Provinces  ; 
just  as  certainly,  in  fact,  as  the  doom  of  those  provinces 
was  sealed  in  1905,  on  the  day  that  China  acquiesced  in  the 
terms  of  the  Portsmouth  Treaty.  Japan’s  attack  on  China’s 
positions  was  diplomatically  as  unjustifiable  as  the  methods 
which  she  adopted  in  commencing  hostilities.  Li  Hung- 
chang  was  fully  aware  of  the  preparations  that  Japan  had 
been  making  for  years,  and  equally  aw  are  of  the  disorganised 
state  of  his  own  naval  and  military  resources,  but  he  was 
surrounded  by  officials  who,  like  the  Manchus  in  1900,  were 
convinced  of  China’s  immense  superiority  and  lie  wTas 

170 


TZU  HSI  “EN  RETRAITE” 


assured  by  the  Chinese  Resident  in  Corea  (Yiian  Shih-k’ai) 
that  help  would  be  forthcoming  from  England  in  the  event  of 
Japan’s  commencing  hostilities.  There  was  no  doubt  of  the 
British  Government’s  sympathy,  which  was  clearly  reflected 
in  the  attitude  and  actions  of  the  Consul-General  at  Seoul.1 

Chinese  historians  have  openly  accused  Li  Hung-chang  of 
instigating  the  Court  and  the  Emperor  to  a war  of 
aggression,  and  the  accusation  has  been  generally  credited 
abroad.  The  truth  is,  that  while  Li  was  originally  all  in 
favour  of  sending  a Chinese  force  to  suppress  the  Corean 
insurrection,  he  became  opposed  to  taking  any  steps  that 
might  lead  to  war  with  Japan,  as  soon  as  he  realised  that 
war  was  Japan’s  object ; nevertheless,  it  is  certain  that,  in 
the  last  instance,  he  was  persuaded  against  his  better 
judgment  by  the  military  enthusiasm  of  his  German 
advisers,  and  that  the  sending  of  the  ill-fated  “ Kow-hsing  ” 
and  her  doomed  crew  to  Corea  was  a step  which  he 
authorised  only  after  consultation  with  Peking  and  in  full 
knowledge  of  the  fact  that  it  meant  war.  No  sooner  had 
the  “ Kow-hsing  ” been  sunk,  and  the  first  military  disasters 
of  the  campaign  reported,  than  he  naturally  endeavoured  to 
minimise  his  own  share  of  responsibility  in  the  matter. 

Foreigners  blamed  him  for  making  war  on  Japan,  while 
his  own  countrymen  attacked  him  for  betraying  China  to 
the  Japanese,  as  they  subsequently  attacked  him  for  selling 
Manchuria  to  Russia.  Tzu  Hsi  had  no  great  love  for  the 
Viceroy,  although  she  admired  his  remarkable  intelligence 
and  adroit  methods  : but  when,  after  the  war,  he  was 
fiercely  attacked  by  several  of  the  Censors,  and  when  she 
found  her  own  name  associated  with  the  blame  imputed  to 
him,  she  loyally  defended  him,  as  was  her  wont.  In  1895,  a 
Censor  named  An  Wei-chiin  boldly  blamed  Her  Majesty 

Sir  Walter  Hillier,  appointed  by  Yiian  Shih-k’ai  to  be  foreign  adviser  to 
the  Grand  Council  in  1908.  When  Yuan  was  compelled  to  Hee  from  Seoul 

(before  the  advance  of  the  Japanese,  he  was  escorted  to  Chemulpo  by  a 
guard  of  blue-jackets. 


171 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


and  the  Viceroy  for  the  disasters  which  had  overtaken  China. 
He  said : — 

“ Li  Hung-chang  has  invariably  advanced  himself  because 
of  his  relations  with  foreigners,  and  thus  been  led  to 
conceive  an  inflated  opinion  of  his  own  merits.  The  ‘ dwarf 
bandits  ’ 1 having  rebelled,  he  seems  to  have  been  afraid  that 
the  large  sums  of  money,  saved  from  numerous  peculations, 
which  he  had  deposited  in  Japan  might  be  lost ; hence  his 
objections  to  the  war.  When  the  Decree  declaring  war 
reached  him,  his  disappointment  was  great,  and  he  showed 
his  resentment  and  treachery  by  supplying  the  ‘ dwarf 
bandits  ’ with  supplies  and  munitions  of  war.  His  only 
hope  was  that  the  ‘ dwarfs  ’ would  prove  victorious  and  his 
prophecy  would  thus  be  justified  ; to  this  end  be  curtailed 
the  supplies  for  our  troops  at  the  front,  diverting  the  funds 
for  the  same  to  his  own  pockets.  He  would  strongly 
oppose  all  those  who  urged  a vigorous  prosecution  of  the 
campaign,  rejoicing  at  our  defeats  and  deploring  our 
successes.  All  the  military  commanders  of  the  forces 
under  his  orders  humbly  complied  with  his  wishes,  and 
invariably  ran  away  at  the  first  sight  of  the  enemy.  The 
Censorate  has  been  full  of  Memorials  denouncing  the 
treacherous  and  unpatriotic  action  of  Li  Hung-chang,  so 
that  there  is  no  need  for  me  to  say  anything  urther  on  this 
subject. 

“ But  I would  like  to  add  that  Generals  Yeh  and  Wei, 
who  have  been  cashiered  and  whose  arrest  has  been  decreed, 
are  at  this  very  moment  in  hiding  at  Tientsin  ; they  have 
made  the  Viceroy’s  Yamen  itself  a place  of  refuge  for 
absconding  criminals.  This  is  a matter  of  common  know- 
ledge and  undoubtedly  true.  Then  again  we  have  the  case 
of  Ting  Ju-chang,  who  was  ordered  to  be  arrested,  but  who 
persuaded  Li  Hung-chang  to  intercede  for  him,  on  the  plea 
that  he  was  indispensable  to  China,  being  in  possession  of  a 
mysterious  secret,  an  American  invention  which  he  alone 
could  manipulate,  whereby  all  surrounding  objects  can 
be  rendered  invisible.  Li  Hung-chang  actually  had  the 
audacity  to  make  mention  of  this  ridiculous  invention  in 


1 i.e.  the  Japanese  (literal  translation). 
172 


TZU  HSI  “EN  RETRAITE ” 


addressing  your  Majesty,  and  it  seems  to  me  that  if  he  is  to 
be  permitted  to  refer  to  fables  and  unclean  magic  of  this 
kind,  he  is  treating  the  Throne  with  shameless  disrespect. 
Nevertheless,  none  of  your  Majesty’s  Councillors  have  ever 
dared  to  oppose  him,  possibly  because  they  themselves  are 
too  far  gone  in  senile  decay  to  be  able  to  bear  any  further 
burden  of  distress.  Their  thoughts  are  far  away,  wool- 
gathering, or  it  may  be  that  they  too  have  been  smitten 
with  fear  at  the  thought  of  this  marvellous  invention  of 
Li  Hung-chang’s  whereby  the  landscape  may  be  completely 
befogged.  If  so,  the  fact  would  account  for  the  nebulous 
tendencies  of  their  policy,  and  for  their  remaining  in 
ignorance  of  Li  Hung-chang’s  remarkable  mendacity.” 

“The  Imperial  Decree  whereby  Shao  Vu-lien  and  Chang 
Yin-huan  have  been  appointed  Plenipotentiaries  to  discuss 
terms  of  peace,  has  not  yet  been  made  public,  because 
the  Grand  Council  are  actually  afraid  openly  to  mention  the 
word  peace,  notwithstanding  that  they  failed  utterly  in 
prosecuting  the  war  and  in  dignified  insistence  on  our  lawful 
rights.  Their  action  appears  to  me  like  that  of  a thief  who 
having  stolen  a bell,  shuts  his  ears  while  carrying  it  away, 
blissfully  forgetting  that  everybody  else  can  hear  its  tinkling. 
They  do  not  seem  to  be  aware,  these  Councillors,  that 
throughout  the  whole  Empire  everybody  is  already  aware  of 
the  fact  that  we  are  suing  for  peace.  Japan  having  objected 
to  Shao  on  personal  grounds,  the  Grand  Council  has  now 
actually  gone  so  far  as  to  suggest  that  in  his  place  Li  Hung- 
chang’s  son,  Li  Ching-fang 1 should  be  appointed.  This 
is  simply  an  outrage.  Li  Ching-fang  is  nothing  more  than 
the  son-in-law  of  a Japanese  traitor  who  calls  himself  Chang 
Pang-chang,  a man  whom  I have  already  impeached.  If 
such  unspeakable  traitors  are  permitted  to  go  to  Japan, 
nothing  will  suit  the  Japanese  better,  and  the  negotiations 
must  inevitably  result  in  our  being  badly  cheated  by  these 
pernicious  robbers.  Japan’s  strength  is  purely  superficial ; as 
a matter  of  fact,  she  is  rotten  to  the  core ; if  now  we  are 
debarred  from  compelling  Japan  to  fight  a decisive  battle,  if 
we  meekly  accept  terms  dictated  by  these  low-born  dwarfs, 
we  are  simply  in  the  position  of  a tributary  State,  and  cannot 


1 At  present  Chinese  Minister  in  London. 

173 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


be  described  as  equals  in  any  treaty  that  may  be  made.  In 
other  words,  our  glorious  Empire  is  not  only  being  ruined  by 
muddlers,  but  sold  by  traitors.  There  is  not  a single  subject 
of  the  Throne  who  does  not  gnash  his  teeth  with  rage,  and 
long  to  sink  them  in  the  flesh  of  Li  Hung-chang. 

“ There  are  not  lacking  people  who  declare  that  this 
humiliating  policy  of  peace  has  been  prompted  by  the 
Empress  Dowager’s  Chief  Eunuch,  Li  Lien-ying.  For 
myself,  I do  not  care  to  attach  undue  importance  to  tea- 
house gossip,  but- as  the  Empress  Dowager  has  now  handed 
over  the  reins  of  Government  to  your  Majesty,  how  can  you 
possibly  justify  your  position  before  your  ancestors  and  to 
your  subjects,  if  you  permit  her  still  to  dictate  to  you,  or  to 
interfere  in  the  business  of  the  State  ? What  sort  of  a 
person  is  this  Li  Lien-ying  who  dares  to  interfere  in  Govern- 
ment matters  ? If  there  be  any  truth  whatsoever  in  the 
rumour,  it  is  assuredly  incumbent  upon  your  Majesty  to 
inflict  severe  punishment  on  this  creature,  if  only  because  of 
that  House-law  of  your  Dynasty  which  forbids  eunuchs  to 
concern  themselves  in  State  affairs. 

“ The  truth  is  that  the  Throne  has  been  intimidated  by 
Li  Hung-chang,  and  has  taken  his  statements  for  granted, 
while  the  Grand  Council,  chiefly  composed  of  Li’s  humble 
and  obedient  servants,  shields  him  from  detection  and 
punishment,  fearing  that,  if  thwarted,  he  may  raise  the 
standard  of  rehellion.  They  accordingly  do  their  best  to 
justify  him  in  the  eyes  of  your  Majesty,  failing  to  realise 
that  he  has  always  been  a traitor  at  heart.  His  is  the  will, 
if  not  the  power,  to  rebel.  His  army  is  composed  of  corrupt 
and  useless  creatures  quite  devoid  of  any  military  knowledge 
or  instincts,  while  his  troops  are  ever  on  the  verge  of  mutiny, 
because  they  are  always  defrauded  of  their  pay.  They  are 
quite  deficient  in  esprit  de  corps,  and  the  small  foreign  forces 
lately  organised  at  Tientsin  would  more  than  suffice  to  over- 
come Li  Hung-chang  and  all  his  host.  The  truth  of  these 
statements  can  easily  be  verified.  Long  ago,  if  he  had  had 
the  power,  he  would  surely  have  rebelled  ; but  as  he  cannot 
do  so,  he  contents  himself  with  bullying  your  Majesty  and 
disregarding  your  Imperial  Decrees.  He  totally  ignores  the 
existence  of  the  Empress  Dowager  and  of  your  Majesty,  a 

174 


TZU  MSI  “EN  RETRAITE ” 


fact  which  may  be  inferred  from  his  daring  to  insult  your 
intelligence  with  his  mysterious  powers  of  conferring  in- 
visibility. 

“ I am  covered  with  shame  and  amazement.  My  only 
hope  is  that  your  Majesty  will  now  display  the  majesty  of 
your  wrath,  and,  after  disclosing  Li  Hung-chang’s  treason  to 
all  men,  will  put  this  traitor  to  death.  By  this  means  our 
troops  would  at  once  he  inspired  to  valour,  and  the  ‘ dwarf 
bandits  ’ would  he  completely  annihilated.  At  the  same 
time,  I would  ask  you  to  be  so  good  as  to  behead  me  also,  as 
a fitting  punishment  for  this  plain  speaking.  Your  Majesty’s 
Imperial  ancestors  are  present  in  the  spirit,  and  they  bear  me 
witness.  I am  quite  easy  in  my  mind  as  to  the  issue,  and  1 
therefore  lay  bare  the  innermost  thoughts  of  my  heart  and 
lay  them  before  your  Majesty,  anxiously  begging  for  your 
Imperial  decision.  ’ 

In  reply  to  this  outspoken  document,  the  Emperor  issued 
the  following  Decree,  which  bears  unmistakable  signs  of 
Tzu  Hsi’s  hand.  The  attack  upon  her  favourite,  Li  Lien- 
ying,  was  in  itself  sufficient  to  bring  her  to  the  front,  and 
there  is  no  doubt  that  at  the  time  she  was  keeping  very  close 
watch  on  the  Emperor’s  proceedings,  and  regularly  perusing 
all  State  papers. 

^ “ Owing  to  the  seriousness  of  recent  events,  we  have  been 
particularly  anxious  of  late  to  receive  and  attend  to  the  un- 
prejudiced suggestions  of  our  Censors,  and  wre  have  abstained 
from  'punishing  any  of  them,  even  when  they  have  made 
use  of  improper  expressions  in  addressing  us.  With 
the  gracious  ^consent  of  Her  Majesty  the  Empress  Dowager, 
we  have  given  particular  attention  to  all  projects  whereby 
the  welfare  of  our  people  may  be  advanced,  and  all  our 
people  must  by  this  time  be  aw’are  of  our  sincere  desire  to 
promote  good  Government.  In  spite  of  this  the  Censor, 
An  Wei-chiin,  has  to-day  submitted  a Memorial  based 
entirely  upon  rumours,  and  containing  the  following 
sentence ‘ How  can  you  possibly  justify  your  position 
before  your  ancestors  and  to  your  subjects  if  you  permit  the 

175 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


Empress  Dowager  still  to  dictate  to  you,  or  to  interfere  in 
the  business  of  the  State  ? ’ 

“ Language  of  this  kind  reveals  depths  of  audacity 
unspeakable,  the  unbridled  licence  of  a madman’s  tongue. 
Were  we  to  fail  in  inflicting  stern  punishment  in  a case  of 
this  kind,  the  result  might  well  be  to  produce  estrangement 
between  Her  Majesty  the  Empress  and  ourselves.  The 
Censor  is,  therefore,  dismissed  from  office  and  sentenced  to 
banishment  at  the  post-roads,  on  the  western  frontier  where 
he  shall  expiate  his  guilt  and  serve  as  a wholesome  warning 
to  others.  His  Memorial  is  handed  back  to  him  with  the 
contempt  it  deserves.” 

Tzu  Hsi  felt  deeply  the  humiliation  of  her  country’s  defeat 
by  the  Japanese,  a race  which,  as  Chinese  historians  never 
fail  to  remind  themselves,  took  its  first  lessons  in  civilisation 
and  culture  from  Chinese  scholars  and  artists.  Anxious  at 
all  costs  to  avoid  another  invasion  of  Chihli  by  the  con- 
querors, she  approved  the  Treaty  of  Peace,  especially  when 
assured  by  Li  Hung-chang  that  Russia  and  her  Continental 
allies  would  not  allow  Japan  to  annex  any  portion  of  the 
Manchurian  Provinces.  As  above  stated,  she  declined  to 
permit  Li  to  be  made  a scapegoat  either  by  her  chagrined 
Manchu  kinsmen  or  by  his  fierce  critics  in  the  south,  for  she 
recognised  the  difficulty  of  his  position,  and  the  fact  that  he 
was  not  directly  responsible  for  the  deplorable  condition  of 
China’s  defences.  But,  woman-like,  she  had  to  blame  some- 
one for  the  disasters  that  had  deprived  her  and  her  capital  of 
festivities  whose  splendour  should  have  gone  down,  making 
her  name  glorious,  to  all  posterity  ; and  it  was  not  surprising, 
therefore,  if  she  heaped  reproaches  on  the  Emperor  for 
entering  upon  so  disastrous  a war  without  her  full  knowledge 
and  consent.  It  was  at  this  time  that  began  the  estrange- 
ment which  thenceforward  gradually  grew  into  the  open 
hostility  and  secret  plottings  of  1898,  the  long  bitterness 
between  Tzu  Hsi  and  her  nephew  which  was  to  divide  the 
Palace  into  camps  of  strife,  and  to  cease  only  with  their 

176 


TZU  HSI  “EN  RETRAITE  ” 


death.  From  this  time  also,  as  they  aver  who  were  in  close 
touch  with  the  life  of  the  Court,  the  Emperor’s  Consort,1 
Tzu  Hsi’s  niece,  became  openly  alienated  from  him,  and 
their  relations  grew  more  severely  strained  as  his  reform 
tendencies  developed  and  took  shape.  From  1894  to  1896 
there  was  no  noticeable  change  in  the  attitude  of  the 
Emperor  to  his  august  aunt,  nor  any  diminution  of  his 
respectful  attentions,  but  the  man  in  the  street  knew  well, 
as  he  always  knows  in  China,  of  the  rift  in  the  lute,  and 
when,  in  1896,  the  Emperor’s  mother  (Tzii’s  sister)  died,  it 
was  realised  that  the  last  bond  of  amity  and  possible  recon- 
ciliation between  Kuang-Hsii  and  the  Empress  Dowager 
had  been  severed. 

1 Now  known  as  the  Empress  Dowager  Lung  Y li 


177 


N 


XII 


THE  REFORM  MOVEMENT  OF  1898 

At  the  beginning  of  1898  the  Grand  Council  was  com- 
posed of  the  following  officials : Prince  Kung,  the  Em- 

peror’s uncle,  Prince  Li,  whose  son  was  married  to  Jung 
Lu’s  daughter,  Kang  Yi,1  Liao  Shou-heng  and  Weng 
T’ung-ho,  the  Grand  Secretary  and  ex-tutor  to  the  Emperor. 
The  Empress  Dowager  was  still  leading  her  life  of  dignified 
leisure  at  the  Summer  Palace,  generally  in  company  with 
her  two  confidential  friends,  the  wife  of  Jung  Lu  and  her 
adopted  daughter,  the  Princess  Imperial.  By  all  accounts 
she  was  amusing  herself  with  picnics  on  the  K’un  Ming 
lake,  elaborate  theatrical  performances  and  excursions  to 
the  neighbouring  temples  and  hill  shrines,  devoting  her 
leisure  from  these  pursuits  to  verse-making  and  painting, 
but  keeping  herself  fully  informed,  through  Kang  Yi  and 
Prince  Li,  of  all  that  took  place  in  the  Forbidden  City. 
Although  leaving  the  conduct  of  State  affairs  to  the  Em- 
peror, she  occasionally  visited  the  city  for  a day  or  two, 
while  the  Emperor,  on  his  side,  punctiliously  repaired  to  the 
Summer  Palace  five  or  six  times  a month  to  pay  his  respects 

1 Kang  Yi  was  a bigoted  reactionary  and  the  arch  instigator  of  the  Boxer 
movement  at  the  capital.  Young  China  lias  carefully  preserved  one  of  his 
sayings  of  that  time  : “ The  establishment  of  schools  and  golleges  has  only 
encouraged  Chinese  ambitions  and  developed  Chinese  talent  to  the  danger 
of  the  Manchu  Dynasty  : these  students  should  therefore  be  exterminated 
without  delay.” 


178 


THE  REFORM  MOVEMENT  OF  1898 


to  the  Old  Buddha.  Their  relations  at  this  period  were 
outwardly  friendly.  Kuang-Hsii  never  failed  to  consult 
Her  Majesty  before  the  issue  of  any  important  Decree,  and 
Tzu  Hsi  was  usually  most  cordial  in  her  manner  towards 
him.  She  had,  it  is  true,  occasion  to  reprove  him  more 
than  once  on  account  of  reports  which  reached  her,  through 
the  eunuchs,  of  his  violent  temper  and  alleged  had  treatment 
of  his  attendants,  reports  which  were  probably  instigated 
and  exaggerated  by  Li  Lien-ying  for  his  own  purposes. 
But  Kuang-Hsii,  as  events  subsequently  proved,  was  fully 
aware  of  the  iron  hand  in  the  velvet  glove.  Whenever  the 
Empress  came  to  Peking,  he  obeyed  strictly  the  etiquette 
which  required  him  reverently  to  kneel  at  the  Palace 
gates  to  welcome  her.  When  visiting  her  at  the  Summer 
Palace,  he  was  not  permitted  to  announce  his  arrival  in 
person,  but  wras  obliged  to  kneel  at  the  inner  gate  and  there 
await  the  summons  of  admission  from  the  Chief  Eunuch. 
Li,  who  hated  him,  delighted  in  keeping  him  waiting, 
sometimes  as  much  as  half  an  hour,  before  informing  the 
Old  Buddha  of  his  presence.  At  each  of  these  visits  he 
vras  compelled,  like  any  of  the  Palace  officials,  to  pay 
his  wray  by  large  fees  to  the  eunuchs  in  attendance  on 
Her  Majesty,  and  as  a matter  of  fact,  these  myrmidons 
treated  him  with  considerably  less  respect  than  they  showred 
to  many  high  Manchu  dignitaries.  Within  the  Palace 
precincts,  the  Son  of  Heaven  was  indeed  regarded  as  of 
little  account,  so  that  the  initiative  and  determination  which 
he  displayed  during  the  hundred  days  of  reform  in  the 
summer  of  1898  came  as  a disturbing  surprise  to  many 
at  Court  and  showed  that,  given  an  opportunity,  he  wras 
not  wholly  unw  orthy  of  the  Yehonala  blood  of  his  mother, 
Tzti  Hsi’s  sister. 

The  official  who  had  hitherto  exercised  most  influence 
over  the  Emperor  wras  Weng  T’ung-ho,  the  Imperial  tutor. 
He  had  only  rejoined  the  Grand  Council  in  November  1894, 
at  the  critical  time  when  the  disastrous  opening  of  the  war 

179  N 2 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


with  Japan  had  brought  about  the  dismissal  of  the  former 
Council;  but  as  Imperial  tutor  he  had  had  the  entree  of  the 
Palace  ever  since  the  Emperor  was  five  years  old.  He  was 
the  leader  of  the  southern  party  in  the  capital.  A native  of 
Kiangsu  (the  birthplace  of  all  the  greatest  scholars  of  China 
during  the  present  Dynasty,  and  the  centre  of  national 
culture),  he  hated  the  narrow  conservatism  of  the  Manchus, 
and  included  in  his  dislike  the  Chinese  of  the  Metropolitan 
Provinces,  whose  politics  and  point  of  view  are  very  similar 
to  those  of  the  Manchus.  The  strife  between  north  and 
south  really  dated  from  the  beginning  of  Kuang-Hsii’s  reign. 
The  two  protagonists  on  the  northern  side  were  Hsu  T’ung, 
a well-educated  Chinese  Bannerman  (for  all  practical  pur- 
poses, a Manchu  at  heart)  who  had  been  tutor  to  the 
Emperor  T’ung-Chih  ; and  Li  Hung-tsao,  a native  of  Chihli, 
who  had  joined  the  Grand  Council  at  the  same  time 
as  W eng  T’ung-ho.  The  southern  party  was  led  by  Weng 
T’ung-ho  and  P’an  Tsu-yin,  the  latter  a native  of  Sooehow  and 
a most  brilliant  scholar  and  essayist.  It  is  necessary  to  dwell 
on  this  party  strife  and  its  development,  because  it  was  the 
first  cause  of  the  reform  movement  of  1898,  of  the  sub- 
sequent resumption  of  the  Regency  by  Tzu  Hsi,  and, 
eventually,  of  the  Boxer  rising. 

For  more  than  twenty  years  these  four  high  officials  had 
been  colleagues  in  Peking,  meeting  one  another  constantly  in 
social  as  well  as  official  circles.  Their  literary  arguments,  in 
which  the  quick-witted  southerners  generally  scored,  were 
the  talk  of  the  capital.  All  four  men  bore  good  reputations 
for  integrity,  so  that  literary  graduates  entering  official  life 
were  glad  to  become  their  proteges ; but  the  adherents  of  the 
southern  party  were  the  more  numerous.  This  fact  aroused 
the  jealousy  of  Li  and  Hsu,  which  grew  until  it  found  vent 
publicly  at  the  metropolitan  examination  for  the  “ Chin 
Shih,”  or  Doctor’s,  degree  in  1899,  on  which  occasion  Li  was 
Grand  Examiner  and  P’an  Tsu-yin  his  chief  Associate.  P’an, 
whose  duty  it  was  to  select  the  best  essays,  recommended  a 

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THE  REFORM  MOVEMENT  OF  1898 


native  of  Kiangsu  for  the  high  honour  of  optimus,  but  Li 
declined  to  endorse  his  decision,  and  gave  the  award  to  a 
Chihli  man.  Pan  thereupon  opeidy  accused  Li  of  prejudice 
and  unfairness  towards  the  southerner,  and  twitted  him 
besides  on  his  second-rate  scholarship. 

At  the  time  of  Russia’s  seizure  of  Ili,  in  1880,  Hsi'i  T ung 
and  Weng  T’ung-ho  were  respectively  Presidents  of  the 
Boards  of  Ceremonies  and  Works.  At  a conference  of  the 
highest  officials,  held  in  the  Palace,  Weng  declared  himself 
in  favour  of  war  with  Russia,  but  Hsu,  after  promising  to 
support  him,  left  him  in  the  lurch  at  the  last  moment, 
causing  him  discomfiture  and  loss  of  face.  Hence,  bitter 
enmity  between  them,  which  increased  in  intensity  when 
they  became  the  leaders  of  the  rival  factions.  Weng  was 
also  on  bad  terms  with  Jung  Lu,  who  had  never  forgiven 
him  for  the  part  lie  played  in  1880,  when  Weng  denounced 
his  impious  liaison  to  the  Empress  Dowager  and  brought 
about  his  dismissal.  Jung  Lu,  as  a loyal  Manchu,  naturally 
favoured  the  northern  faction  and  his  personal  feelings 
prompted  him  in  the  same  direction. 

The  enmity  between  the  rival  parties  increased  steadily  in 
the  early  nineties,  and  when  Li  and  Weng  were  appointed 
to  the  Grand  Council,  in  1894,  the  Court  itself  became 
involved  in  their  strife,  the  Empress  siding  with  the  north 
and  the  Emperor  with  the  south.  At  that  time  people  were 
wont  to  speak  of  the  Li  faction  and  the  Weng  faction,  but 
later  they  came  to  he  known  as  the  Empress  Dowager’s  party, 
irreverently  nicknamed  the  “ Old  Mother  set,”  and  the 
Emperor’s  party,  or  “ Small  Lad’s  set.”  Both  Pan  and  Li 
died  in  1897.  It  was  after  the  latter’s  death  that  Hsu  T’ung 
began  to  instigate  secret  and  sinister  designs  against  the 
Emperor,  whom  he  called  a Chinese  traitor.  Hsu  T’ung, 
having  been  tutor  to  T’ung-Chih,  naturally  enjoyed  con- 
siderable influence  with  the  Empress,  but  Kuang-Hsu  flatly 
refused  to  have  him  on  the  Grand  Council.  So  great  was 
his  dislike  for  the  old  man  that  he  only  received  him  once  in 

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CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


audience  between  1887  and  1898.  Hsii  had  a valuable  ally 
in  Kang  Yi,  who  hated  all  Chinese,  southerners  and 
northerners  alike,  and  whose  influence  was  used  effectively 
to  sow  dissension  between  Tzu  Hsi  and  the  Emperor.  In 
1897,  Kang  Yi  urged  the  Emperor  to  give  orders  that  the 
Manchu  troops  should  be  efficiently  trained  and  equipped. 
Kuang-Hsii  replied : “ You  persist,  it  seems,  in  the  exploded 
idea  that  the  Manchu  soldiery  are  good  fighting  men.  I 
tell  you  that  they  are  absolutely  useless.”  Kang  Yi,  highly 
incensed,  promptly  informed  the  Old  Buddha  and  the  Iron- 
capped  Princes  that  the  Emperor  was  the  enemy  of  all 
Manchus,  and  was  plotting  to  appoint  Chinese  to  all  high 
offices,  a statement  which  naturally  created  a strong  feeling 
against  His  Majesty  at  Court. 

Even  the  foreign  policy  of  the  Empire  felt  the  effects  of 
this  rivalry  of  the  opposing  parties  in  the  capital.  The 
Empress,  the  Manchus,  and  the  Chinese  Bannermen  were 
in  favour  of  coming  to  an  understanding  with  Russia,  while 
the  Emperor,  Weng,  and  the  southern  Chinese,  inclined  to 
a rapprochement  with  Japan,  with  a view  to  imitation  of 
that  country’s  successful  reforms.  Li  Hung-chang  counted 
for  little  at  the  time,  the  fact  being  that,  owing  to  his 
alleged  responsibility  for  the  war  with  Japan,  his  opinions 
were  at  a discount ; but  such  influence  as  he  had  was  used 
against  the  Emperor’s  party.  Prince  Kung,  the  doyen  of 
the  Imperial  family,  to  whose  ripe  judgment  the  Empress 
herself  would  yield  at  times,  was  the  only  high  Manchu  to 
maintain  friendly  relations  with  the  Chinese  party.  A fine 
scholar  himself,  he  had  always  admired  Weng  T’ung-ho’s 
literary  gifts  ; the  war  with  Japan  had  been  none  of  his 
seeking,  and  he  had  been  recalled  to  the  Grand  Council, 
at  the  same  time  as  Weng,  after  a retirement  of  fourteen 
years. 

The  fact  is  not  generally  known  that  Weng  T’ung-ho  was 
most  anxious  at  this  time  to  be  sent  as  Special  Envoy  to  the 
coronation  of  the  Czar,  for  the  reason  that,  realising  the 

182 


THE  REFORM  MOVEMENT  OF  1898 


Empress  Dowager’s  growing  hostility  towards  himself,  he 
wished  to  be  out  of  harm’s  way  in  the  crisis  which  he  felt 
to  be  impending.  By  a Decree  of  1895,  Weng  had  been 
“ excused  from  further  attendance  to  instruct  His  Majesty 
at  the  Palace  of  Happy  Education,”  so  that  he  could  no 
longer  influence  His  Majesty,  as  heretofore,  at  all  times  and 
seasons,  and  his  rivals  were  thus  enabled  successfully  to 
misrepresent  him. 

Prince  Kung,  4he  head  of  the  Grand  Council,  went  on 
sick  furlough  at  the  beginning  of  1898,  afflicted  with 
incurable  lung  and  heart  complaints.  The  Emperor  accom- 
panied the  Empress  Dowager  on  three  occasions  to  visit  him 
at  his  residence,  and  ordered  the  Imperial  physicians  to 
attend  him.  On  the  10th  day  of  the  4th  Moon  he  died,  and 
the  following  Decree  was  issued  by  Tzu  Hsi : — 

“ Prince  Kung  (Yi  Hsin)  was  my  near  kinsman  ; for  many 
years  he  has  assisted  in  my  Privy  Councils.  When,  with 
my  colleague,  the  deceased  Empress  Tzu  An,  I assumed  the 
Regency  at  the  beginning  of  the  late  Emperor’s  reign,  the 
coast  provinces  were  in  rebellion  and  the  Empire  in  danger. 
Prince  Kung  ably  assisted  me  in  restoring  order  ; and  I then 
bestowed  upon  him  high  honours  commensurate  with  his 
services.  For  over  thirty  years  he  has  supported  me  with 
unswerving  loyalty,  although  for  part  of  that  time  he  took 
no  part  in  the  business  of  the  State.  Again  I recalled  him 
to  the  Council,  where  he  has  ever  done  yeoman  service, 
despite  many  and  great  difficulties.  Of  late  his  old  sickness 
came  upon  him  again,  and  I therefore  went  repeatedly  with 
the  Emperor  to  visit  him,  hoping  for  his  fortunate  recovery. 
Of  a sudden,  yesterday,  he  passed  away,  and  thus,  at  this 
time  of  need,  a trusty  adviser  is  lost  to  me.  How  describe 
my  grief?  To-day  I have  visited  his  residence,  there  to 
make  oblations.  In  the  remembrance  of  bygone  days  I 
am  completely  overcome.  I now  bestow  on  him  the 
posthumous  title  of  ‘ Loyal,’  I command  that  seasonal 
sacrifices  be  offered  to  his  spirit  in  the  Temple  of  the 
Virtuous  and  Good,  and  I ordain  that  the  care  of  his  grave 
shall  be  a charge  on  the  public  funds.  Thus  I manifest 

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CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


my  sincere  regard  for  my  worthy  kinsman  and  deep  sorrow 
at  the  loss  of  my  trusted  Councillor.” 

The  above  Decree  clearly  reflected  the  immediate  effect  on 
the  Empress  of  party  factions  and  intrigues  in  the  Palace,  and 
showed  that,  though  nominally  retired  from  control  of  the 
Government,  she  was  still,  whenever  she  chose,  the  autocratic 
ruler  of  the  Empire  and  ready  to  assert  herself  in  that 
capacity.  The  Emperor  on  this  occasion  issued  a Decree 
on  his  own  account,  entirely  subordinate  to  Tzu  Hsi’s,  and 
this  in  turn  was  followed  by  another,  which  called  upon  the 
Ministers  of  State  to  imitate  Prince  Kung’s  devoted  loyalty. 
It  concluded  with  the  significant  announcement  that  the 
Prince’s  valedictory  Memorial  had  advised  the  Emperor  to 
follow  the  Empress  Dowager’s  advice  in  all  things,  to 
organise  an  efficient  army  and  to  purify  the  administration. 

Prince  Kung’s  death  was  a serious  matter.  On  the  one 
hand  the  Manchu  party  lost  in  him  its  senior  representative, 
an  elder  whose  wise  counsel  had  guided  them,  and  a statesman 
whose  influence  had  been  steadily  exercised  against  their 
tendencies  towards  an  anti-Chinese  and  anti-foreign  policy. 
As  the  last  survivor  of  the  sons  of  Tao-Kuang,  he  held,  vis-d- 
vis  the  Empress  Dowager,  a position  very  different  from  that 
of  the  other  princes,  his  contemporaries.  It  is  probable  that, 
had  he  survived,  there  would  have  been  no  Boxer  rising.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  Emperor  had  always  deferred  to  Prince 
Kung’s  advice,  and  it  was  not  until  after  his  death  that  he 
embarked  headlong  on  the  reform  schemes  of  K’ang  Yu-wei 
and  his  associates,  many  of  which  the  Prince,  though  no 
bigoted  Conservative,  would  certainly  have  condemned.  To 
Weng  T’ung-ho  also  the  loss  was  serious,  as  well  he  knew, 
for  Prince  Kung  had  been  his  best  friend. 

It  was  shortly  after  the  Prince’s  death  that  Weng  recom- 
mended K’ang  Yu-wei  to  the  Emperor’s  notice,  informing 
His  Majesty  that  K’ang’s  abilities  were  far  superior  to  his 
own.  Weng  undoubtedly  hoped  that  K’ang  would  gain  the 

184 


THE  REFORM  MOVEMENT  OF  1898 


Sovereign’s  favour  and  use  it  to  assist  the  southern  party 
against  the  Manchus,  and  especially  against  his  arch  enemies, 
Kang  Vi  and  Hsii  T ung;  but  he  certainly  never  anticipated 
that  K’ang  would  go  so  far  as  to  advise  the  Emperor  to  defy 
the  Old  Buddha  herself,  and  to  plot  against  her  sacred  person. 
His  idea  was  simply  to  gain  kudos  and  to  strengthen  his  own 
position  and  that  of  his  party.  The  Emperor  accepted  his 
recommendation  of  K’ang,  and  summoned  the  latter  to 
audience  on  the  28th  of  the  4th  Moon  (14th  June,  1898). 

Weng  told  his  friend  and  colleague,  Liao  Shou-heng,  that 
lie  would  await  the  result  of  this  audience  before  coming  to 
a decision  as  to  his  own  future  movements.  If  K’ang 
Yu-wei  made  a good  impression,  he  would  remain  in  office ; 
if  not,  he  woidd  resign.  He  added  that  if  the  usual  gifts  of 
the  Dragon  Festival  were  sent  him  by  the  Emperor,  he 
would  feel  that  there  was  no  immediate  danger  in  his 
position.  All  he  asked  was  that  he  might  escape  the  open 
hostility  of  the  Empress  Dowager,  such  as  had  fallen  upon 
the  Cantonese  Vice-President,  Chang  Yin-huan,  whose  dis- 
missal was  expected  at  any  moment.  As  it  happened,  how- 
ever, K’ang  Yu-wei  and  his  friends  persuaded  the  Emperor 
to  insist  on  retaining  Chang  Yin-huan  in  office,  and  for  the 
next  hundred  days  he  became  Kuang-  Hsu’s  right-hand  man, 
playing  his  part,  foredoomed,  while  in  the  “ deep  seclusion  of 
her  Palace  ” the  Old  Buddha  bided  her  time. 

On  the  20th  of  the  4th  Moon,  Weng  T’ung-ho  applied  for 
a week’s  sick  leave,  a face-saving  device  which  showed  that 
he  was  aware  of  the  impending  storm.  On  the  23rd,  His 
Majesty  issued  the  first  of  his  Reform  Decrees.  He  had  duly 
conferred  on  the  subject  with  the  Empress  at  the  Summer 
Palace,  and  had  accorded  a special  audience  to  Jung  Lu. 
Tzu  Hsi  assured  him  that  she  would  raise  no  obstacles  to  his 
proposed  policy,  provided  that  the  ancient  privileges  of  the 
Manchus  were  not  infringed  ; at  the  same  time,  she  insisted 
on  his  getting  rid  of  Weng  T’ung-ho  without  delay,  as  he 
was  instigating  an  anti-Manchu  movement  which,  if  it 

185 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


gained  headway,  might  involve  the  Dynasty  in  ruin.  Jung 
Lu  strongly  recommended  to  His  Majesty  a notable  pro- 
gressive, the  son  of  Ch’en  Pao-chen,  Governor  of  Hupei. 
The  fact  is  of  interest  because  of  the  idea  prevalent  among 
Europeans,  that  Jung  Lu  was  ever  opposed  to  reform.  Sub- 
sequent events  compelled  him  to  turn  against  the  very  man 
whom  he  now  recommended,  but  this  was  not  so  much  on 
account  of  a change  in  his  views,  as  because  the  policy  of  the 
reformers  had  developed  on  unexpected  and  dangerous  lines. 
The  first  Reform  Decree  was  as  follows  : — 

“ Of  late  years  many  of  our  Ministers  have  advocated  a 
policy  of  reform,  and  we  have  accordingly  issued  Decrees 
which  provide  for  the  institution  of  special  examinations  in 
political  economy,  for  the  abolition  of  useless  troops  and  the 
old  form  of  examination  for  military  degrees,  as  well  as  for 
founding  Colleges.  No  decision  has  been  taken  in  these 
matters  without  the  fullest  care,  but  the  country  still  lacks 
enlightenment,  and  views  differ  as  to  the  course  which  reform 
should  follow.  Those  who  claim  to  be  Conservative  patriots 
consider  that  all  the  old  customs  should  be  upheld  and  new 
ideas  repudiated  without  compromise.  Such  querulous 
opinions  are  worthless.  Consider  the  needs  of  the  times  and 
the  weakness  of  our  Empire  ! If  we  continue  to  drift  with 
our  army  untrained,  our  revenues  disorganised,  our  scholars 
ignorant,  and  our  artisans  without  technical  training,  how 
can  we  possibly  hope  to  hold  our  own  among  the  nations,  or 
to  cross  the  gulf  which  divides  the  weak  from  the  strong  ? 
It  is  our  belief  that  a condition  of  unrest  creates  disrespect 
for  authority  and  produces  friction,  which  in  turn  leads  to 
the  formation  of  factions  in  the  State,  hostile  to  each  other 
as  fire  and  water.  Under  such  conditions,  our  Government 
would  find  itself  confronted  by  the  abuses  and  errors  of 
the  Sung  and  Ming  Dynasties,  to  its  imminent  peril.  The 
virtuous  rulers  of  remote  antiquity  did  not  cling  obstinately 
to  existing  needs,  but  were  ready  to  accept  change,  even  as 
one  wears  grass-cloth  garments  in  summer,  and  furs  in 
winter. 

“ W e now  issue  this  special  Decree  so  that  all  our  subjects, 
from  the  Imperial  family  downwards,  may  hereafter  exert 

186 


THE  REFORM  MOVEMENT  OF  1898 


themselves  in  the  cause  of  reform.  The  basis  of  education 
will  continue  to  rest  on  the  canons  of  the  Sages,  but  at  the 
same  time  there  must  be  careful  investigation  of  every  branch 
of.  European  learning  appropriate  to  existing  needs,  so  that 
there  may  be  an  end  to  empty  fallacies  and  that  by  zeal 
efficiency  may  be  attained.  Parrot-like  plagiarisms  of 
shallow  theories  are  to  be  avoided,  and  catchwords  eschewed. 
What  we  desire  to  attain  is  the  elimination  of  useless  things 
and  the  advancement  of  learning  which,  while  based  on 
ancient  principles,  shall  yet  move  in  harmony  with  the  times. 
The  Peking  University  is  to  be  made  a model  for  the  Empire, 
and  all  officials  of  the  rank  of  Board  Secretaries,  officers  of 
the  bodyguard,  expectant  Magistrates,  sons  of  high  officials 
and  Manchus  of  hereditary  rank,  are  to  be  entitled  to  enter 
upon  a college  course  in  order  that  their  talents  may  be 
trained  to  meet  the  needs  of  these  critical  times.  No 
procrastination  or  favouritism  will  be  tolerated,  nor  any 
disregard  of  these,  the  Throne’s  admonitions.” 

On  the  following  day  was  proclaimed  the  result  of  what 
the  Emperor  fully  intended  to  be  the  last  examination  under 
the  old  classical-essay  system.  The  candidate  originally 
selected  for  the  high  honour  of  Optimus  was  again  a Kiangsu 
man,  but  the  Empress  herself  altered  the  list  and  conferred 
the  coveted  distinction  upon  a native  of  Kueichou  province, 
to  mark  her  displeasure  against  the  province  which  had  given 
birth  to  Weng  T’ung-ho.  At  the  same  time  a Decree 
advised  members  of  the  Imperial  Clan  to  seek  education  in 
Europe ; even  Princes  of  the  Blood  were  to  be  encouraged 
to  go  abroad  and  to  investigate  political  conditions.  Among 
the  Manchus,  the  sensation  created  by  these  Decrees  was 
very  great ; they  felt  that,  for  the  first  time  in  history, 
fundamental  things  were  being  challenged,  the  ancient 
bulwarks  of  the  Dynastic  privileges  in  danger.  Had  not 
Mencius  himself  said  : “ We  have  heard  of  Chinese  ideas 
being  employed  to  convert  barbarians,  but  have  never  heard 
of  China  being  converted  by  barbarians.” 

On  the  morning  after  the  issue  of  the  second  Decree, 

187 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


Weng  T’ung-ho,  on  return  from  his  week’s  leave,  proceeded 
as  usual  at  4 a.m.  to  the  Summer  Palace  to  attend  the 
audience  of  the  Grand  Council.  He  was  met  by  one  of  the 
Secretaries  to  the  Council  who,  handing  him  an  Imperial 
Decree,  informed  him  of  his  dismissal.  It  was  Tzu  Hsi’s 
first  open  move  on  behalf  of  the  Manchu  party,  and  a clear 
admission  of  tutelage  on  the  part  of  the  Emperor.  This 
was  the  Decree  : — 

“A  Vermilion  Rescript. — We  have  recently  had  occasion 
more  than  once  to  observe  that  the  Grand  Secretary  Weng 
T’ung-ho  has  failed  in  the  proper  performance  of  his  duties, 
and  that  he  is  the  object  of  very  general  criticism.  He  has 
frequently  been  impeached,  and  when  questioned  by  our- 
selves at  audience,  he  has  allowed  his  manner  to  betray  his 
feelings,  even  daring  to  express  approval  or  displeasure  in 
our  presence.  His  conduct  has  gradually  revealed  a wild 
ambition  and  a tendency  to  usurp  our  authority  : it  is  no 
longer  possible  to  retain  him  on  the  Grand  Council.  Strictly 
speaking,  his  conduct  merits  close  scrutiny  and  punishment, 
but  bearing  in  mind  that  for  years  he  has  served  us  as  our 
tutor,  we  are  averse  to  inflicting  any  severe  penalty.  Weng 
T’ung-ho  is  ordered  forthwith  to  vacate  his  post  on  the 
Council,  and  to  return  to  his  native  place.  Thus  is  our 
clemency  made  manifest.” 

Another  Decree  proved  even  more  plainly  that  the 
Emperor  was  completely  under  Tzu  Hsi’s  orders  ; it  directed 
that  all  officials  above  the  second  rank  should  thenceforward 
return  thanks  to  Her  Majesty  in  person  upon  receiving 
appointments.  This  was  a new  departure,  for,  since  the  war 
with  Japan,  she  had  ceased  to  hold  daily  audiences,  receiving 
officials  only  on  her  birthday  and  other  State  occasions. 
Another  Decree  of  the  same  day  transferred  Jung  Lu  to 
Tientsin  as  Viceroy  of  Chihli.  He  and  Iv’ang  Yu-wei  were 
received  in  audience  next  morning.  To  Jung  Lu  the 
Emperor  gave  orders  to  reorganise  the  forces  in  Chihli, 
adding  that  he  looked  to  him  for  loyal  co-operation  in 
the  reform  movement.  The  audience  to  K’ang  Yu-wei, 

188 


THE  REFORM  MOVEMENT  OF  1898 


first  of  many  similar  interviews  (but  the  only  one  recorded 
in  the  official  Gazette),  lasted  several  hours.  K’ang  deeply 
disliked  and  feared  Tzii  Hsi,  and  from  the  outset  he  did  his 
best  to  prejudice  the  Emperor  against  her.  He  reiterated 
his  opinion  that  her  sympathy  for  reform  was  merely  a feint, 
and  he  roundly  denounced  her  wanton  extravagance  and 
dissipated  life  at  the  Summer  Palace.  He  described  the 
unpopularity  of  the  Manchu  rule  in  the  south  as  chiefly  due 
to  the  people’s  contempt  for  Her  Majesty,  and  compared 
her  private  life  to  that  of  the  notorious  Empress  Wu  of  the 
Tang  Dynasty.  He  advised  Kuang-Hsii  to  relegate  her 
permanently  to  retirement,  she  being  the  chief  obstacle 
to  reform.  The  Emperor  fell  speedily  and  completely  under 
Kang’s  influence,  and  none  of  his  subsequent  Edicts  was 
issued  without  K ang’s  assistance.  In  the  light  of  later 
knowledge,  and  of  almost  universal  Chinese  opinion  on  this 
subject,  it  is  difficult  to  acquit  K’ang  Yu-wei  of  personal  and 
interested  motives,  of  a desire  to  wield  power  in  the  State  as 
the  result  of  his  influence  over  the  Emperor,  whose  emotional 
pliability  he  made  to  serve  his  own  ends.  Looked  at  in  this 
light,  his  denunciations  of  the  Empress  Dowager  and  Jung 
Lu  were  evidently  less  the  outcome  of  patriotic  indignation 
than  of  his  recognition  of  the  fact  that,  so  long  as  Tzu  Hsi 
remained  in  power,  his  ambitions  coidd  never  be  achieved, 
nor  his  own  position  secured. 


189 


XIII 


THE  HUNDRED  DAYS  OF  REFORM 

Immediately  following  upon  Kang  Yu -wei's  first  audience, 
reform  Decrees  followed  one  another  in  rapid  succession. 
The  old  examination  system  which  had  been  in  force, 
with  one  brief  intermission  (in  K’ang-Hsi’s  reign),  since  the 
days  of  the  Sung  Dynasty,  was  definitely  abolished.  For  the 
future,  said  the  Emperor,  papers  on  practical  subjects  were 
to  be  set  at  the  public  examinations,  and  while  the  classics 
were  to  remain  as  a basis  for  the  literary  curriculum, 
candidates  for  the  public  service  would  be  expected  to 
display  a knowledge  of  the  history  of  other  countries  and  of 
contemporary  politics.  It  was  at  this  juncture  that  the 
President  of  the  Board  of  Rites,  Hsii  Ying-k’uei  (who,  though 
a Cantonese,  was  a stalwart  Conservative),  was  denounced  by 
the  Censors  Sung  Po-lu  and  Yang  Shen-hsiu  for  obstruct- 
ing the  decreed  reforms.  They  begged  the  Emperor  to 
“ display  his  divine  wrath  by  immediately  reducing  Hsii  to 
the  rank  of  a fourth  class  official  as  a warning  to  other 
offenders.”  “We  have  noted,”  they  said,  “ Your  Majesty’s 
zeal  in  the  cause  of  reform  and  your  gracious  desire  to 
promote  improved  education  and  friendly  relations  with 
foreign  Powers.  The  Board  of  Rites  is  in  charge  of  all  the 
colleges  in  the  Empire  and  the  Tsungli  Yamen  directs 
our  policy.  Hsii  Ying-k’uei,  President  of  the  Board  of 
Rites  and  a Minister  of  the  Tsungli  Yamen,  is  a man  of 
second-rate  ability,  arrogant,  ignorant,  and  hopelessly 

100 


THE  HUNDRED  DAYS  OF  REFORM 


obstinate.  Your  Majesty,  being  deeply  conscious  of  the 
vital  need  for  permanent  and  radical  reform,  and  anxious  to 
encourage  men  of  talent,  has  instituted  a special  examination 
in  political  economy,  but  Hsii  Ying-ku’ei  has  dared  to  cast 
disparagement  on  your  Majesty’s  orders  and  has  openly 
stated  that  such  an  examination  is  a useless  innovation.  It 
is  his  intention  to  allow  as  few  candidates  as  possible  to  pass 
this  examination  so  as  to  render  it  unpopular.  He  is 
similarly  opposing  every  one  of  your  Majesty’s  proposed 
reforms.  He  vilifies  western  learning  in  conversation  with 
his  proteges,  and  is  the  sworn  foe  of  all  progressiv  e scholars. 
Your  Majesty’s  chief  complaint  is  that  such  scholars  are  too 
few  in  number,  hut  Hsii  Ying-ku’ei’s  chief  hope  is  to 
suppress  the  few  there  are.” 

“ In  the  Tsungli  Yamen  a single  phrase  wrongly  expressed 
may  w ell  precipitate  a war ; so  important  are  the  duties 
there  to  he  performed  that  no  one  unacquainted  with  foreign 
affairs,  and  the  ways  of  those  who  seek  to  injure  us,  can 
possibly  render  effective  service  to  the  State.  Hsii  Ying-ku’ei 
is  far  from  being  a distinguished  Chinese  scholar ; neverthe- 
less he  despises  European  learning.  His  boundless  conceit 
is  a menace  to  our  country’s  interests  and  dignity.  It  seems 
to  us  a monstrous  thing  that  a man  of  this  stamp  should  be 
employed  at  the  Tsungli  Yamen,  and  that  his  removal  from 
the  Board  wrould  be  of  incalculable  benefit.  He  deserves  to 
be  removed  from  office  for  blocking  reform  and  impeding 
the  execution  of  your  Majesty’s  plans,  if  only  as  a warning 
to  reactionary  officials,  who  are  all  a danger  to  their  country. 
If  your  Majesty  will  reduce  him  to  the  fourth  official  rank 
we  shall  escape  the  ridicule  of  foreign  nations,  and  the  cause 
of  reform  will  be  greatly  advanced.” 

On  receipt  of  the  above  Memorial,  Kuang-Hsii  com- 
manded Hsii  Ying-ku'ei  to  submit  a personal  explanation  of 
his  conduct.  The  following  is  the  text  of  his  Memorial  in 
reply,  which  shows  K’ang  Yu-wei  in  a light  less  favourable 
than  that  in  which  his  admirers  represented  him  : — 

191 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


“ I feel  that  because  of  my  uprightness  I have  made 
myself  enemies,  and  I am  grateful  to  your  Majesty  for  thus 
allowing  me  to  defend  myself.  The  Censors  accuse  me  of 
thinking  disparagingly  of  your  Majesty’s  orders.  How  can 
they  know  what  is  in  my  mind  ? Their  accusations  are 
evidently  worthless.  Li  Hung-chang  and  myself  were 
strongly  in  favour  of  the  original  scheme  for  instituting  an 
examination  for  political  economy.  I observed,  however, 
that  great  care  must  be  exercised  in  carrying  out  this  new 
idea,  and  that  the  selection  for  office  of  too  many  successful 
candidates  might  endanger  the  main  object  of  the  reform. 
While  in  no  way  desiring  to  make  the  standard  prohibitively 
high,  I was  determined  not  to  court  popularity  by  consenting 
to  making  the  path  of  these  candidates  too  easy.  How  can 
these  Censors  know  that  we  are  opposed  to  the  proposals 
of  reform  before  our  Memorials  have  seen  the  light  ? Their 
remarks  are  based  on  pure  conjecture  and  prejudice.  More- 
over, many  of  your  Majesty’s  Decrees  in  no  way  concern 
the  Board  of  Rites,  e.g.,  the  contemplated  reform  of  military 
examinations  and  the  abolition  of  sinecures  in  the  army. 
Again,  the  Memorialists  accuse  me  of  vilifying  western 
learning  in  conversation  with  my  proteges,  and  of  being  the 
sworn  foe  of  progressive  scholars.  As  a native  of  Canton 
province,  I have  had  no  little  experience  of  foreign  affairs, 
and  have  constantly  had  occasion  to  recommend  for  employ- 
ment men  well  versed  in  the  arts  and  sciences  of  the  west ; 
for  instance,  Hua  T’ing-chun,  for  his  knowdedge  of  marks- 
manship, and  Fang  Yao  for  his  skill  in  the  manufacture  of 
guns.  With  all  my  proteges  my  constant  object  has  been  to 
encourage  them  to  acquire  a thorough  knowledge  of  current 
politics  and  to  eschew  forms  of  learning  that  are  orna- 
mental and  useless. 

“ When  the  Censors  accuse  me  of  being  the  foe  of 
scholars,  they  evidently  refer  to  K’ang  Yu-wei.  As  a native 
of  my  province  K’ang  was  well  known  to  me  in  his  youth 
as  a worthless  fellow.  After  taking  his  degree  and  returning 
to  his  home,  he  was  for  ever  inciting  people  to  litigation ; 
his  reputation  was  evil.  On  coming  to  Peking  he  made 
friends  with  the  Censors  and  intrigued  with  certain  persons 
in  high  office,  making  great  capital  of  his  alleged  knowledge 

192 


THE  HUNDRED  DAYS  OF  REFORM 


of*  European  science,  in  the  hope  of  obtaining  a lucrative 
post.  On  three  occasions  he  tried  to  secure  an  interview 
with  me,  but  I knew  the  man  too  well,  and  declined  to 
receive  him.  He  then  founded  a society  at  the  Canton 
Guild-house,  enrolling  over  two  hundred  members  ; but  I 
caused  it  to  be  suppressed,  fearing  that  disturbances  would 
come  of  it.  Hence  K ang’s  hatred  of  me.  When  your 
Majesty  summoned  him  to  audience,  he  boasted  to  his  fellow- 
provincials  that  high  promotion  was  in  store  for  him ; he  was 
keenly  disappointed  at  getting  nothing  higher  than  a clerk- 
ship in  the  Tsungli  Yamen.  He  has  been  spreading  lies 
about  me  and  inciting  the  Censors  to  attack  me  in  the  hope 
of  ousting  me,  one  of  his  chiefs,  from  my  position.  That  is 
quite  in  keeping  with  his  character.  The  Grand  Secretary, 
Li  Hung-tsao,  used  to  say  that  the  flaunting  of  western 
knowledge  was  used  only  too  often  by  persons  who  had  no 
real  education  therein  ; persons  who  hoodwinked  the  public 
and  were  accepted  at  their  own  valuation.  K’ang  Yu-wei 
has  got  hold  of  many  wild  and  fantastic  ideas,  and  is  trying 
to  make  a reputation  for  himself  by  plagiarising  hackneyed 
articles  from  European  newspapers  and  disparaging  our 
country’s  ancient  institutions.  His  proposals  are  utterly 
unpractical,  and  his  motives  will  not  bear  investigation.  If 
he  is  retained  at  the  Tsungli  Yamen,  instead  of  being 
cashiered  and  sent  back  to  Canton,  as  he  deserves,  he  will 
inevitably  bring  about  complications  by  the  betrayal  of  State 
secrets.  If  he  remains  in  Peking  he  and  his  associates  will 
assuredly  plot  together  for  evil,  their  only  object  being  to 
promote  party  strife  and  to  foment  intrigues. 

“ The  danger  with  which  his  revolutionary  tendencies 
threaten  the  State  is  indeed  a most  serious  matter,  and  the 
Censors  are,  for  once,  quite  right  in  describing  me  as  his 
sworn  foe. 

“ The  Censors  also  accuse  me  of  despising  European 
learning.  At  audience  with  your  Majesty  I have  frequently 
laid  stress  on  the  importance  of  opening  mines,  building 
ships  and  providing  munitions  of  war ; it  is  therefore  known 
to  your  Majesty  how  baseless  is  this  charge.  But  since  the 
negotiations  which  followed  the  seizure  of  Kiaochao  Bay, 
the  transaction  of  the  Tsungli  Yamen’s  business  has  become 

193 


o 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


increasingly  difficult,  nor  wall  our  position  be  improved  by 
this  futile  wangling.  I would,  therefore,  humbly  ask  your 
Majesty  to  relieve  me  of  my  duties  at  the  Yamen,  so  that 
calumny  may  be  hushed  and  that  I may  cease  to  occupy  a 
position  for  which  I am  eminently  unfitted.  This  is  my 
humble  prayer.” 

The  Emperor  was  greatly  incensed  at  Hsu  Ying-ku’ei’s 
outspoken  denunciation  of  K’ang  Yu-wei,  but  could  not  as 
yet  summon  up  courage  to  offend  the  Empress  Dowager  by 
dismissing  from  office  one  who  enjoyed  her  favour  and 
protection.  Tzu  Hsi  perused  both  Memorials  and  was 
secretly  impressed  by  Hsii’s  warning  in  regard  to  the  revolu- 
tionary tendencies  of  the  reformers.  From  that  day,  though 
openly  unopposed  to  reform,  she  became  suspicious  of 
Kang’s  influence  over  the  Emperor,  but  preferred  to  bide 
her  time,  never  doubting  that,  at  a word  from  her,  Kuang- 
Hsii  would  dismiss  him.  She  gave  a special  audience  to 
Wang  Wen-shao,  who  had  come  from  Tientsin  after  hand- 
ing over  the  Chihli  Viceroyalty  to  Jung  Lu.  Wang 
stoutly  supported  Hsii  Ying-ku’ei’s  attitude  of  caution  in 
regard  to  several  of  the  Emperor’s  proposed  measures. 
Following  upon  this  audience,  the  Emperor  issued  a Decree 
permitting  Hsii  to  retain  his  posts,  but  warning  him  to  show 
more  energy  in  future  both  at  the  Board  of  Rites  and  at  the 
Tsungli  Yamen.  Hsii  regarded  this  as  a decided  triumph, 
due  to  Tzu  Hsi’s  protection,  and  became  more  than  ever 
opposed  to  innovations ; this  attitude  was  strengthened 
when  Huai  Ta  Pu,  his  Manchu  colleague  at  the  Board  of 
Rites  and  a first  cousin  of  Tzu  Hsi,  came  out  as  a strong 
supporter  of  the  ultra-Conservatives. 

The  Emperor's  next  Decree  provided  for  the  reorganisa- 
tion of  the  effete  Manchu  troops  of  the  Metropolitan 
Province  and  for  the  founding  of  colleges  and  high  schools 
in  the  provinces,  to  correspond  to  the  Peking  University. 

A reactionary  Memorial  by  the  Censor  Wen  T’i 1 charged 

1 In  1901,  this  official  begged  Tzii  Hsi,  just  before  her  departure  from 

194 


THE  HUNDRED  DAYS  OF  REFORM 


his  colleagues  Sung  Po-lu  and  Yang  Shen-hsiu  with  making 
their  personal  jealousy  of  Hsi'i  Ying-ku’ei  an  excuse  for 
deluding  the  Emperor  and  setting  him  at  variance  with  the 
Empress  Dowager.  This  greatly  angered  His  Majesty,  who 
promptly  had  the  offender  dismissed  from  the  Censorate 
for  stirring  up  that  very  party  strife  which  his  Memorial 
professed  to  denounce.  Wen  T’i,  thus  rebuked,  induced 
Huai  Ta  Pu  to  go  out  to  the  Summer  Palace  and 
endeavour  to  enlist  the  Old  Buddha’s  sympathy  in  his  behalf. 
She,  however,  declined  to  move  in  the  matter,  having  at  the 
moment  no  specific  ground  of  complaint  against  the  Emperor 
and  preferring  to  give  the  Progressives  all  the  rope  they 
wanted  ; but  she  caused  Yii  Lu,  one  of  her  old  'proteges,  to 
be  appointed  to  the  Grand  Council,  and  this  official  kept 
her  regularly  informed  of  everything  that  occurred  in 
Peking.  He  belonged  to  the  Kang  Yi  faction  of  extremists 
and  disapproved  of  reform  with  all  the  dogged  stupidity  of 
his  class.  Later,  in  1900,  as  Viceroy  of  Chihli,  he  rendered 
no  little  assistance  to  Kang  Yi’s  schemes  for  massacring  all 
foreigners,  and  was  a noted  leader  of  the  Boxer  movement 
With  three  reactionaries  on  the  Council  of  the  stamp  of 
Kang  Yi,  Wang  Wen-shao  and  Yii  Lu,  there  was  small 
chance  of  any  genuine  opportunity  or  honest  purpose  of 
reform,  whatever  the  Emperor  might  choose  to  decree,  but 
before  the  Conservatives  could  assume  the  offensive,  they 
had  to  win  over  Tzu  Hsi  definitely  and  openly  to  their  side, 
and  with  her  Jung  Lu. 

At  about  this  time  Kuang-Hsii  reprimanded  another 
Censor  for  a trifling  error  in  caligraphy,  the  incorrect  wTiting 
of  a character.1  Nevertheless,  a week  later,  a Decree  was 
issued,  clearly  showing  the  influence  of  K’ang  Yu-wei,  in 
which  it  was  ordered  that  caligraphy  should  no  longer  form 

K’ai-Feng  fu  for  Peking,  not  to  return  thither,  on  the  ground  that  her  Palace 
had  been  polluted  by  the  presence  of  the  foreign  barbarians. 

1 The  Emperor  prided  himself  on  being  a great  stickler  in  such  matters, 
and  many  of  the  younger  officials  feared  him  on  account  of  his  quick  temper 
and  martinet  manner  in  dealing  with  them. 

195  0 2 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


a special  subject  at-  the  public  examinations.  “ In  certain 
branches  of  the  public  service  neat  handwriting  was  no 
doubt  of  great  value,  but  it  would  in  future  be  made  the 
subject  of  special  examinations  for  the  appointment  of 
copyists.” 

On  the  8th  day  of  the  6th  Moon,  a Decree  ordered 
arrangements  to  be  made  for  the  publication  of  official 
Gazettes  all  over  the  Empire,  and  K’ang  Yu-wei  was  placed 
in  charge  of  the  Head  Office  at  Shanghai.  These  Gazettes 
were  to  be  official  newspapers,  and  their  object  was  the 
extension  of  general  knowledge.  They  were  to  receive 
Government  subsidies  ; copies  were  to  be  regularly  submitted 
for  the  Emperor’s  perusal ; opinions  were  to  be  freely 
expressed,  and  all  abuses  fearlessly  exposed.  K’ang  Yu-wei 
was  directed  to  draw  up  Press  regulations  in  this  sense. 

On  the  23rd  of  the  6th  Moon,  another  vigorous  Decree 
exhorted  the  official  class  to  turn  its  attention  seriously  to 
reforms.  Herein  the  Emperor  declared  that  the  procras- 
tination hitherto  displayed  was  most  disheartening.  “ Stag- 
nation,” said  the  Edict,  “is  the  sign  of  grave  internal 
sickness  ; hopeless  abuses  are  bred  from  this  palsied  indiffer- 
ence. An  earnest  reformer  like  Ch’en  Pao-chen,  the 
Governor  of  Hupei,  becomes  a target  for  the  violent  abuse 
of  officials  and  gentry.  Henceforward  I would  have  you 
all  sympathise  with  my  anxiety  and  work  earnestly  together, 
so  that  we  may  profit  by  our  past  reverses  and  provide  for 
a brighter  future.” 

Another  Decree  ordered  the  institution  of  naval  colleges 
as  a step  preliminary  to  the  reconstruction  of  China’s  fleet. 
Railway  and  mining  bureaus  were  established  in  Peking,  and 
the  Cantonese  reformer,  Liang  Ch’i-Ch’ao,  was  given  charge 
of  a Translation  Department,  to  publish  standard  foreign 
works  on  political  economy  and  natural  science,  a grant 
of  one  thousand  taels  per  mensem  being  allowed  to  cover 
his  expenses. 

But  an  innovation  more  startling  than  all  these,  broke  upon 

196 


THE  HUNDRED  DAYS  OF  REFORM 


the  upholders  of  the  old  regime  in  a Decree  issued  in  response 
to  a Memorial  by  Jung  Lu,  who  was  all  in  favour  of  reform 
in  military  matters.  It  was  therein  announced  that  the 
Emperor  would  escort  the  Empress  Dowager  by  train  to 
Tientsin  on  the  5th  day  of  the  9th  Moon,  and  there  hold  a 
review  of  the  troops.  The  Conservatives  were  aghast  at  the 
idea  of  their  Majesties  travelling  by  train,  but  Tzu  Hsi,  who 
had  always  enjoyed  riding  on  the  miniature  railway  in  the 
Winter  Palace,  was  delighted  at  the  prospect  of  so  novel  an 
excursion.  But  if  Manchu  propriety  was  shocked  at  this 
proposal,  a still  heavier  blow  was  dealt  it  by  the  next  Decree, 
which  abolished  a number  of  obsolete  and  useless  Govern- 
ment offices  and  sinecures,  fat  jobs  which,  for  generations, 
had  maintained  thousands  of  idlers  in  the  enjoyment  of 
lucrative  squeezes,  a burden  on  the  State. 

This  Decree  was  loudly  denounced  as  contrary  to  the 
traditions  of  the  Manchu  Dynasty,  and  from  all  sides  came 
urgent  appeals  to  the  Old  Buddha  to  protect  the  privileges  of 
the  ruling  class,  and  to  order  its  cancellation.  Yet  another 
bolt  fell  two  days  later,  when  all  the  high  officials  of  the 
Board  of  Rites,  including  Hsu  Ying-ku’ei  and  the  Empress 
Dowager’s  kinsman,  Huai  Ta  Pu,  were  summarily  cashiered 
for  having  suppressed  a Memorial  by  the  Secretary,  Wang 
Chao.  In  this  document  it  was  suggested  that  the  Emperor, 
in  company  with  the  Empress  Dowager,  should  travel  abroad, 
beginning  with  Japan  and  concluding  with  a tour  in  Europe. 
Realising  that  “ the  craft  of  Demetrius  was  in  danger,”  nearly 
all  the  Conservatives  holding  high  office  proceeded  in  a body 
to  the  Summer  Palace  and  told  the  Empress  Dowager  that 
the  only  hope  of  saving  the  country  lay  in  her  resumption  of 
the  supreme  power.  The  Old  Buddha  bade  them  wait — the 
sands  were  running  out,  but  she  was  not  yet  ready  to  move. 

Kang  Yu-wei,  realising  that  there  was  danger  ahead,  took 
advantage  of  what  he  mistook  for  indecision  on  the  part  of 
Tzu  Hsi  to  induce  the  Emperor  to  rebel  against  her 
authority.  Once  more  he  assured  Kuang-Hsii  that  her 

, 197 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


professed  sympathy  for  reform  was  all  a sham,  and  that,  on 
the  contrary,  it  was  she  herself  who  was  the  chief  obstacle 
to  China’s  awakening,  her  influence  being  really  the  prime 
factor  in  the  country’s  corruption  and  lethargy.  Why  should 
she  be  permitted  to  waste  millions  of  Government  funds 
yearly  in  the  upkeep  of  her  lavish  establishment  at  the 
Summer  Palace  ? He  advised  the  Emperor  by  a coup  de 
main  to  surround  her  residence,  seize  her  person,  and  confine 
her  for  the  rest  of  her  days  on  a certain  small  island  in  the 
Winter  Palace  lake.  Thereafter  he  should  issue  a Decree 
recounting  her  many  misdeeds  and  proclaiming  his  intention 
never  again  to  permit  her  to  have  any  part  in  the  Govern- 
ment. This  conversation  was  held  in  a private  apartment  of 
the  Palace,  but  there  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  it  was 
reported  to  Tzu  Hsi  by  one  of  the  eunuch  spies  employed  by 
Li  Lien-ying  for  that  purpose.  The  Emperor  foolishly 
allowed  himself  to  be  led  into  approval  of  this  plot,  but 
decided  to  await  the  Court’s  proposed  trip  to  Tientsin  before 
putting  it  into  execution.  He  knew  that  to  ensure  success 
for  the  scheme  he  must  be  able  to  command  the  services  of 
the  troops,  and  he  realised  that  so  long  as  Jung  Lu  was  in 
command  of  the  foreign-drilled  forces  of  Chihli,  he  would 
never  consent  to  their  lifting  a finger  against  his  life-long 
benefactress.  Herein,  in  the  Emperor’s  opinion,  lay  the 
main  obstacle  that  confronted  him.  The  real  danger,  that 
lay  in  Tsu  Hsi’s  enormous  personal  influence  and  fertility 
of  resource,  he  appears  to  have  under-rated,  mistaking  her 
inaction  for  indecision. 

For  the  moment  he  continued  to  issue  new  Edicts,  one 
ordering  the  making  of  macadamised  roads  in  Peking, 
another  the  enrolment  of  militia  for  purposes  of  national 
defence,  while  a third  authorised  Manchus  to  leave  Peking, 
should  they  so  wish,  to  earn  their  living  in  the  provinces. 
On  the  27th  of  the  7th  Moon,  appeared  the  last  of  his 
important  Reform  Decrees — a document  pathetic  in  the 
light  of  subsequent  events. 

198 


THE  HUNDRED  DAYS  OE  REFORM 


“ In  promoting  reforms,  we  have  adopted  certain 
European  methods,  because,  while  China  and  Europe  are 
both  alike  in  holding  that  the  first  object  of  good  govern- 
ment should  be  the  welfare  of  the  people,  Europe  has 
travelled  further  on  this  road  than  we  have,  so  that,  by  the 
introduction  of  European  methods,  we  simply  make  good 
China’s  deficiencies.  But  our  Statesmen  and  scholars  are  so 
ignorant  of  what  lies  beyond  our  borders  that  they  look 
upon  Europe  as  possessing  no  civilisation.  They  are  all 
unaware  of  those  numerous  branches  of  western  knowledge 
whose  object  it  is  to  enlighten  the  minds  and  increase  the 
material  prosperity  of  the  people.  Physical  well-being  and 
increased  longevity  of  the  race  are  thereby  secured  for  the 
masses. 

“Is  it  possible  that  I,  the  Emperor,  am  to  be 
regarded  as  a mere  follower  after  new  and  strange  ideas 
because  of  my  thirst  for  reform  ? My  love  for  the  people, 
my  children,  springs  from  the  feeling  that  God  has 
confided  them  to  me  and  that  to  my  care  they  have  been 
given  in  trust  by  my  illustrious  Ancestors.  I shall  never 
feel  that  my  duty  as  Sovereign  is  fulfilled  until  I have 
raised  them  all  to  a condition  of  peaceful  prosperity. 
Moreover,  do  not  the  foreign  Powers  surround  our  Empire, 
committing  frequent  acts  of  aggression  ? Unless  we  learn 
and  adopt  the  sources  of  their  strength,  our  plight  cannot  be 
remedied.  The  cause  of  my  anxiety  is  not  fully  appreciated 
by  my  people,  because  the  reactionary  element  deliberately 
misrepresents  my  objects,  spreading  the  while  baseless 
rumours  so  as  to  disturb  the  minds  of  men.  When  I 
reflect  how  deep  is  the  ignorance  of  the  masses  of  the 
dwellers  in  the  innermost  parts  of  the  Empire  on  the  subject 
of  my  proposed  reforms,  my  heart  is  filled  with  care  and 
grief.  Therefore  do  I hereby  now  proclaim  my  intentions, 
so  that  the  whole  Empire  may  know  and  believe  that  their 
Sovereign  is  to  be  trusted  and  that  the  people  may 
co-operate  with  me  in  working  for  reform  and  the 
strengthening  of  our  country.  This  is  my  earnest  hope.  I 
command  that  the  whole  of  my  Reform  Decrees  be  printed 
on  Yellow  paper  and  distributed  for  the  information  of  all 
men.  The  District  Magistrates  are  henceforward  privileged 


199 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


to  submit  Memorials  to  me  through  the  Provincial  Viceroys, 
so  that  I may  learn  the  real  needs  of  the  people.  Let  this 
Decree  be  exhibited  in  the  front  hall  of  every  public  office 
in  the  Empire  so  that  all  men  may  see  it.” 

But  the  sands  had  run  out.  Tzu  Hsi  now  emerged  from 
“ the  profound  seclusion  of  her  Palace  ” and  Kuang-Hsu’s 
little  hour  was  over. 


200 


XIV 


THE  COUP  D&TAT  OF  1898 

In  August  1898 — at  the  end  of  the  7th  Moon — the 
position  of  affairs  in  the  Palace  (known  only  to  a few)  was 
that  the  Empress  Dowager  had  been  won  over  to  the 
reactionary  party  ; she  was  postponing  a decisive  step, 
however,  until  she  and  the  Emperor  made  their  proposed 
visit  to  Tientsin  in  the  9th  Moon.  It  was  her  intention 
there  to  confer  with  Jung  Lu  before  resuming  the  Regency, 
because  of  the  unmistakable  hostility  towards  her  then  pre- 
vailing in  the  southern  provinces,  which  she  wished  to  allay, 
as  far  as  possible,  by  avoiding  any  overt  measures  of  usurpation 
until  her  preparations  were  made.  On  the  1st  of  the  8th 
Moon,  the  Emperor,  who  was  then  in  residence  at  the 
Summer  Palace,  received  in  audience  Yuan  Shih-k’ai,  the 
Judicial  Commissioner  of  Chihli,  and  discussed  with  him  at 
great  length  the  political  needs  of  the  Empire.  Yuan  (then 
in  his  fortieth  year)  had  owed  his  rapid  advancement  to  the 
protection  of  the  great  Viceroy  Li  Hung-chang ; nevertheless, 
among  his  rivals  and  enemies  there  were  many  who  attributed 
the  disastrous  war  with  Japan  in  1894  to  his  arbitrary  conduct 
of  affairs  as  Imperial  Resident  in  Corea.  There  is  no  doubt 
that  his  reports  and  advice  on  the  situation  at  Seoul  pre- 
cipitated, if  they  did  not  cause,  the  crisis,  leading  the 
Chinese  Government  to  despatch  troops  into  the  country 
in  the  face  of  Japan’s  desire  and  readiness  for  war,  and 
thus  to  the  extinction  of  China’s  sovereignty  in  the 
Hermit  Kingdom ; but  the  fact  had  not  impaired  Y iian’s 

201 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 

personal  prestige  or  his  influence  at  Court.  As  a 
result  of  this  audience  the  Emperor  was  completely  won 
over  by  Ylian’s  professed  interest  in  the  cause  of  reform, 
and  was  convinced  that  in  him  he  had  secured  a powerful 
supporter.  His  Majesty  had  already  realised  that  he  must 
now  reckon  with  the  Old  Buddha’s  uncompromising  opposi- 
tion ; quite  recently  she  had  severely  rebuked  him  for  even 
noticing  K’ang  Yu-wei’s  suggestion  that  he  should  act  more 
on  his  own  authority.  Jung  Lu,  he  knew,  would  always 
loyally  support  his  Imperial  mistress  ; and  there  was  not  one 
prominent  Manchu  in  the  Empire,  and,  as  far  as  Peking  was 
concerned,  hardly  a Chinese,  who  would  dare  to  oppose  the 
Old  Buddha,  if  once  she  declared  herself  actively  on  the  side 
of  reaction.  The  only  two  high  officials  in  Peking  on 
whom  he  could  confidently  reckon  for  sympathy  and 
support  were  the  Cantonese  Chang  Yin-huan,  and  Li 
Tuan-fen,  a native  of  Kueichou.  But  if  he  could  obtain 
control  of  the  Northern  foreign-drilled  army,  the  reactionary 
party  might  yet  be  overthrown.  To  secure  this  end  it 
was  essential  that  Jung  Lu,  the  Governor- General  of 
Chihli  and  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  foreign-drilled 
forces,  should  be  put  out  of  the  way,  and  this  before  the 
Empress  could  be  warned  of  the  plot.  The  Emperor  there- 
fore proposed  to  have  Jung  Lu  put  to  death  in  his  Yamen  at 
Tientsin,  and  then  swiftly  to  bring  a force  of  10,000  of  his 
disciplined  troops  to  the  capital,  who  would  confine  the 
Empress  Dowager  to  the  Summer  Palace.  At  the  same 
time  the  most  prominent  reactionaries  in  Peking,  i.e.,  Kang 
Yi,  Yu  Lu,  Huai  T’a  Pu  and  Hsu  Ying-ku’ei  were  to  be 
seized  at  their  residences  and  hurried  off  to  the  prison  of  the 
Board  of  Punishments.  This  was  the  scheme  suggested  by 
K’ang  Y u- wei,  the  Censor  Y ang  Shen-hsiu,  and  the  secretaries 
of  the  Grand  Council,  T’an  Ssu-t’ung,  Lin-Hsu,  Yang  Jui, 
and  Liu  Kuang-ti.  At  this  first  audience  Yuan  Shih-k’ai 
was  informed  of  the  Emperor’s  determination  to  maintain 
and  enforce  his  reform  policy,  and  was  asked  whether  he 

202 


THE  COUP  DETAT  OF  1898 

would  be  loyal  to  his  sovereign  if  placed  in  command  of  a 
large  force  of  troops.  “ Your  servant  will  endeavour  to 
recompense  the  Imperial  favour,”  he  replied,  “even  though 
his  merit  be  only  as  a drop  of  water  in  the  ocean  or  a grain  of 
sand  in  the  desert ; he  will  faithfully  perform  the  service  of  a 
dog  or  a horse  while  there  remains  breath  in  his  body.” 

Completely  reassured  by  Yuan’s  words  and  earnest  manner 
and  his  apparently  genuine  zeal  for  reform,  the  Emperor 
straightway  issued  the  following  Decree  : — 

“ At  the  present  time  army  reform  is  of  all  things  most 
essential,  and  the  judicial  commissioner  of  Chihli,  Yuan 
Shih-k’ai,  is  an  energetic  administrator  and  thoroughly 
earnest  in  the  matter  of  training  our  forces.  We  therefore 
accord  him  the  rank  of  Expectant  Vice-President  of  a Board 
and  place  him  in  special  charge  of  the  business  of  army 
reform.  He  is  to  memorialise  from  time  to  time  regarding 
any  measures  which  he  may  desire  to  introduce.  Under  the 
present  conditions  of  our  Empire  it  is  of  the  first  importance 
that  our  defences  be  strengthened,  and  it  behoves  Yiian 
Shih-k’ai  therefore  to  display  all  possible  energy  and  zeal  in 
the  training  of  our  troops,  so  that  an  efficient  army  may 
be  organised,  and  the  Throne’s  determination  to  secure 
homogeneous  forces  be  loyally  supported.” 

At  this  first  audience  there  had  been  no  mention  of 
the  proposed  removal  of  Jung  Lu.  Scarcely  had  Yiian  left 
the  Jen  Shou  (Benevolent  Old  Age)  Palace  Hall,  than  the 
Empress  Dowager  summoned  him  to  her  own  apartments, 
and  closely  questioned  him  as  to  what  the  Emperor  had  said. 
“ By  all  means  let  the  army  be  reformed,”  said  the  Old 
Buddha ; “ the  Decree  is  sensible  enough,  but  His  Majesty 
is  in  too  great  a hurry,  and  I suspect  him  of  cherishing  some 
deep  design.  You  will  await  a further  audience  with  him, 
and  then  receive  my  instructions.” 

The  Empress  then  sent  for  the  Emperor,  and  informed 
him  that  he  must  have  K ang  Yu-wei  placed  under  arrest 
for  speaking  disrespectfully  of  her  private  life  and  morals. 

208 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


She  refrained  from  informing  him  that  she  knew  of  his 
design  to  deprive  her  of  power,  and  she  was  so  far  unaware 
of  the  extent  of  the  plot  against  herself  and  Jung  Lu.  She 
reproached  him,  however,  in  general  terms  for  his  evident 
and  increasing  lack  of  filial  duty  towards  herself.  The 
Emperor  meekly  promised  to  comply  with  her  wishes  as  to 
K’ang  Yu-wei’s  arrest,  but  late  that  same  evening,  while  the 
Empress  Dowager  was  entertaining  herself  at  a water  picnic 
on  the  K’un  Ming  Lake,  he  despatched  his  confidential 
eunuch,  Sung  Yu-lien,  into  Peking  with  the  following 
Decree,  drafted  in  His  Majesty’s  own  unformed  and  childish 
handwriting : — 

“ On  a previous  occasion  we  commanded  the  Secretary  of 
the  Board  of  Works,  K’ang  Yu-wei,  to  take  charge  of  the 
Government  Gazette  Bureau  at  Shanghai.  We  learn  with 
astonishment  that  he  has  not  yet  left  Peking.  We  are  well 
aware  of  the  crisis  through  which  the  Empire  is  passing,  and 
have  been  anxious  on  this  account  to  obtain  the  services  of 
men  well  versed  in  political  economy,  with  whom  to  discuss 
improved  methods  of  government.  We  granted  one  audience 
to  K’ang  Yu-wei  ( sic : as  a matter  of  fact  K’ang  was  received 
by  His  Majesty  on  several  occasions)  because  of  his  special 
knowledge,  and  we  appointed  him  to  take  charge  of  the 
Government  Gazette  Bureau  for  the  reason  that  newspapers 
are  one  of  the  most  important  factors  in  national  education 
and  progress.  His  duties  are  evidently  of  no  light  responsi- 
bility, and  funds  having  been  specially  raised  for  this  enter- 
prise, we  command  him  now  to  betake  himself  with  all 
despatch  to  Shanghai ; he  shall  on  no  account  procrastinate 
any  longer.” 

K’ang  Y u-wei  received  the  Decree,  realised  its  significance, 
and  left  Peking  by  the  first  train  next  morning,  arriving 
safely  at  Tongku,  where  he  boarded  a coasting  steamer  for 
Shanghai.1  When  the  Empress  heard  of  his  departure  she 

1 K’ang’s  subsequent  escape  under  British  protection,  in  which  one  of  the 
writers  was  instrumental,  is  graphically  described  in  despatch  No.  401  of 
Blue  Book  No.  1 of  1899- 


204 


THE  COUP  D'ETAT  OF  1898 

was  furious,  and  telegraphed  to  Jung  Lu  to  arrest  K’ang,  but 
for  some  unexplained  reason  (the  instructions  reached  him 
before  K’ang  could  have  arrived  at  Tientsin)  Jung  Lu  took 
no  steps  to  do  so.  At  this  time  he  was  unaware  of  the  plot 
against  his  life,  or  he  would  hardly  have  shown  such  mag- 
nanimity. K’ang  Yu-wei  never  gave  him  any  credit  for  it 
and  has  always  denounced  Jung  Lu  as  second  only  in  villainy 
to  the  Empress  Dowager,  an  arch  enemy  of  reform  and 
reformers.  As  a matter  of  fact  Jung  Lu  was  one  of  the  high 
officials  who  originally  recommended  K’ang  to  the  notice  of 
the  Emperor,  and  till  the  day  of  his  death  he  always  alluded 
to  himself  jocularly  as  one  of  the  K'cmg  T'ang,  or  K’ang  Yu- 
wei  party,  to  the  great  amusement  of  the  Old  Buddha, 
who  would  jokingly  ask  him  what  news  he  had  of  his  friend 
K’ang,  the  traitor  and  rebel.  That  morning,  the  2nd  of 
the  Moon,  audience  was  given  to  the  reformer  Lin  Hsii  and 
to  Yiian  Shih-k’ai,  who  again  assured  the  Emperor  of  his 
complete  devotion.  His  Majesty  then  left  for  the  Forbidden 
City,  intending  to  carry  out  his  plans  against  the  Empress 
from  there  rather  than  from  the  Summer  Palace,  where 
nearly  every  eunuch  was  a spy  in  her  service. 

It  is  evident  that,  so  far,  the  Emperor  by  no  means 
despaired  of  his  chances  of  success,  as  two  Decrees 
were  issued  next  morning,  one  ordering  the  teaching 
of  European  languages  in  the  public  schools,  and  the 
other  requiring  purer  administration  on  the  part  of  district 
magistrates. 

On  the  morning  of  the  5th,  Yiian  Shih-k’ai  had  a final 
audience,  before  leaving  for  Tientsin.  His  Majesty  received 
him  in  the  Palace  of  Heavenly  Purity  (Ch’ien  Ch’ing  Kung) 
of  the  Forbidden  City.  Every  precaution  was  taken  to 
prevent  the  conversation  being  overheard.  Seated  for  the 
last  time  on  the  great  lacquered  Dragon  Throne,  so  soon  to 
be  reoccupied  by  the  Empress  Dowager,  in  the  gloomy 
throne  room  which  the  morning  light  could  scarcely 
penetrate,  His  Majesty  told  Yiian  Shih-k’ai  the  details  of 

205 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


the  commission  with  which  he  had  decided  to  entrust  him. 
He  was  to  put  Jung  Lu  to  death  and  then,  returning  imme- 
diately to  the  capital  with  the  troops  under  his  command,  to 
seize  and  imprison  the  Empress  Dowager.  The  Emperor 
gave  him  a small  arrow,  the  symbol  of  his  authority  to  carry 
out  the  Imperial  orders,  and  bade  him  proceed  with  all 
haste  to  Tientsin,  there  to  arrest  Jung  Lu  in  his  Yamen  and 
see  to  his  instant  decapitation.  Kuang  Hsu  also  handed 
him  a Decree  whereby,  upon  completion  of  his  mission, 
he  was  appointed  Viceroy  of  Chihli  ad  interim,  and  ordered 
to  Peking  for  further  audience. 

Yuan  promised  faithful  obedience,  and,  without  speaking 
to  anyone,  left  Peking  by  the  first  train.  Meantime  the 
Old  Buddha  was  due  to  come  in  from  the  I -ho  Yuan  to  the 
Winter  Palace  that  morning  at  8 o’clock,  to  perform 
sacrifice  at  the  altar  to  the  God  of  Silkworms,  and  the 
Emperor  dutifully  repaired  to  the  Ying  Hsiu  Gate  of  the 
Western  Park,  where  the  Lake  Palace  is  situated,  to 
receive  Her  Majesty  as  she  entered  the  precincts. 

Yuan  reached  Tientsin  before  noon,  and  proceeded  at 
once  to  Jung  Lu’s  Yamen.  He  asked  Jung  Lu  whether  he 
regarded  him  as  a faithful  blood  brother.  (The  two  men 
had  taken  the  oath  of  brotherhood  several  years  before.) 
“ Of  course  I do,”  replied  the  Viceroy.  “ You  well  may,  for 
the  Emperor  has  sent  me  to  kill  you,  and  instead,  I now 
betray  his  scheme,  because  of  my  loyalty  to  the  Empress 
Dowager  and  of  my  affection  for  you.”  Jung  Lu, 
apparently  unaffected  by  the  message,  merely  expressed 
surprise  that  the  Old  Buddha  could  have  been  kept  in 
ignorance  of  all  these  things,  and  added  that  he  would  go 
at  once  to  the  capital  and  see  the  Empress  Dowager  that 
same  evening.  Yuan  handed  him  the  Emperor’s  Decree, 
and  Jung  Lu,  travelling  by  special  train,  reached  Peking 
soon  after  5 p.m. 

He  went  directly  to  the  Lake  Palace,  and  entered  the 
Empress’s  residence,  boldly  disregarding  the  strict  etiquette 

206 


THE  COUP  D'ETAT  OF  1898 

which  forbids  any  provincial  official  from  visiting  the 
capital  without  a special  summons  by  Edict,  and  the  still 
stricter  rules  that  guard  the  entree  of  the  Palace.  Un- 
ushered he  entered  the  Empress’s  presence,  and  kowtowing 
thrice,  exclaimed,  “ Sanctuary,  your  Majesty  ! ” “ What 

sanctuary  do  you  require  in  the  Forbidden  precincts,  where 
no  harm  can  come  to  you,  and  where  you  have  no  right  to 
be?”  replied  the  Old  Buddha.  Jung  Uu  proceeded  to  lay 
before  her  all  the  details  of  the  plot.  Grasping  the  situation 
and  rising  immediately  to  its  necessities  with  the  courage 
and  masculine  intelligence  that  enabled  her  to  overcome  all 
obstacles,  she  directed  him  to  send  word  secretly  to  the 
leaders  of  the  Conservative  party,  summoning  them  to 
immediate  audience  in  the  Palace  by  the  Lake.  (The 
Emperor  was  still  in  the  Forbidden  City.)  In  less  than  two 
hours  the  whole  of  the  Grand  Council,  several  of  the  Manchu 
princes  and  nobles  (Prince  Ch’ing,  with  his  usual  fine  “ flair  ” 
for  a crisis,  had  applied  for  sick  leave  and  was  therefore 
absent)  and  the  high  officials  of  the  Boards,  including  the 
two  Ministers  whom  the  Emperor  had  cashiered  (Hsti  Ying- 
ku'ei  and  Huai  Ta  Pu)  were  assembled  in  the  presence  of  the 
Empress.  On  their  knees,  the  assembled  officials  besought 
her  to  resume  the  reins  of  government  and  to  save  their 
ancient  Empire  from  the  evils  of  a barbarian  civilisation.  It 
was  speedily  arranged  that  the  guards  in  the  Forbidden  City 
should  be  replaced  by  men  from  Jung  Lu’s  own  corps,  and 
that,  in  the  meantime,  he  should  return  to  his  post  in 
Tientsin  and  await  further  orders.  The  conference  broke 
up  at  about  midnight.  The  Emperor  was  due  to  enter  the 
Chung  Ho  Hall  of  the  Palace  at  5.30  the  next  morning  to 
peruse  the  litany  drawn  up  by  the  Board  of  Rites,  which  he 
was  to  recite  next  day  at  the  autumnal  sacrifice  to  the 
Tutelary  Deities.  After  leaving  that  hall,  he  was  seized  by 
the  guards  and  eunuchs,  conveyed  to  the  Palace  on  the  small 
island  in  the  middle  of  the  lake  (the  “ Ocean  Terrace  ”)  and 
informed  that  the  Empress  Dowager  would  visit  him  later. 

207 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


The  following  Decree  was  thereupon  issued  by  the  Empress 
Dowager  in  the  Emperor’s  name  : — 

“The  nation  is  now  passing  through  a crisis,  and  wise 
guidance  is  needed  in  all  branches  of  the  public  service. 
We  ourselves  have  laboured  diligently,  night  and  day,  to 
perform  Our  innumerable  duties,  but  in  spite  of  all  Our 
anxious  energy  and  care  We  are  in  constant  fear  lest  delay 
should  be  the  undoing  of  the  country.  We  now  respect- 
fully recall  the  fact  that  Her  Imperial  Majesty  the  Empress 
Dowager  has  on  two  occasions  since  the  beginning  of  the 
reign  of  H.  M.  T’ung-Chih,  performed  the  functions  of 
Regent,  and  that  in  her  administrations  of  the  Government 
she  displayed  complete  and  admirable  qualities  of  perfection 
which  enabled  her  successfully  to  cope  with  every  difficulty 
that  arose.  Recollecting  the  serious  burden  of  the 
responsibility  We  owe  to  Our  ancestors  and  to  the  nation, 
We  have  repeatedly  besought  Her  Majesty  to  condescend 
once  more  to  administer  the  Government.  Now  she  has 
graciously  honoured  Us  by  granting  Our  prayer,  a blessing 
indeed  for  all  Our  subjects.  From  this  day  forth  Her 
Majesty  will  transact  the  business  of  Government  in  the 
side  hall  of  the  Palace,  and  on  the  day  after  to-morrow  W e 
ourselves  at  the  head  of  Our  Princes  and  Ministers  shall 
perform  obeisance  before  Her  in  the  Hall  of  Diligent 
Government.  The  Yamens  concerned  shall  respectfully 
make  the  arrangements  necessary  for  this  ceremonial.  The 
woids  of  the  Emperor.” 

Another  Decree  followed  close  upon  the  above,  cashiering 
the  Censor  Sung  Po-lu,  on  the  ground  of  his  generally  evil 
reputation  and  recommendation  of  bad  characters  ( i.e .,  the 
reformer  Liang  Ch’i-ch’ao).  The  Empress  had  a special 
grudge  against  this  Censor  because  lie  had  ventured  to 
impeach  her  morals  in  a recent  memorial,  but  as  he  had 
taken  no  part  in  the  conspiracy  against  her  person  she  spared 
his  life. 

Tzh  Hsi  in  due  course  proceeded  to  the  “ Ocean 
Terrace,”  accompanied  only  by  Li  Lien-ying,  who  had  been 

208 


Photon  Defines , Peking. 

Circular  Thronk  Hai.i  in  the  Grounds  of  the  Lake  Palace  looted  by 
Allied  Troops  in  1900. 


THE  COUP  D'ETAT  OF  1898 


ordered  to  replace  the  Emperor’s  eunuchs  by  creatures  of  his 
own.  (Kuang  FI  six’s  former  attendants  were  either  put  to 
death  or  banished  to  the  post  roads.)  A Manchu  who  heard 
an  account  of  the  interview  from  Duke  Kuei  Flsiang,  Tz’u 
Hsi’s  younger  brother,  is  our  authority  for  what  occurred  at 
this  dramatic  meeting.  The  Empress  Dowager  bluntly 
informed  Kuang  Hsu  that  she  had  decided  to  spare  his  life 
and,  for  the  present  at  any  rate,  to  allow  him  to  retain  the 
throne.  He  would,  however,  be  kept  henceforward  under 
strict  surveillance,  and  every  word  of  his  would  be  reported 
to  her.  As  to  his  schemes  of  reform,  which  at  first  she  had 
encouraged,  little  dreaming  to  what  depths  of  folly  his 
infatuate  presumption  would  lead  him,  they  would  all  be 
repealed.  How  dared  he  forget  what  great  benefits  he  owed 
her,  his  elevation  to  the  throne  and  her  generosity  in 
allowing  him  to  administer  the  government,  he  a poor 
puppet,  who  had  no  right  to  be  Emperor  at  all,  and  whom 
she  could  unmake  at  will  ? There  was  not,  she  said,  a single 
Manchu  in  high  place  but  wished  his  removal,  and  urged 
her  to  resume  the  Regency.  True,  he  had  sympathisers 
among  the  Chinese,  traitors  all ; with  them  she  would  deal 
in  due  course.  Kuang  Hsu’s  secondary  consort  (the 
Chen  Fei  or  Pearl  Concubine,  the  only  one  of  his  wives  with 
whom  he  seems  to  have  been  on  affectionate  terms)  knelt 
then  before  Tzti  Hsi,  imploring  her  to  spare  the  Emperor 
further  reproaches.  She  actually  dared  to  suggest  that  he 
was,  after  all,  the  lawful  Sovereign  and  that  not  even  the 
Empress  Dowager  could  set  aside  the  mandate  of  Heaven. 
Tzu  Hsi  angrily  dismissed  her  from  the  Presence,  ordering 
her  to  be  confined  in  another  part  of  the  Palace,  where  she 
remained  until,  in  1900,  there  came  an  opportunity  in  which 
the  vindictive  Empress  took  summary  revenge  on  the 
presumptuous  concubine.1 

The  Empress  Consort,  with  whom  Kuang  Hsii  was  hardly 

1 She  was  thrown  down  a well,  by  Tzu  Hsi’s  orders,  as  the  Court  prepared 
for  flight  after  the  entrance  of  the  allied  forces  into  Peking.  ( Vide  infra.) 

209  p 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


on  speaking  terms,  was  commanded  to  remain  with  him. 
She,  as  Tzu  Hsi’s  niece,  could  be  trusted  to  spy  upon  the 
Emperor  and  report  all  his  doings.  He  was  allowed  to  see 
no  one  but  her  and  the  eunuchs  in  attendance,  except  in  the 
presence  of  the  Empress  Dowager. 

To  the  end  of  his  life  Kuang  Hsu  blamed  Yuan  Shih-k’ai, 
and  him  alone,  for  having  betrayed  him.  To  Yuan  he 
owed  his  humiliation,  the  end  of  all  his  cherished  plans  of 
government  and  the  eighteen  months  of  solitary  confinement 
which  he  had  to  endure  on  the  “ Ocean  Terrace.”  Almost 
his  last  words,  as  he  lay  dying,  were  to  bid  his  brothers 
remember  his  long  agony  and  promise  to  be  revenged  upon 
the  author  of  his  undoing.  Of  Jung  Lu  he  said  that  it  was 
but  natural  that  he  should  consider  first  his  duty  to  the 
Empress  Dowager  and  seek  to  warn  her ; and,  after  all,  as 
he  had  planned  Jung  Lu’s  death,  he  could  hardly  expect 
from  him  either  devotion  or  loyalty.  The  Old  Buddha’s 
resentment  was  also  natural  ; he  had  plotted  against  her  and 
failed.  But  Yuan  Shih-k’ai  had  solemnly  sworn  loyalty  and 
obedience.  The  Emperor  never  willingly  spoke  to  him 
again,  even  when,  as  Viceroy  of  Chihli,  Yuan  came  to  the 
height  of  his  power. 

To-day  Yuan  lives  in  retirement,  and  under  the  constant 
shadow  of  fear ; for  the  Emperor’s  brother,  the  Regent,  has 
kept  his  promise.  Such  are  the  intricate  humanities  of  the 
inner  circle  around  and  about  the  Dragon  Throne,  the  never- 
ending  problem  of  the  human  equation  as  a factor  in  the 
destinies  of  peoples. 


210 


XV 


T ZXj  HSI  RESUMES  THE  REGENCY  (181)8) 

Kuang  Hstfs  reign  was  over;  there  remained  to  him  only 
the  Imperial  title.  He  had  had  his  chance  ; in  the  enthu- 
siasm of  youth  and  new  ideas  he  had  played  a desperate  game 
against  the  powers  of  darkness  in  high  places,  and  he  had  lost. 
Once  more,  as  after  the  death  of  T’ung-Chih,  Tzu  Hsi  could 
make  a virtue  of  her  satisfied  ambitions.  She  had  given  her 
nephew  a free  hand,  she  had  retired  from  the  field,  leaving 
him  to  steer  the  ship  of  State  : if  he  had  now  steered  it  into 
troublous  and  dangerous  seas,  if,  by  common  consent,  she 
were  again  called  to  take  the  helm,  this  was  the  doing  of 
Heaven  and  no  fault  of  hers.  She  could  no  more  be  blamed 
for  Kuang  Hsu’s  folly  than  for  the  vicious  habits  and  pre- 
mature death  of  her  son,  which  had  brought  her  back  to 
power  23  years  before.  It  was  clear  (and  there  were  many 
voices  to  reassure  her  of  the  fact)  that  the  stars  in  their 
courses  were  working  for  the  continuance  of  her  unfettered 
authority,  and  that  any  trifling  assistance  which  she  might 
have  given  them  would  not  be  too  closely  scrutinised. 

Kuang  Hsu’s  reign  was  over  ; but  his  person  (frail,  melan- 
choly tenement)  remained,  and  Tzu  Hsi  was  never  enamoured 
of  half  measures  or  ambiguous  positions.  From  the  day 
when  the  pitiful  monarch  entered  his  pavilion  prison  on  the 
“ Ocean  Terrace,”  she  began  to  make  arrangements  for  his 
“ mounting  the  Dragon  ” and  “ visiting  the  Nine  Springs  ” 

211  p 2 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


in  the  orthodox  classical  manner,  and  for  providing  the 
Throne  with  another  occupant  whose  youth,  connections  and 
docility  would  enable  her  to  hold  the  Regency  indefinitely. 
Nevertheless,  because  of  the  turbulent  temper  of  the  south- 
ern provinces  and  possible  manifestations  of  Europe’s  curious 
sympathy  with  the  Emperor’s  Utopian  dreams,  she  realised 
the  necessity  for  proceeding  with  caution  and  decorum.  It 
was  commonly  reported  throughout  the  city  in  the  begin- 
ning of  October  that  the  Emperor  would  die  with  the  end  of 
the  Chinese  year. 

Kuang  Hsu  was  a prisoner  in  his  Palace,  doomed,  as  he 
well  knew  ; yet  must  he  play  the  puppet  Son  of  Heaven  and 
perform  each  season’s  appointed  posturings.  On  the  8th  day 
of  the  8th  Moon  he  appeared  therefore,  as  ordered  by  his 
attendants,  and  in  the  presence  of  his  whole  Court  performed 
the  nine  prostrations  and  other  proper  acts  of  obeisance 
before  Her  Majesty  Tzii  Hsi,  in  recognition  of  his  own  non- 
entity and  her  supreme  authority.  In  the  afternoon,  escorted 
by  a strong  detachment  of  Jung  Lu’s  troops,  he  went  from 
the  Lake  Palace  to  sacrifice  at  the  Altar  of  the  Moon.  Thus, 
pending  the  coup-de-grdce,  the  wretched  Emperor  went 
through  the  empty  ceremonies  of  State  ritual ; high  priest, 
that  was  himself  to  be  the  next  victim,  how  bitter  must 
have  been  his  thoughts  as  he  was  borne  back  with  Imperial 
pomp  and  circumstance  to  his  lonely  place  of  humiliation  ! 

Tzii  Hsi  then  settled  down  to  her  work  of  government, 
returning  to  it  with  a zest  by  no  means  diminished  by  the 
years  spent  in  retreat.  And  first  she  must  justify  the  policy 
of  reaction  to  herself,  to  her  high  officials,  and  the  world  at 
large.  She  must  get  rid  of  offenders  and  surround  herself 
with  men  after  her  own  heart. 

A few  days  after  the  Autumn  festival  and  the  Emperor’s 
melancholy  excursion,  Her  Majesty  proceeded  to  remind  the 
Imperial  Clansmen  that  their  position  would  not  protect 
them  against  the  consequences  of  disloyalty  ; she  was  always 
much  exercised  (remembering  the  Tsai  Yiian  conspiracy)  at 

212 


TZU  HSI  RESUMES  THE  REGENCY  (1898) 

any  sign  of  intriguing  amongst  her  Manchu  kinsmen.  In 
this  case  her  warning  took  the  form  of  a Decree  in  which  she 
sentenced  the  “ Reileh  ” Tsai  Ch'u 1 to  perpetual  confinement 
in  the  “ Empty  Chamber  ” of  the  Clan  Court.  Tsai  Ch’u 
had  had  the  audacity  to  sympathise  with  the  Emperor’s 
reform  schemes ; he  had  also  had  the  bad  luck  to  marry  one 
of  Tzu  Hsi’s  nieces  and  to  be  upon  the  worst  of  terms 
with  her.  When  therefore  he  advised  the  Emperor,  in  the 
beginning  of  the  Hundred  Days,  to  put  a stop,  once  and  for 
all,  to  the  Old  Buddha’s  interference  in  State  affairs,  the 
“ mean  one  of  his  inner  chamber  ” did  not  fail  to  report  the 
fact  to  Her  Majesty,  and  thus  to  enlist  her  sympathies  and 
activities,  from  the  outset,  on  the  side  of  the  reactionaries. 

At  the  time  immediately  following  the  coup  d'etat,  public 
opinion  at  the  Capital  was  divided  as  to  the  merits  of  the 
Emperor’s  proposed  reforms  and  the  wisdom  of  their 
suppression,  but  the  political  instincts  of  the  tribute-fed 
metropolis  are,  generally  speaking,  dormant,  and  what  it 
chiefly  respects  is  the  energetic  display  of  power.  So  that, 
on  the  whole,  sympathy  was  with  the  Old  Buddha.  She 
had,  moreover,  a Bismarckian  way  of  guiding  public  opinion, 
of  directing  undercurrents  of  information  through  the 
eunuchs  and  tea-house  gossip,  in  a manner  calculated  to 
appeal  to  the  instincts  of  the  literati  and  the  bourgeois ; in 
the  present  instance  stress  was  laid  on  the  Emperor’s  lack 
of  filial  piety,  as  proved  by  his  plotting  against  his  aged 
and  august  aunt  (a  thing  unpardonable  in  the  eyes  of  the 
orthodox  Confucianist),  and  on  the  fact  that  he  enjoyed  the 
sympathy  and  support  of  foreigners — an  argument  sufficient 
to  damn  him  in  the  eyes  of  even  the  most  progressive 
Chinese.  It  came,  therefore,  to  be  the  generally  accepted 

1 It  is  interesting  to  note  that  this  Manchu  Prince  (Tsai  Ch’u)  was  released 
from  prison  by  the  present  Regent,  the  Emperor’s  brother,  and  was 
appointed  to  the  command  of  one  of  the  Manchu  Banner  Corps  on  the 
same  day,  in  January  1909,  that  Yiian  Shih-k’ai  was  dismissed  from  the 
viceroyalty  of  Chihli.  The  Emperor’s  party,  as  opposed  to  the  Yehonala 
Clan,  heartily  approved  of  his  reinstatement. 

213’ 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


opinion  that  His  Majesty  had  shown  deplorable  want  of 
judgment  and  self-control,  and  that  the  Empress  Dowager 
was  fully  justified  in  resuming  control  of  the  government. 
This  opinion  even  came  to  be  accepted  and  expressed  by 
those  Legations  which  had  originally  professed  to  see  in 
the  Emperor’s  reforms  the  dawn  of  a new  era  for  China. 
So  elastic  is  diplomacy  in  following  the  line  of  the  least 
resistance,  so  adroit  (in  the  absence  of  a policy  of  its  own) 
in  accepting  and  condoning  any  fait  accompli,  that  it  was 
not  long  before  the  official  attitude  of  the  Legations — 
including  the  British — had  come  to  deprecate  the  Emperor’s 
unfortunate  haste  in  introducing  reforms,  reforms  which 
every  foreigner  in  China  had  urged  for  years,  and 
which,  accepted  in  principle  by  the  Empress  since  1900, 
have  again  been  welcomed  as  proof  of  China’s  im- 
pending regeneration.  In  June  1898,  the  British  Minister 
had  seen  in  the  Emperor’s  Reform  Edicts  proof  that  “ the 
Court  had  at  last  thoroughly  recognised  a real  need  for 
radical  reform.”1  In  October,  when  the  Chief  Reformer 
(K’ang  Yu-wei)  had  been  saved  from  Tzu  Hsi’s  vengeance 
by  the  British  Consul-General  at  Shanghai  and  conveyed 
by  a British  warship  to  the  protection  of  a British  Colony 
(under  the  mistaken  impression  that  England  would  actively 
intervene  in  the  cause  of  progress  and  on  grounds  of  self- 
interest  if  not  of  humanity),  we  find  the  tide  of  expediency 
turned  to  recognition  of  the  fact  that  “ the  Empress 
Dowager  and  the  Manchu  party  were  seriously  alarmed 
for  their  own  safety,  and  looked  upon  the  Reform 
movement  as  inimical  to  Manchu  rule  ” ! 1 And  two  months 
later,  influenced  no  doubt  by  the  impending  season  of  peace 
and  good  will,  the  Marquess  of  Salisbury  is  seriously 
informed  by  Sir  Claude  Macdonald  that  the  wives  of  the 
foreign  Representatives,  seven  in  all,  had  been  received  in 
audience  by  the  Empress  Dowager  on  the  anniversary  of  her 
sixty-fourth  birthday,  and  that  Her  Majesty  “ made  a most 
1 Vide  Blue  Book  China  No.  I.  of  1899,  letters  Nos.  266,  401,  and  426. 

214 


TZU  HSI  RESUMES  THE  REGENCY  (1898) 

favourable  impression,  both  by  the  personal  interest  she  took 
in  all  her  guests  and  by  her  courteous  amiability.”1  On 
which  occasion  the  puppet  Emperor  was  exhibited,  to 
comply  with  the  formalities,  and  was  made  to  shake  hands 
with  all  the  ladies.  And  so  the  curtain  was  rung  down, 
and  the  Reform  play  ended,  to  the  satisfaction  of  all  (or 
nearly  all)  concerned. 

Nevertheless,  the  British  Minister  and  others,  disturbed 
at  the  persistent  rumours  that  “ the  Empress  Dowager  was 
about  to  proceed  to  extreme  steps  in  regard  to  the 
Emperor,”  1 went  so  far  as  to  warn  the  Chinese  Government 
against  anything  so  disturbing  to  the  European  sense  of 
fitness  and  decency.  Foreign  countries,  the  Yamen  was 
told,  would  view  with  displeasure  and  alarm  his  sudden 
demise.  When  the  news  of  the  British  Minister’s  inter- 
vention became  known  in  the  tea-houses  and  recorded  in 
the  Press,  much  indignation  was  expressed  : this  was  a 
purely  domestic  question,  for  which  precedents  existed  in 
plenty  and  in  which  foreigners’  advice  was  inadmissible. 
The  Emperor’s  acceptance  of  new-fangled  foreign  ideas  was 
a crime  in  the  eyes  of  the  Manchus,  but  his  enlistment 
of  foreign  sympathy  and  support  was  hateful  to  Manchus 
and  Chinese  alike. 

Matters  soon  settled  down,  however,  into  the  old  well- 
worn  grooves,  the  people  satisfied  and  even  glad  in  the  know- 
ledge that  the  Old  Buddha  was  once  more  at  the  helm. 
In  the  capital  the  news  had  been  sedulously  spread — in  order 
to  prepare  the  way  for  the  impending  drama  of  expiation — 
that  Kuang  Hsu  had  planned  to  murder  Her  Majesty,  and 
his  present  punishment  was  therefore  regarded  as  mild 
beyond  his  deserts.2  Scholars,  composing  essays  appropriate 
to  the  occasion,  freely  compared  His  Majesty  to  that 

1 Vide  Blue  Book  China  No.  I.  of  1899,  letters  Nos.  2 66,  401,  and  426. 

2 As  an  example  of  Chinese  official  methods  : the  Shanghai  Taotai  when 
requesting  the  British  Consul-General’s  assistance  to  arrest  K’ang  Yu-wei, 
did  not  hesitate  to  say  that  the  Emperor  was  dead,  murdered  by  the  Chief 
Reformer.  Vide  Blue  Book  No.  1 of  1899,  letter  No.  401. 

215 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


Emperor  of  the  T’ang  Dynasty  (a.d.  762)  who  had  instigated 
the  murdering  of  the  Empress  Dowager  of  his  day.  Kuang 
Hsii’s  death  was  therefore  freely  predicted  and  its  effects 
discounted ; there  is  no  doubt  that  it  would  have  caused 
little  or  no  comment  in  the  north  of  China,  however  serious 
its  consequences  might  have  been  in  the  south.  The  public 
mind  having  been  duly  prepared,  the  Empress  Dowager,  in 
the  name  of  the  prospective  victim,  issued  a Decree  stating 
that  the  Son  of  Heaven  was  seriously  ill ; no  surprise  or 
apprehension  was  expressed,  and  the  sending  of  competent 
physicians  from  the  provinces  to  attend  His  Majesty  was 
recognised  as  a necessary  concession  to  formalities.  “ Ever 
since  the  4th  Moon,”  said  this  Decree  ( i.e .,  since  the 

beginning  of  the  hundred  days  of  reform),  “ I have  been 
grievously  ill ; nor  can  I find  any  alleviation  of  my 

sickness.”  It  was  the  pro  forma  announcement  of  his 

impending  despatch,  and  as  such  it  was  received  by  the 

Chinese  people. 

Amongst  the  doctors  summoned  to  attend  His  Majesty 
was  Ch’en  Lien-fang,  for  many  years  the  most  celebrated 
physician  in  China.  The  following  account  of  his  experiences 
at  the  capital  and  the  nature  of  his  duties,  was  supplied  by 
himself  at  the  time,  to  one  of  the  writers,  for  publication  in 
The  Times. 

" When  the  Edict  was  issued  calling  upon  the  provincial 
Viceroys  and  Governors  to  send  native  doctors  of  distinction 
to  Peking  to  advise  in  regard  to  the  Emperor’s  illness, 
Ch’en  Lien-fang  received  orders  from  the  Governor  at 
Soochow  to  leave  for  the  north  without  delay.  This  in 
itself,  apart  from  the  uncongenial  and  unremunerative 
nature  of  the  duty  (of  which  Ch’en  was  well  aware),  was  no 
light  undertaking  for  a man  of  delicate  physique  whose 
age  was  over  three  score  years  and  ten ; but  there  was  no 
possibility  of  evading  the  task.  He  according  left  his  large 
practice  in  the  charge  of  two  confidential  assistants,  or 
pupils,  and,  having  received  from  the  Governor  a sum  of 

216 


TZU  HSI  RESUMES  THE  REGENCY  (1898) 

6,000  taels  for  travelling  expenses  and  remuneration  in 
advance,  made  his  way  to  Peking  and  reported  for  duty  to 
the  Grand  Council.  When  he  arrived  there,  he  found  three 
other  native  physicians  of  considerable  repute  already  in 
attendance,  summoned  in  obedience  to  the  Imperial 
commands.  Dr.  D6th&ve,  of  the  French  Legation,  had 
already  paid  his  historical  visit  to  the  Emperor,  and  his 
remarkable  diagnosis  of  the  Son  of  Heaven’s  symptoms  was 
still  affording  amusement  to  the  Legations.  The  aged 
native  physician  spoke  in  undisguised  contempt  both  of  the 
French  doctor’s  comments  on  the  case  and  of  his  suggestions 
for  its  treatment.  His  own  description  of  the  Emperor’s 
malady  was  couched  in  language  not  unlike  that  which 
writers  of  historical  novels  attribute  to  the  physicians 
of  Europe  in  the  Middle  Ages  ; he  spoke  reverently  of 
influence  and  vapours  at  work  in  the  august  person  of  his 
Sovereign,  learnedly  of  heat-flushings  and  their  occult 
causes,  and  plainly  of  things  which  are  more  suited  to 
Chinese  than  to  British  readers.  Nevertheless,  his  description 
pointed  clearly  to  disease  of  the  respiratory  organs — which 
he  said  had  existed  for  over  twelve  years — to  general 
debility,  and  to  a feverish  condition  which  he  ascribed 
to  mental  anxiety  combined  with  physical  weakness.  Before 
he  left  Peking  (about  the  middle  of  November)  the  fever  had 
abated  and  the  patient’s  symptoms  had  decidedly  improved  ; 
the  case  was,  however,  in  his  opinion,  of  so  serious  a nature 
that  he  decided  to  leave  it,  if  possible,  in  the  hands  of  his 
younger  confreres — an  object  which  by  dint  of  bribing 
certain  Court  officials  he  eventually  achieved.  Asked  if  he 
considered  the  Emperor’s  condition  critical,  he  replied 
oracularly  that  if  he  lived  to  see  the  Chinese  New  Year  his 
strength  would  thereafter  return  gradually  with  the  spring, 
and  the  complete  restoration  of  his  health  might  be 
expected. 

“ Some  few  days  after  his  arrival  in  Peking,  Ch’en  was 
summoned  to  audience  by  orders  conveyed  through  a 
member  of  the  Grand  Council ; the  Emperor  and  the 
Dowager  Empress  were  awaiting  his  visit  in  a hall  on  the 
south  side  of  the  Palace.  The  consultation  was  curiously 
indicative  of  the  divinity  which  hedges  about  the  ruler  of  the 

217 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


Middle  Kingdom ; suggestive,  too,  of  the  solidity  of  that 
conservatism  which  dictates  the  inner  policy  of  China. 
Chen  entered  the  presence  of  his  Sovereign  on  his  knees, 
crossing  the  apartment  in  that  position,  after  the  customary 
kowtows.  The  Emperor  and  the  Dowager  Empress  were 
seated  at  opposite  sides  of  a low  table  on  the  dais,  and  faced 
each  other  in  that  position  during  the  greater  part  of  the 
interview.  The  Emperor  appeared  pale  and  listless,  had  a 
troublesome  irritation  of  the  throat,  and  was  evidently 
feverish ; the  thin  oval  of  his  face,  clearly  defined  features, 
and  aquiline  nose  gave  him,  in  the  physician’s  eyes  (to  use 
his  own  words),  the  appearance  of  a foreigner.  The 
Empress,  who  struck  him  as  an  extremely  well-preserved 
and  intelligent-looking  woman,  seemed  to  be  extremely 
solicitous  as  to  the  patient’s  health  and  careful  for  his 
comfort.  As  it  would  have  been  a serious  breach  of 
etiquette  for  the  physician  to  ask  any  questions  of  His 
Majesty,  the  Empress  proceded  to  describe  his  symptoms, 
the  invalid  occasionally  signifying  confirmation  of  what  was 
said  by  a word  or  a nod.  During  this  monologue,  the 
physician,  following  the  customary  procedure  at  Imperial 
audiences,  kept  his  gaze  concentrated  upon  the  floor  until, 
at  the  command  of  the  Empress,  and  still  kneeling,  he  was 
permitted  to  place  one  hand  upon  the  Emperor’s  wrist. 
There  was  no  feeling  of  the  pulse  ; simply  contact  with  the 
flat  of  the  hand,  first  on  one  side  of  the  wrist  and  then  on 
the  other.  This  done,  the  Empress  continued  her  narrative 
of  the  patient's  sufferings  ; she  described  the  state  of  his 
tongue  and  the  symptoms  of  ulceration  in  the  mouth  and 
throat,  but  as  it  was  not  permissible  for  the  doctor  to 
examine  these,  he  was  obliged  to  make  the  best  of  a 
somewhat  unprofessional  description.  As  he  wisely 
observed,  it  is  difficult  to  look  at  a patient’s  tongue  when 
his  exalted  rank  compels  you  to  keep  your  eyes  fixed 
rigidly  on  the  floor.  The  Empress  having  concluded  her 
remarks  on  the  case,  Ch’en  was  permitted  to  withdraw  and 
to  present  to  the  Grand  Council  his  diagnosis,  together  with 
advice  as  to  future  treatment,  which  was  subsequently 
communicated  officially  to  the  Throne.  The  gist  of  his 
advice  was  to  prescribe  certain  tonics  of  the  orthodox  native 


218 


rzG  HSI  RESUMES  THE  REGENCY  (1898) 

type  and  to  suggest  the  greatest  possible  amount  of  mental 
and  physical  rest."  1 

The  aged  physician’s  oracular  forecast  was  justified.  The 
Emperor  lived  to  see  the  New  Year  and  thereafter  to  regain 
his  strength,  a result  due  in  some  degree  to  the  Empress 
Dowager’s  genuine  fear  of  foreign  intervention,  hut  chiefly 
to  her  recognition  of  the  strength  of  public  opinion  against 
her  in  the  south  of  China  and  of  the  expediency  of 
conciliating  it.  In  the  Kuang  provinces  there  was  no  doubt 
of  the  bitterly  anti-Manehu  feeling  aroused  by  the  execution 
of  the  Cantonese  reformers : these  turbulent  southerners 
were  fierce  and  loud  in  their  denunciations  of  the  Manchus 
and  all  their  works,  and  it  would  not  have  required  much  to 
fan  the  flames  of  a new  and  serious  rebellion.  The  south 
was  well  aware,  for  news  travels  swiftly  in  China,  that  the 
Emperor’s  life  was  in  danger  and  that  the  close  of  the  year 
was  the  time  fixed  for  his  death,  and  from  all  sides  protests 
and  words  of  warning  came  pouring  from  the  provinces  to 
the  capital,  addressed  not  only  to  the  metropolitan  boards 
but  to  the  Throne  itself.  Amongst  these  was  a telegram 
signed  by  a certain  Prefect  of  Shanghai  named  Ching 
Yiian-shan,  who,  in  the  name  of  “ all  the  gentry,  scholars, 
merchants  and  public  of  Shanghai,”  referred  to  the  Edict 
which  announced  the  Emperor’s  illness  and  implored  the 
Empress,  the  Clansmen  and  the  Grand  Council  to  permit 
his  sacred  Majesty  to  resume  the  government  “ notwith- 
standing his  indisposition,”  and  to  abandon  all  thoughts  of 
his  abdication.  He  described  the  province  of  Kiangsu  as 
being  in  a state  of  suppressed  ferment  and  frankly  alluded 
to  the  probability  of  foreigners  intervening  in  the  event  of 
the  Emperor’s  death.  Tzu  Hsi  was  much  incensed  with 
this  courageous  official,  not  because  he  actually  accused  her 
of  premeditating  murder,  but  because  he  dared  threaten  her 
with  its  consequences.  She  gave  orders  that  he  be 
1 From  The  Times  of  31st  March,  1899- 
219 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


summarily  cashiered,  whereupon,  fearing  further  manifesta- 
tions of  her  wrath,  he  fled  to  Macao.  But  his  bold  words 
undoubtedly  contributed  to  saving  the  Emperor’s  life. 

Of  all  the  high  provincial  authorities,  one  only  was  found 
brave  and  disinterested  enough  to  speak  on  behalf  of  the 
Emperor ; this  was  Liu  K’un-yi,  the  Viceroy  of  Nanking. 
He  was  too  big  a man  to  be  publicly  rebuked  at  a time  like 
this  and  Tzu  Hsi  professed  to  admire  his  disinterested 
courage ; but  she  was  highly  incensed  at  his  action,  which 
contrasted  strongly  with  the  astute  opportunism  of  his 
colleague,  the  scholarly  magnate  Chang  Chih-tung,  Viceroy 
of  Wuchang,  who  had  been  an  ardent  advocate  of  the 
reformers  so  long  as  the  wind  blew  fair  in  that  quarter. 
Only  six  months  before  he  had  recommended  several 
progressives  (amongst  them  his  own  secretary,  Yang  Jui)  to 
the  Emperor’s  notice,  and  just  before  the  storm  burst  he  had 
been  summoned  to  Peking  by  Kuang  Hsu  to  support 
His  Majesty’s  policy  as  a member  of  the  Grand  Council. 
No  sooner  had  the  Empress  Dowager  declared  herself  on 
the  side  of  the  reactionaries,  however,  and  the  Emperor  had 
failed  in  his  attempt  to  win  over  Yuan  Shih-k’ai  and  his 
troops,  than  Chang  telegraphed  to  the  Old  Buddha  warmly 
approving  her  policy,  and  urging  strong  measures  against 
the  reformers.  The  advice  was  superfluous ; Tzu  Hsi, 
having  put  her  hand  to  the  plough,  was  not  the  woman  to 
remove  it  before  her  work  was  well  done. 

On  the  11th  day  of  the  8th  Moon,  she  summoned  Jung 
Lu  to  the  capital  to  assist  her  in  stamping  out  the  reform 
movement.  The  Board  of  Punishments  had  just  sent  in  a 
memorial  urging  the  appointment  of  an  Imperial  Commission 
for  the  trial  of  K’ang  Yu-wei’s  colleagues.  Tzu  Hsi,  in 
reply,  directed  them  to  act  in  consultation  with  the  Grand 
Council  and  to  cross-examine  the  prisoners  “ with  the 
utmost  severity.”  At  the  same  time  she  ordered  the 
imprisonment  in  the  Board’s  gaol  of  Chang  Yin-huan,1  the 

Chang  Yin-huan,  who  had  been  created  a Knight  Commander  of 

220 


i 


TZtj  HSI  RESUMES  THE  REGENCY  (1898) 

Emperor’s  trusted  adviser  and  friend  who,  she  observed, 
“bears  an  abominable  reputation.”  This  Edict  took 
occasion  to  state  that  the  Throne,  anxious  to  temper  justice 
with  mercy,  would  refrain  from  any  general  proscription  or 
campaign  of  revenge,  “ although  fully  aware  that  many 
prominent  scholars  and  officials  had  allowed  themselves  to 
be  corrupted  by  the  reformers.” 

The  Empress’s  next  step,  advised  by  Jung  Lu,  was  to 
issue  a Decree,  in  the  name  of  the  Emperor,  in  which  she 
justified  the  policy  of  reaction  and  reassured  the  Conservative 
party.  The  document  is  an  excellent  example  of  her 
methods.  While  the  Emperor  is  made  to  appear  as 
convinced  of  the  error  of  his  ways,  all  blame  for  the 
“ feelings  of  apprehension  ” created  by  the  reform  movement 
is  relegated  to  “ our  officials’  failure  to  give  effect  to  our 
orders  in  the  proper  way,”  so  that  everybody’s  “ face  ” is 
saved.  The  following  abridged  translation  is  of  permanent 
interest,  for  the  same  arguments  are  in  use  to-day  and  will 
undoubtedly  be  required  hereafter,  when  the  Manchus  come 
to  deal  with  the  impending  problems  of  Constitutional 
Government : — 

“ The  original  object  of  the  Throne  in  introducing 
reforms  in  the  adminstration  of  the  government  was  to 
increase  the  strength  of  our  Empire  and  to  ameliorate  the 
condition  of  our  subjects.  It  was  no  sudden  whim  for 
change,  nor  any  contempt  for  tradition  that  actuated  us  ; 
surely  our  subjects  must  recognise  that  our  action  was  fully 

St.  Michael  and  St.  George  in  connection  with  Queen  Victoria’s  Jubilee 
celebration,  was  subsequently  put  to  death,  after  banishment  to  Turkestan. 
An  order  given  by  Prince  Tuan  at  the  commencement  of  the  Boxer  crisis 
was  the  immediate  cause  of  his  execution. 

Another  reformer  named  Hsu  Chih-ching  was  condemned  to  imprison- 
ment for  life  in  the  Board  of  Punishments  under  this  same  Decree  ; he  was 
released  by  the  Allies  in  August  1900,  when  he  proceeded  at  once  to  T’ai- 
Yuan  fu,  and  handed  himself  over  to  justice,  disdaining  to  accept  his  release 
at  the  hands  of  foreigners.  This  incident  is  typical  of  the  Chinese  officials’ 
attitude  of  mind  and  of  their  reverence  for  the  Decrees  of  the  head  of  the 
State. 


221 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


justifiable  and  indeed  inevitable.  Nevertheless,  we  cannot 
shut  our  eyes  to  the  fact  that  feelings  of  apprehension  have 
been  aroused,  entirely  due  to  the  failure  of  our  officials 
to  give  effect  to  our  orders  in  the  proper  way,  and  that  this 
again  has  led  to  the  dissemination  of  wild  rumours  and 
wrong  ideas  amongst  the  ignorant  masses  of  the  people. 
For  instance,  when  we  abolished  six  superfluous  government 
boards,  we  did  so  in  the  public  interest,  but  the  immediate 
result  has  been  that  we  have  been  plagued  with  Memorials 
suggesting  that  we  should  destroy  and  reconstruct  the 
whole  system  of  administration.  It  is  evident  that,  unless 
we  explain  our  policy  as  a whole,  great  danger  may  arise 
from  the  spread  of  such  ideas,  and  to  prevent  any  such 
result  we  now  command  that  the  six  metropolitan 
departments  which  we  previously  abolished  be  re-established 
exactly  as  before.  Again,  our  original  intention  in 
authorising  the  establishment  of  official  newspapers,  and 
allowing  all  and  sundry  of  our  subjects  to  address  us,  was 
to  encourage  the  spread  of  knowledge  and  to  improve  our 
own  sources  of  intelligence.  Unfortunately,  however,  the 
right  of  addressing  the  Throne  has  been  greatly  abused, 
and  the  suggestions  which  have  reached  us  in  this  way 
have  not  only  been  trivial  and  useless  on  many  occasions, 
but  have  recently  shown  a tendency  towards  revolutionary 
propaganda.  For  this  reason  the  right  to  memorialise  the 
Throne  will  in  future  be  strictly  reserved  in  accordance 
with  the  established  and  ancient  custom.  As  for  official 
newspapers,  we  have  come  to  the  conclusion  that  they 
are  quite  useless  for  any  purposes  of  the  government,  and 
that  they  only  lead  to  popular  discontent ; they  are 
therefore  abolished  from  this  day  forth.  The  proper 
training  grounds  for  national  industry  and  talent  are 
Colleges,  and  these  are  to  go  on  as  before,  it  being  the 
business  of  the  local  officials,  acting  upon  public  opinion 
in  their  respective  districts,  to  continue  the  improvement 
of  education  on  the  lines  laid  down  ; but  there  is  to  be  no 
conversion  of  temples  and  shrines  into  schools,  as  was 
previously  ordered,  because  this  might  lead  to  strong 
objection  on  the  part  of  the  people.  Generally  speaking, 
there  shall  be  no  measures  taken  contrary  to  the  established 


222 


TZtJ  HSI  RESUMES  THE  REGENCY  (1898) 

order  of  things  throughout  the  Empire.  The  times  are 
critical,  and  it  behoves  us,  therefore,  to  follow  in 
government  matters  the  happy  mean  and  to  avoid  all 
extreme  measures  and  abuses.  It  is  our  duty,  without 
prejudice,  to  steer  a middle  course,  and  it  is  for  you,  our 
officials,  to  aim  at  permanence  and  stability  of  administration 
in  every  branch  of  the  government.’’ 

Jung  Lu  was  now  raised  to  membership  of  the  Grand 
Council,  and  given  supreme  command  of  the  northern  forces 
and  control  of  the  Board  of  War ; he  thus  became  the 
most  powerful  official  in  the  Empire,  holding  a position  for 
which  no  precedent  existed  in  the  annals  of  the  Manchu 
Dynasty.  He  had  once  more  proved  loyal  to  the  Empress 
and  faithful  to  the  woman  whom  he  had  served  since  the 
days  of  the  flight  to  Jehol ; and  he  had  his  reward.  It  was 
natural,  if  not  inevitable,  that  the  part  played  by  Jung  Lu  in 
the  crisis  of  the  coup  d'ttat  should  expose  him  to  severe 
criticism,  especially  abroad  ; but,  from  the  Chinese  official’s 
point  of  view,  his  action  in  supporting  the  Empress  Dowager 
against  her  nephew,  the  Emperor,  was  nothing  more  than  his 
duty,  and  as  a statesman  he  showed  himself  consistently 
moderate,  sensible,  and  reliable.  The  denunciations  sub- 
sequently poured  upon  him  by  the  native  and  foreign  Press 
at  the  time  of  the  Boxer  rising  were  the  result,  partly  of 
the  unrefuted  falsehoods  disseminated  by  K’ang  Yu-wei  and 
his  followers,  and  partly  of  the  Legations’  prejudice  (thence 
arising)  and  lack  of  accurate  information.  As  will  hereafter 
be  shown,  all  his  efforts  were  directed  towards  stemming 
the  tide  of  that  fanatical  outbreak  and  restraining  his 
Imperial  mistress  from  acts  of  folly.  Amidst  the  cowardice, 
ignorance  and  cruelty  of  the  Manchu  Clansmen  his  fore- 
sight and  courage  stand  out  steadily  in  welcome  relief ; the 
only  servant  of  the  Throne  during  Tzu  Hsi’s  long  rule  w ho 
approaches  him  in  administrative  ability  and  disinterested 
patriotism  is  Tseng  Kuo-fan  (of  whose  career  a brief  account 
has  already  been  given).  From  this  time  forward  until  his 


228 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


death  (1903)  we  find  him  ever  at  Tzu  Hsi’s  right  hand,  her 
most  trusted  and  efficient  adviser ; and  her  choice  was  well 
made.  As  will  be  seen  in  a later  chapter,  there  was  a time 
in  1900,  when  the  Old  Buddha,  distraught  by  the  tumult  and 
the  shouting,  misled  by  her  own  hopes,  her  superstitious 
beliefs  and  the  clamorous  advice  of  her  kinsfolk,  allowed 
Prince  Tuan  and  his  fellow  fanatics  to  undermine  for  a little 
while  Jung  Lu’s  influence.  Nevertheless  (as  will  be  seen  by 
the  diary  of  Ching  Shan)  it  was  to  him  that  she  always 
turned,  in  the  last  resort,  for  counsel  and  comfort ; it  was  on 
him  that  she  leaned  in  the  dark  hour  of  final  defeat, — and  he 
never  failed  her.  She  lived  to  realise  that  the  advice  which 
he  gave,  and  which  she  sometimes  neglected,  was  invariably 
sound.  Amidst  all  the  uncertainties  of  recent  Chinese  history 
this  much  is  certain,  that  the  memory  of  Jung  Lu  deserves  a 
far  higher  place  in  the  esteem  of  his  countrymen  and  of 
foreigners  than  it  has  hitherto  received.  Unaware  himself  of 
many  of  the  calumnies  that  had  been  circulated  about  him  at 
the  time  of  the  Court’s  flight,  he  was  greatly  hurt,  and  his 
sense  of  justice  outraged,  by  the  cold  reception  given  him  by 
the  Legations  after  the  Court’s  return  to  Peking.  Thereafter, 
until  his  death,  he  was  wont  to  say  to  his  intimate  friends  that 
while  he  would  never  regret  the  stand  he  had  taken  against 
the  Boxers,  he  could  not  understand  or  forgive  the  hostility 
and  ingratitude  shown  him  by  foreigners.  “ It  was  not  for 
love  towards  them,”  he  observed,  on  one  occasion  recorded, 
“ that  he  had  acted  as  he  did,  but  only  because  of  his  devotion 
to  the  Empress  Dowager  and  the  Manchu  Dynasty ; never- 
theless, since  his  action  had  coincided  with  the  interests  of 
the  foreigner,  he  was  entitled  to  some  credit  for  it.” 

The  Empress  Dowager  consulted  long  and  earnestly  with 
Jung  Lu  as  to  the  punishment  to  be  inflicted  upon  the 
reformers.  He  advocated  strong  measures  of  repression, 
holding  that  the  prestige  of  the  Manchu  Dynasty  was 
involved.  The  six  prisoners  were  examined  by  the  Board  of 
Punishments,  and  Jung  Lu  closely  questioned  them  as  to 

224 


TZU  HSI  RESUMES  THE  REGENCY  (1898) 

Kang  Yu-wei’s  intentions  in  regard  to  the  Empress 
Dowager.  Documents  found  in  Kang’s  house  had  revealed 
every  detail  of  the  plot,  and  upon  the  Grand  Council 
recommended  the  execution  of  all  the  prisoners.  There 
being  no  doubt  that  they  had  been  guilty  of  high  treason 
against  Her  Majesty,  it  seemed  clearly  inadvisable  to 
prolong  the  trial,  especially  as  there  was  undoubtedly  a 
risk  of  widening  the  breach  between  Manchus  and  Chinese 
by  any  delay  in  the  proceedings,  at  a time  when  party  spirit 
was  running  high  on  both  sides.  The  Old  Buddha 
concurred  in  the  decision  of  the  Grand  Council,  desiring  to 
terminate  the  crisis  as  soon  as  possible ; accordingly,  on  the 
13th  day  of  the  Moon,  the  reformers  were  executed.  They 
met  their  death  bravely,  their  execution  outside  the  city 
being  witnessed  by  an  immense  crowd.  It  was  reported 
that  amongst  the  papers  of  Yang  Jui  were  found  certain 
highly  compromising  letters  addressed  to  him  by  the 
Emperor  himself,  in  which  the  Empress  Dowager  was 
bitterly  denounced.  There  was  also  a Memorial  by  Yang 
impeaching  Her  Majesty  for  gross  immorality  and  illicit 
relations  with  several  persons  in  high  positions,  one  of  whom 
was  Jung  Lu  ; this  document  had  been  annotated  in  red  ink 
by  the  Emperor  himself.  It  quoted  songs  and  ballads 
current  in  the  city  of  Canton,  referring  to  Her  Majesty’s 
alleged  vicious  practices,  and  warned  the  Emperor  that,  if 
the  Manchu  dynasty  should  come  now  to  its  end,  the  fault 
would  lie  as  much  with  Tzu  Hsi  and  her  evil  deeds  as  was 
the  case  when  the  Shang  dynasty  (of  the  12th  Century  b.c.) 
fell  by  reason  of  the  Emperor  Chou  Hsin’s  infatuation  for 
his  concubine  Ta  Chi,  whose  orgies  are  recorded  in  history. 
Yang  Jui  had  compared  the  Empress  Dowager’s  life  at  the 
Summer  Palace  with  the  enormities  committed  by  this 
infamous  concubine  in  her  palace  by  the  “ Lake  of  Wine  ” ; 
small  wonder  then,  said  Tzu  Hsi’s  advocates  in  defence  of 
drastic  measures,  that,  having  seen  for  herself,  in  the 
Emperor’s  own  handwriting,  that  these  treasonable 

225  q 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


utterances  met  with  his  favour  and  support,  Her  Majesty 
was  vindictively  inclined  and  determined  to  put  an  end, 
once  and  for  all,  to  his  relations  with  the  Reform  party. 

The  edict  which  ordered  the  execution  of  the  Reform 
leaders  was  drafted  by  the  Empress  Dowager  herself  with 
the  aid  of  Jung  Lu,  but  with  cynical  irony  it  was  issued  in 
the  name  of  the  Emperor.  It  was  written  in  red  ink  as  an 
indication  of  its  special  importance,  a formality  usually 
reserved  for  decrees  given  by  the  Sovereign  under  his 
own  hand.  After  laying  stress  upon  the  necessity  for 
introducing  reforms  in  the  country’s  administration,  and  on 
the  anxiety  felt  by  the  Throne  in  regard  to  the  increasing 
difficulties  of  government,  this  Decree  proceeded  to  state 
that  K’ang  Yu-wei  and  his  followers,  taking  advantage 
of  the  necessities  of  the  moment,  had  entered  into  a 
rebellious  conspiracy,  aiming  at  the  overthrow  of  the  Throne 
itself ; fortunately,  their  treacherous  intentions  had  been 
disclosed,  and  the  whole  plot  revealed.  The  Decree 
continued  as  followed  : — 

“We  are  further  informed  that,  greatly  daring,  these 
traitors  have  organised  a secret  Society,  the  objects  of  which 
are  to  overthrow  the  Manchu  dynasty  for  the  benefit  of  the 
Chinese.  Following  the  precepts  of  the  Sages,  We,  the 
Emperor,  are  in  duty  bound  to  propagate  filial  piety  as 
the  foremost  of  all  virtues,  and  have  always  done  so,  as  our 
subjects  must  be  fully  aware.  But  the  writings  of  K’ang 
Yu-wei  were,  in  their  tendency,  depraved  and  immoral ; 
they  contain  nothing  but  abominable  doctrines  intended  to 
flout  and  destroy  the  doctrines  of  the  Sages.  Originally 
impressed  by  his  knowledge  of  contemporary  politics,  we 
appointed  him  to  be  a Secretary  of  the  Tsungli  Yamen,  and 
subsequently  gave  him  charge  of  the  establishment  of  the 
proposed  official  newspaper  at  Shanghai ; but  instead  of 
going  to  his  post,  he  remained  for  the  purposes  of  his  evil 
conspiracies  at  Peking.  Had  it  not  been  that,  by  the 
protecting  influences  of  our  ancestors,  his  plot  was  revealed, 
appalling  disasters  must  undoubtedly  have  followed.  K’ang 

226 


TZU  HSI  RESUMES  THE  REGENCY  (1898) 

himself,  the  moving  spirit  in  this  conspiracy,  has  fled  from 
justice,  and  we  rely  upon  the  proper  authorities  to  see  to  it 
that  he  be  arrested,  and  that  capital  punishment  be  inflicted 
upon  him.” 

The  Decree  then  proceeded  to  award  the  death  penalty  to 
K’ang  Yu-wei’s  colleague,  Liang  Ch’i-ch’ao,  a scholar  of  the 
highest  repute,  who  subsequently  found  a refuge  in  Japan, 
and  there  edits  a newspaper  of  high  and  well-deserved 
reputation.  Next  in  order  of  importance  were  the  three 
Secretaries  of  the  Grand  Council,  who  were  awaiting  the 
result  of  their  trial  in  the  Board  of  Punishments.  The  Edict 
added  that  any  delay  in  their  execution  might,  in  the 
opinion  of  the  Grand  Council,  lead  to  a revolutionary 
movement,  and  for  this  reason  further  formalities  of  justice 
in  regard  to  all  six  prisoners  were  dispensed  with,  and  their 
summary  decapitation  ordered. 

After  disposing  of  K’ang  Yu-wei’s  followers  and  accom- 
plices, the  Decree  once  more  emphasises  the  heinous  guilt  of 
their  leader : — 

“Our  dynasty.”  it  says,  “rules  in  accordance  with  the  teach- 
ings of  Confucius.  Such  treason  as  that  of  K’ang  Yu-wei  is 
abhorred  by  gods  and  men  alike.  Surely  the  elemental 
forces  of  nature  must  refuse  to  protect  such  a man,1  surely 
all  humanity  must  unite  in  the  extermination  of  such 
noisome  creatures.  As  to  those  of  his  followers  who,  for  the 
most  part,  were  led  away  by  his  immoral  doctrines,  their 
number  is  legion,  and  the  Throne  has  taken  note  of  their 
names,  but  the  Imperial  clemency  is  all-abounding,  and  we 
have  decided  to  go  no  further  with  our  enquiries  into  these 
treasonable  plottings.  Let  all  concerned  now  take  warning 
by  Kang’s  example.  Let  them  conscientiously  follow  the 
doctrines  of  the  Sages,  and  turn  their  hearts  to  wisdom  in 
devotion  to  the  Throne.” 

1 On  the  occasion  of  her  seventieth  birthday  (1904),  the  Empress  Dowager 
promulgated  a general  amnesty  for  all  those  who  had  taken  part  in  the 
Reform  Movement  of  1898,  excepting  only  the  leaders  K’ang  Yu-wei  and 
Liang  Ch’i-ch’ao,  who  were  expressly  excluded  from  grace,  and  Dr.  Sun 
Yat-sen,  who  was  a fugitive  from  justice  on  other  counts. 

227  Q 2 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


Despite  the  Throne’s  “ all  abounding  clemency  ” and  Tzu 
Hsi’s  declared  intention  to  take  no  steps  beyond  the  execu- 
tion of  the  six  reform  leaders,  her  “ divine  wrath  ” continued 
to  be  stirred  up  by  the  recollection  of  the  personal  attacks  that 
had  been  made  against  her.  Following  immediately  upon 
the  Decree  above  quoted,  came  another  whereby  Chang 
Yin-huan  was  sentenced  to  banishment  to  the  New  Domin- 
ion on  a vague  charge  of  the  usual  classical  type.  His  real 
offence  lay  in  that  he  had  denounced  the  Empress  Dowager 
for  extravagance,  and  she  was  the  more  embittered  against 
him  because  the  British  Minister  had  presumed  to  intervene 
with  a plea  for  his  life. 

In  another  Decree  the  proposed  visit  to  Tientsin  was 
cancelled,  at  the  earnest  request  of  Jung  Lu,  who  dreaded 
the  possibility  of  an  attempt  on  the  life  of  the  Empress 
Dowager.  Her  feminine  curiosity  had  been  stirred  by  the 
prospect  of  a visit  to  the  Treaty  port  and  a change  from  the 
seclusion  of  Peking,  but  she  yielded  to  the  advice  of  the 
Commander-in-Chief.  At  the  same  time  military  reorgani- 
sation was  pressed  forward  with  the  greatest  energy,  and  the 
occasion  was  taken  to  bestow  largesse  on  the  Chihli  troops. 

Upon  Jung  Lu  coming  to  Peking  Yu  Lu  was  appointed 
to  succeed  him  as  Viceroy  of  Chihli.  This  bigoted  official 
enjoyed  in  a large  measure  the  confidence  of  the  Empress 
Dowager.  Unusually  ignorant,  even  for  a Manchu,  and 
totally  devoid  of  ability,  he  was  subsequently  responsible  for 
the  growth  of  the  Boxer  movement  in  and  around  Tientsin. 
At  this  particular  crisis,  however,  distrust  of  the  Chinese  was 
rife,  and  the  Old  Buddha  felt  that  the  presence  of  a Manchu 
Viceroy  to  control  the  Metropolitan  Province  was  necessary 
to  prevent  any  organised  movement  by  the  revolutionaries. 

There  now  remained  unpunished  in  Peking  only  one  high 
official  who  had  been  in  any  way  publicly  associated  with 
the  reformers,  i.e.,  Li  Tuan-fen,  President  of  the  Board  of 
Ceremonies.  After  waiting  a few  days  and  finding  that  his 
case  was  not  referred  to  in  any  of  the  Edicts,  he  applied  in  a 

228 


TZU  HSI  RESUMES  THE  REGENCY  (1898) 

Memorial  to  the  Throne  that  the  offence  which  he  had 
committed  (in  recommending  K’ang  Yu-wei  and  other 
reformers  for  government  employment)  should  be  suitably 
punished.  The  Memorial  is  in  itself  a most  interesting 
document,  as  it  throws  light  on  several  characteristic  features 
of  the  internal  economy  of  the  Chinese  Government.  The 
writer,  after  admitting  his  guilt,  and  expressing  astonishment 
that  it  has  not  been  brought  home  to  him,  placed  on  record 
his  gratitude  for  the  clemency  thus  far  exercised,  and  asked 
that,  as  his  conscience  gave  him  no  peace,  Her  Majesty 
might  be  pleased  to  determine  the  penalty  for  his  guilt,  “ to 
serve  as  a warning  to  all  officials  who  may  be  led  to  recom- 
mend evil  characters  to  the  notice  of  the  Throne.”  Tzu 
Hsi’s  reply  was  equally  interesting,  and  was  issued,  as  usual, 
in  the  name  of  the  Emperor  : — 

“ We  have  read  the  Memorial  of  Li  Tuan-fen.  This 
official  has  enjoyed  our  special  favour ; nevertheless,  it  was 
he  who  recommended  to  our  notice  that  base  traitor,  Kang 
Yu-wei,  and  he  repeated  his  recommendations  at  more  than 
one  subsequent  audience.  His  present  action  in  admitting  his 
guilt  after  the  conspiracy  has  been  exposed  indicates  a certain 
amount  of  low  cunning  on  his  part,  which  makes  it  quite 
impossible  for  us  to  treat  him  with  further  leniency.  He  is 
therefore  to  be  cashiered  forthwith  and  banished  to  the  New 
Dominion,  where  he  will  be  kept  under  close  observation  by 
the  local  authorities.”  1 

The  whole  episode  and  correspondence  are  strongly 
suggestive  of  the  sport  of  a cat  with  a mouse. 

By  this  time  the  violent  measures  of  the  reactionary  party 
had  aroused  a storm  of  indignation  in  the  South,  where 
societies  were  being  organised  in  support  of  His  Majesty 
Kuanghsii.  Newspapers  published  in  the  foreign  settlements 
at  Shanghai  repeated  daily  the  wildest  and  bitterest  denun- 
ciations against  Her  Majesty  and  Jung  Lu,  the  latter  being 

1 Li  Tuan-fen  returned  from  exile  in  Turkestan  under  the  amnesty 
of  1904. 


229 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


specially  singled  out  for  attack.  The  writers  of  these  articles, 
evidently  inspired  by  the  fugitive  reform  leaders,  declared 
that  the  movement  in  Peking  was  essentially  anti-Chinese, 
and  that  it  would  undoubtedly  end  in  the  appointment  of 
Manchus  to  all  important  posts  in  the  Empire.  On  the  other 
hand,  anti-foreign  disturbances  were  fomented  in  several 
provinces  by  those  who  believed  that  the  Empress  Dowager 
would  be  gratified  by  these  manifestations  of  public  feeling. 
This  state  of  affairs  was  undoubtedly  fraught  with  serious 
danger,  to  which  the  attention  of  the  Empress  Dowager  was 
drawn  in  a very  plain-spoken  Memorial  by  a Censor  and 
Imperial  Clansman  named  Hui  Chang. 

The  memorialist  congratulated  the  Throne  upon  the 
energetic  and  successful  suppression  of  K’ang  Yu-wei’s 
treason,  an  achievement  which  would  redound  for  ever  to 
the  fame  of  the  Old  Buddha.  He  then  referred  to  the 
position  of  affairs  in  South  China  as  follows  : — 

“ Of  late  many  rumours  have  been  in  circulation,  due  to 
the  fact  that  the  criminals  executed  by  order  of  the  Throne 
are  all  Chinese,  and  your  Majesties  are  therefore  accused  of 
desiring  to  promote  the  interests  of  Manchus  at  the  expense 
of  your  Chinese  subjects.  Although  it  should  be  well  known 
and  recognised  that  our  dynasty  has  never  held  the  balance 
unevenly  between  Manchus  and  Chinese,  yet  the  followers  of 
K’ang  Yu-wei  are  undoubtedly  taking  advantage  of  these 
rumours,  and  the  result  threatens  the  State  with  danger.” 

The  writer,  after  referring  to  the  general  futility  of  Edicts, 
then  advised  that  special  honours  should  be  accorded  to  a few 
selected  Chinese  of  undoubted  loyalty  and  orthodoxy,  by 
which  means  public  opinion  would  be  reassured.  He  justly 
observed  that,  if  those  who  had  been  guilty  of  high  treason 
had  been  made  to  suffer  the  penalty,  those  who  had  been 
consistently  loyal  should  be  suitably  rewarded.  He  advised 
that  all  those  who,  during  the  past  few  months,  had  sent  in 
Memorials  denouncing  the  reform  movement  and  rebuking 

230 


TZU  HSI  RESUMES  THE  REGENCY  (1898) 

the  corrupt  tendencies  of  the  so-called  new  scholarship, 
should  be  advanced  in  the  public  service.  Finally,  he  made 
the  significant  observation,  that  loyalty  and  patriotism  when 
displayed  by  Chinese  subjects  are  of  greater  value  to  the 
integrity  of  the  Empire  than  these  virtues  when  displayed  by 
Manchus,  an  indication  of  statecraft  likely  to  appeal  to  the 
acute  intelligence  of  the  Old  Buddha.  The  Empress 
Dowager’s  reply,  while  ostensibly  in  the  nature  of  a rebuke, 
was  marked  by  unusual  evasiveness  on  the  subject  actually 
at  issue.  She  laid  stress  only  on  the  strict  impartiality  of 
the  Throne’s  decision,  professing  to  be  animated  by  feelings 
of  abstract  justice,  and  to  be  free  from  all  manner  of  prejudice, 
whether  against  Manchus  or  Chinese.  The  Memorialist  was, 
however,  shortly  afterwards  promoted,  and  as  a proof  of  her 
impartiality,  the  Empress  Dowager  proceeded,  on  the  same 
day,  to  dismiss  half-a-dozen  high  officials,  one  of  whom  was 
a Manchu;  and  on  the  ground  that  Jung  Lu  himself  had 
recommended  one  of  the  reformers  for  employment,  she 
ordered  that  he  too  be  referred  to  the  Board  of  Civil 
Appointments  for  the  determination  of  a suitable  penalty. 
This  was  merely  “ saving  face.” 

Stirred,  as  usual,  to  activity  by  anything  in  the  nature  of 
criticism,  Her  Majesty  now  issued  Decrees  in  rapid  suc- 
cession. One  of  these  declared  the  necessity  for  adequate 
protection  of  foreigners  in  the  interior  and  for  the  Legations 
in  Feking ; another  took  the  form  of  a homily  to  the 
Provincial  Authorities  in  regard  to  the  selection  of  subordin- 
ate officials.  A third  called  for  advice  from  the  Provincial 
Viceroys  and  Governors,  but  they  were  told,  at  the  same 
time,  to  avoid  criticising  on  party  grounds  because  “the 
Throne  was  fully  aware  of  the  motives  which  usually  inspire 
such  attacks.  ” 

Subsequently,  the  Empress  Dowager  took  occasion  in  a 
homily  on  the  whole  art  of  government,  to  place  on  record  a 
defence  of  her  policy  as  head  of  the  Manchus  in  China 
The  following  extract  from  this  Decree  is  worth  quoting : — 

231 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


“ The  test  of  good  government  has  always  been  the 
absence  of  rebellion  ; a State  which  takes  adequate  measures 
for  self-defence  can  never  be  in  serious  danger.  By  the 
accumulated  wisdom  of  six  successive  Sovereigns,  our 
dynasty  has  succeeded  in  establishing  a system  of  govern- 
ment, based  on  absolute  justice  and  benevolence,  which 
approaches  very  nearly  to  perfection.  It  has  been  our 
pleasure  to  grant  immediate  relief  in  times  of  flood  and 
famine.  When  rivers  burst  their  banks,  our  first  thought 
has  ever  been  the  safety  of  our  people.  Never  have  we 
resorted  to  conscription,  or  to  the  levying  of  corvees.  We 
have  always  excluded  Chinese  women  from  service  as 
subordinates  in  the  Palace.  Surely  such  evidences  of 
benevolent  solicitude  merit  the  hearty  co-operation  of  all  our 
subjects,  and  entitle  us  to  expect  that  all  our  people,  high 
and  low,  should  peacefully  pursue  their  business  in  life,  so 
that  all  men,  even  the  humblest  labourers,  may  enjoy  the 
blessings  of  peace.  Is  it  any  wonder  then,  that  our  soul  is 
vexed  when  abominable  treachery  and  the  preaching  of 
rebellion  have  been  permitted  to  exist  and  to  be  spread 
broad-cast ; when  high  officials,  lacking  all  proper  principles, 
have  dared  to  recommend  traitors  to  the  Throne,  in 
furtherance  of  their  own  evil  designs  ? When  we  think  of 
these  things,  our  righteous  indignation  almost  overwhelms 
us ; nevertheless,  we  have  granted  a general  amnesty,  and 
will  enquire  no  further  into  these  base  plottings.” 

The  Decree  concluded  with  the  usual  exhortation  to  the 
official  class,  and  an  appeal  for  the  exercise  of  ideal  virtue. 

Her  Majesty’s  next  step  was  to  reinstate  certain  leading 
reactionaries,  whom  the  Emperor  had  recently  dismissed, 
notably  Hsu  Ying-kuei,  who  had  denounced  the  reformer 
Wang  Chao.  The  Emperor’s  party  was  now  completely 
broken  up,  and  he  was  left  without  supporters  or  friends  in 
Peking.  The  Manchu  Treasurer  of  Kansuh  (Tseng  Ho) 
was  the  last  high  official  to  speak  in  favour  of  the  reform 
movement,  or  rather  of  one  of  its  chief  advocates,  and,  by 
so  doing,  to  bring  down  upon  him  the  wrath  of  the  Old 


232 


TZO  HSI  RESUMES  THE  REGENCY  (1898) 

Buddha.  The  Memorial  which  brought  about  his  summary 
dismissal  from  office,  never  again  to  be  re-employed,  referred 
in  terms  of  regret  to  the  disgrace  of  Weng  T’ung-ho,  the 
Emperor’s  tutor. 

Her  Majesty  next  turned  her  attention  to  the  provinces, 
and  administered  a severe  rebuke  to  Liu  K’un-yi,  who,  on 
grounds  of  ill-health,  had  asked  to  be  relieved  of  the 
Nanking  Viceroyalty.  Her  Majesty,  reminding  him  in  the 
classical  phraseology  of  the  high  favours  showered  upon  him 
by  the  Throne,  directed  him  to  abstain  from  frivolous 
excuses  and  to  continue  in  the  performance  of  his  duties, 
exercising  more  diligence  therein,  and  more  care  in  his 
selection  of  subordinate  officials. 

The  audacity  of  Weng  T’ung-ho  continued  to  rankle 
sorely  in  Her  Majesty’s  mind,  and  to  allow  him  to  continue 
to  live  in  honourable  retirement  in  his  native  place  without 
loss  of  rank  or  other  punishment  was  not  in  accordance 
with  her  ideas  of  fitness;  nor  was  it  likely  that  Jung  Lu, 
who  had  always  borne  a grudge  against  the  Imperial  tutor, 
would  do  anything  to  mitigate  her  wrath  against  him.  In  a 
Decree,  issued  in  the  name  of  the  Emperor,  she  once  more 
vented  her  spite  on  this  aged  and  inoffensive  scholar,  in 
a manner  highly  characteristic  of  her  temperament.  The 
Edict  is  sufficiently  interesting  to  justify  the  following 
quotation  : — 

“ When  Weng  T’ung-ho  acted  as  our  Imperial  tutor,  his 
method  of  instruction  left  much  to  be  desired ; he  never 
succeeded  in  explaining  the  inner  meaning  of  classical  or 
historical  subjects,  but  would  spend  his  time  endeavouring  to 
gain  our  favour  and  distract  our  attention  by  showing  us 
curios  and  pictures.  He  would  endeavour  also  to  ascertain 
our  views  on  current  events  and  matters  of  policy  by 
discussing  questions  of  general  contemporary  interest. 
During  the  war  with  Japan,  for  instance,  he  would  at  one 
time  profess  to  advocate  peace,  and  again  he  would  be 


238 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


all  for  war,  and  finally  he  even  advised  us  to  flee  from 
our  capital.  He  had  a habit  of  exaggerating  facts  in  order 
to  make  them  coincide  with  his  own  views,  and  the  result  of 
the  foolish  and  wrongful  performance  of  his  duties  is  now  to 
be  seen  in  a situation  almost  irreparable.  In  the  spring 
of  last  year  he  was  all  in  favour  of  reform,  and  secretly 
recommended  to  us  K’ang  Yu-wei  as  a man  whose  ability,  he 
said,  exceeded  his  own  one  hundred  fold.  We,  being 
anxious  above  all  things  to  strengthen  our  Empire  at  a time 
of  national  danger,  reluctantly  yielded  to  K’ang  Yu- wei’s 
advice  in  regard  to  reform.  He,  however,  took  advantage 
of  our  complaisance  to  plot  treason.  For  this  Weng 
T’ung-ho  is  primarily  to  blame,  and  his  guilt  is  too  great 
to  be  overlooked.  Besides  this,  he  has  incurred  our 
displeasure  in  several  other  ways ; for  instance,  he  would 
allow  himself  to  show  annoyance  if  we  disagreed  with  his 
recommendations,  and  would  even  attempt  to  browbeat  us. 
At  such  times  his  language  was  most  improper,  and  the 
recollection  of  his  bullying  propensities  remains  in  our  mind 
most  unpleasantly.  In  a previous  Decree  we  ordered  him 
to  vacate  his  post  and  return  to  his  native  place,  but  for 
his  many  offences  this  in  itself  is  no  adequate  punishment. 
We  now  order  that  he  be  cashiered,  never  again  to  be 
re-employed,  and  that  henceforth  he  be  held  under  close 
supervision  of  the  local  authorities  and  prohibited  from 
creating  trouble,  as  a warning  to  all  double-minded  officials 
for  the  future.” 1 

Weng  T’ung-ho  lived  in  his  family  home  (Chang  Shu  in 
Kiangsu)  until  June,  1904,  beloved  and  respected  by  all  who 
knew  him.  He  was  by  no  means  a nonentity  like  most 
of  the  aged  officials  near  the  Throne,  but  rather  a person  of 
considerable  force  of  character,  and  after  his  dismissal  lived 
always  in  the  hope  that  he  might  yet  return  to  serve  the 
Emperor  and  the  cause  of  reform  upon  the  death  of  the 
Old  Buddha.  Meanwhile,  he  became  a source  of  con- 

1 Weng  T’ung-ho  has  been  posthumously  restored  to  his  full  rank  and 
titles  by  a Decree  of  the  present  Regent.  Thus  is  the  Emperor  tardily 
justified  and  the  pale  ghosts  of  his  followers  continue  to  suffer,  even  in 
Hades,  the  chances  and  changes  of  Chinese  official  life ! 

234 


UTZU  IISI  RESUMES  THE  REGENCY  (1898) 

siderable  trouble  and  anxiety  to  the  District  Magistrate 
of  his  native  place,  as  he  made  it  his  practice  to  call  on  that 
official  three  times  a month,  and,  in  the  guise  of  a suppliant, 
to  address  him,  thus,  on  his  knees  : “You  have  orders  from 

the  Throne  secretly  to  keep  watch  over  my  conduct,  and  I 
therefore  now  attend,  as  in  duty  bound,  to  assist  you  in 
carrying  out  these  orders.”  As  the  Magistrate  could  never 
be  certain  that  the  once  all-powerful  Grand  Secretary  might 
not  return  to  power,  his  own  position  was  evidently  one  of 
considerable  embarrassment,  especially  as  the  Weng  family 
was  the  most  important  of  the  whole  neighbourhood. 
In  the  intervals  of  baiting  local  officials,  the  Grand  Secretary 
spent  his  time  in  scholarly  retirement,  and  a volume  of  the 
letters  written  by  him  at  this  period  has  since  been  published  ; 
they  show  the  man  in  a most  attractive  light,  as  a scholar 
and  a poet ; his  light  and  easy  style,  combined  with  a 
tendency  to  mysticism  and  philosophic  speculation,  has 
always  been  highly  appreciated  by  the  literati.  As  his 
fortune  had  not  been  taken  from  him,  his  old  age  was 
probably  happier  in  his  native  place  than  had  it  been 
exposed  to  the  intrigues  and  hard  work  of  official  life  at  the 
Capital ; and  he  died  in  the  enjoyment  of  a reputation  for 
patriotism  and  intelligence  which  extended  far  beyond 
his  native  province,  and  which,  since  his  death,  has  greatly 
increased. 

The  Empress  Dowager,  realising  that  the  loyalty  of  the 
literati  had  been  greatly  shaken  by  the  Emperor’s  abolition 
of  the  old  system  of  classical  studies  and  public  exam- 
inations, proceeded  to  reverse  His  Majesty’s  decision  in  a 
Decree  which  thoroughly  delighted  the  Conservative  Party. 
Scholars  throughout  the  country  praised  it  in  unmeasured 
terms,  as  a striking  example  of  the  Old  Buddha’s  acute 
reasoning  powers.  To  a certain  extent  it  may  be  admitted 
that  the  new  system  of  examinations  introduced  by  the 
Emperor  had  led,  at  the  outset,  to  abuses  which  wrere  absent 
under  the  old  classical  system,  where  the  anonymity  of 

235 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


candidates  was  a cardinal  principle.  Her  Majesty  dealt  with 
the  question  as  follows  : — 

“ The  ancient  system  whereby  our  Dynasty  has  selected 
the  scholars  at  public  examinations  by  means  of  essays  taken 
from  the  Four  Books,  is  based  on  the  principle  that  the 
foundation  of  all  education  lies  in  expounding  the  fundamen- 
tal doctrines  of  our  national  Sages  and  the  Standard  Com- 
mentaries on  the  Confucian  doctrine.  For  over  two 
centuries  this  system  has  worked  most  satisfactorily,  and  it 
is  only  quite  lately  that  certain  meretricious  tendencies  have 
sprung  up  in  connection  therewith,  and  that  candidates  at 
these  examinations  have  succeeded  in  obtaining  degrees  by 
the  use  of  parrot-like  repetitions  and  empty  catch-words. 
The  fault  has  been  wrongly  attributed  to  the  system ; it  is 
in  reality  due  to  incapable  examiners,  who  have  allowed  these 
abuses  to  creep  in.  Critics  have  failed  to  realise  the  truth 
in  this  matter,  and  have  allowed  themselves  to  abuse  the 
system,  going  as  far  as  to  assert  that  the  classical  subjects 
in  themselves  are  of  no  practical  value.  They  forget  that 
the  classical  essays  set  at  these  examinations  are  merely  a 
first  stage,  a test  for  entrance  upon  an  official  career,  and 
that,  if  the  candidate  is  really  a man  of  ability,  the  fact  that 
he  has  been  made  to  compose  verses  in  accordance  with  the 
time-honoured  methods  of  the  T’ang  and  Sung  dynasties  will 
never  prevent  him  from  making  his  way  in  the  world.  But 
should  he  be  a man  in  whom  there  exists  already  a tendency 
towards  rash  and  unorthodox  principles,  it  may  safely  be  said 
that  to  set  him  essays  on  subjects  of  contemporary  interest 
for  the  purposes  of  this  examination  would  only  serve  to 
aggravate  the  evil  and  further  to  demoralise  his  nature.  For 
these  reasons,  therefore,  I now  definitely  decree  that,  for  the 
future,  the  old  system  shall  be  restored,  and  that  public 
examinations  shall  henceforward  consist  of  themes  and 
extracts  from  the  Classics.  A special  examination  for 
students  of  political  economy,  lately  authorised,  has  been 
shown  to  be  productive  of  evil,  and  is  therefore  abolished. 
It  is  the  wish  of  the  Throne  that  these  public  examinations 
shall  be  in  reality  a sound  test  of  merit.  Examiners  and  can- 
didates alike  should  avoid  meretricious  adornments  of  style, 


236 


TZU  HSI  RESUMES  THE  REGENCY  (1898) 

and  endeavour  to  conform  strictly  to  the  classical  models. 
We  desire,  of  course,  that  studies  of  a practical  nature  should 
be  continued,  but  these  had  best  be  conducted  under  the 
guidance  of  local  officials.  It  is  certainly  desirable  that  agri- 
culture, and  the  promotion  of  industrial  and  commercial 
enterprises,  should  be  placed  on  a more  effective  basis  of 
organisation,  but  owing  to  difficulties  of  inter-communication 
and  voluminous  correspondence,  it  is  inadvisable  that  these 
matters  should  be  centralised  at  Peking.  Let  Bureaux  be 
established  at  the  various  provincial  capitals,  and  let  a begin- 
ning be  made  at  Tientsin,  as  a test  case  and  an  example  for 
the  rest  of  the  Empire.  The  Peking  Bureau  is  hereby 
abolished.” 

Souvent  femme  varie,  and  the  mind  of  Tzu  Hsi  never  ran 
consistently  for  long  in  the  same  groove.  Anxious  always 
as  to  her  popularity  with  all  parties  in  the  State,  and 
with  a view  to  adjusting  that  nice  equilibrium  of  conflicting 
forces  which  constituted  the  pride  of  her  statecraft  and  the 
strength  of  her  rule,  we  find  her  next  issuing  a Decree  which 
set  forth  the  principles  by  which  she  professed  to  be  guided. 
This  Decree  reflects  a certain  amount  of  anxiety  and  a doubt 
as  to  whether  the  punishment  inflicted  on  the  leading 
reformers  might  not  be  severely  criticised  by  the  outside 
world.  Her  Majesty  therefore  decrees  : — 

“From  times  of  remote  antiquity  it  has  always  been 
recognised  that  the  perfect  Government  is  that  which  is 
based  on  consistent  maintenance  of  the  doctrines  of  the 
Sages,  but,  in  practice,  the  exigencies  of  any  particular  crisis 
must  always  justify  modification  of  these  principles,  so  that 
there  can  be  no  such  thing  as  final  and  absolute  adherence  to 
any  particular  principle  or  method.  Recently  there  have 
been  introduced  certain  energetic  measures  of  reform 
intended  to  put  an  end  to  the  many  and  increasing  abuses 
which  admittedly  exist  all  over  the  Empire ; but  certain 
evil-disposed  persons  have  made  these  reforms  the  excuse  for 
a revolutionary  movement.  These  we  have  punished,  so 
that  the  flood  of  treason  and  rebellion  has  been  stemmed. 


237 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


This  does  not  mean,  however,  that  we  shall  fail  to  initiate 
and  enforce  all  such  measures,  whether  of  a liberal  or 
conservative  nature,  as  may  be  necessary  in  the  interest  and 
for  the  welfare  of  our  subjects.  Was  ever  any  man  deterred 
from  eating  for  fear  lest  a mouthful  should  choke  him  ? 
There  can  surely  be  no  real  misapprehension  in  the  public 
mind  in  the  face  of  all  the  Decrees  which  we  have  issued  on 
this  subject,  but  we  regret  to  note  a marked  lack  of  coherent 
opinion  on  the  subject  amongst  our  official  advisers,  for, 
at  the  time  when  these  treasonable  schemes  were  rife,  we 
received  scarcely  any  Memorials  alluding  to  this  national 
danger,  and  no  suggestions  for  meeting  it.  It  was  only 
when  the  plot  had  been  discovered  and  suppressed  that 
certain  attempts  were  made  to  acquire  merit  by  those  who 
thought  they  had  fathomed  the  motives  which  had  actuated 
our  action.  These  misguided  persons  overlooked  the 
important  fact  that  it  is  the  public  interest,  and  the 
public  interest  only,  which  guides  the  policy  of  the  Throne 
in  matters  of  administration.  The  path  we  pursue  is  that 
of  the  just  mean,  diverging  neither  to  right  nor  left.  Once 
more  would  we  admonish  you,  our  officials  throughout 
the  Empire,  bidding  you  purify  your  hearts  and  get  rid, 
once  and  for  all,  of  these  false  distinctions  between  reaction 
and  reform.  Let  your  Memorials  consider  only  the  needs  of 
each  day  and  each  case  as  they  come,  and  cease  to  submit 
haphazard  schemes  on  the  chance  of  their  meeting  with  our 
personal  approval.” 

Her  Majesty  next  turned  her  attention  to  the  necessities 
and  distressing  condition  of  her  people  at  large,  and  ordered 
that  measures  should  once  more  be  taken  to  prevent  the 
constant  destruction  of  life  and  property  by  the  Yellow 
River  in  Shantung  Province.  She  was  under  no  delusion  as 
to  the  nature  of  the  measures  taken  in  the  part  to  remedy 
“ China’s  Sorrow  ” which,  from  time  immemorial  has  been 
the  happy  hunting  ground  of  peculating  officialdom  ; nor 
could  she  expect  that  her  stereotyped  exhortations  to  virtue 
in  this  matter  would  afford  her  subjects  any  particular 
gratification.  Her  Majesty  alluded  to  the  fact  that 

238 


TZU  HSI  RESUMES  THE  REGENCY  (1898) 

“ frequent  repairs  to  the  banks  of  the  Yellow  River  had  not 
appeared  to  produce  any  permanent  results,”  hut  the  remedy 
which  she  applied,  viz.,  a consultation  between  the  Grand 
Council  and  the  various  Ministries  with  the  Censorate,  was 
not  very  reassuring.  Nor  was  her  subsequent  decision  to 
send  Li  Hung-chang,  to  estimate  on  the  spot  the  sum 
required  for  the  construction  of  effective  river  conservancy 
works,  calculated  to  convince  the  public  of  the  sincerity  of 
her  benevolent  intentions. 

As  in  the  days  immediately  following  her  first  assumption 
of  power  after  the  overthrow  of  the  Tsai  Yuan  conspiracy  in 
1861,  the  Empress  Dowager  at  this  period  displayed 
remarkable  activity  in  every  direction,  as  is  shown  by  the 
number  of  her  Decrees  at  this  period.  After  dealing  with 
the  Yellow  River,  she  turned  her  attention  to  another 
permanent  and  crying  evil,  which  for  centuries  has  weighed 
heavily  upon  the  lower  classes  of  the  Chinese  people,  viz.,  the 
interminable  delay  and  heavy  cost  of  legal  proceedings  and 
the  hardships  thus  inflicted  on  all  who  may  be  compelled  to 
seek  justice  at  the  hands  of  Chinese  officials. 

Her  Majesty,  in  her  Edict  on  the  subject,  showed  a very 
close  knowledge  of  the  abuses  with  which,  indeed,  all 
Chinese  are  fully  acquainted,  but  which  official  documents 
usually  ignore.  It  is  no  doubt  largely  to  her  frankness  in 
cases  of  this  kind  that  the  Old  Buddha’s  widespread  reputa- 
tion for  good  nature  and  tender-heartedness  may  be  ascribed. 
Throughout  the  country,  but  especially  in  the  north,  it  has 
always  been  the  opinion  of  the  peasantry  and  of  the 
merchant  class,  that  the  Old  Buddha  was,  if  anything,  too 
tender-hearted,  and  that  her  extreme  mildness  of  disposition, 
though  no  doubt  laudable,  was  on  many  occasions  a source 
of  danger.  To  her  untimely  “ benevolence  ” the  populace  in 
Peking  in  1900  undoubtedly  ascribed  the  fact  that  the 
foreigners  and  native  Christians  were  not  massacred  en  masse 
before  the  arrival  of  the  relief  expedition.  In  this  Decree 
on  the  subject  of  lawsuits,  Her  Majesty  states  that  she  has 

239 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


recently  learned  that  legal  proceedings  are  frequently  hung 
up  for  several  months  at  a time,  and  that  innocent  persons 
have  been  detained  in  custody  for  indefinite  periods  pending 
enquiry. 

“ Every  sort  of  extortion  is  apparently  practised  in  these 
courts,  and  their  gaolers  deliberately  obstruct  the  hearing  of 
cases  unless  they  are  heavily  bribed.  But  if  one  member  of 
a family  is  thrown  into  prison,  it  is  evident  that  his  whole 
household  must  suffer.  Who  would  willingly  enter  upon 
legal  proceedings,  unless  suffering  from  injustice  too  grievous 
to  be  borne,  when  the  myrmidons  of  the  law  are  able  thus 
to  ill-treat  claimants  ? At  the  root  of  the  whole  evil  lies  the 
fact  that  the  magistrates  wilfully  delay  their  business,  being 
deaf  to  the  needs  of  the  people.  From  our  hearts  we  pity 
them,  and  we  now  decree  that  regulations  shall  at  once  be 
drawn  up  for  the  expediting  of  outstanding  cases.  Any 
delay  in  this  matter  will  involve  heavy  penalties.” 

Again,  another  Edict  thus  reflects  the  benevolence  of  the 
“ Divine  Mother  ” and  her  desire  to  conciliate  public 
opinion : — 

“ In  the  majority  of  recent  cases  of  summary  executions 
in  the  provinces,  the  culprits  have  been  guilty  of  robbery 
under  arms.  However  heinous  the  offences  of  such  criminals, 
they  really  deserve  our  sincere  pity.  The  excuse  generally 
given  for  their  folly  is  that  they  have  been  forced  into  crime 
by  starvation ; under  such  conditions  men  are  apt  to  forget 
that  their  evil  acts  wrill  bring  upon  them  the  death  penalty. 
These  criminals  are  hardy  men  and  resolute ; if  they  could 
only  be  turned  from  their  evil  ways  to  service  in  our  Army 
or  to  agriculture,  they  might  become  good  citizens : how 
preferable  such  a result  to  seeing  them  cast  into  prison  and 
finally  dismembered  ? Apart  from  this  consideration,  the 
crimes  which  they  commit  involve  their  parents  and  families, 
a thought  sufficient  in  itself  to  disturb  their  conscience  for 
ever.  Here,  in  the  remote  seclusion  of  our  Palace,  we  think 
only  of  our  people’s  welfare,  and  we  long  for  the  time  when 
virtue  may  prevail  and  punishment  become  a thing  of  the 
past.  We  therefore  now  implore  you,  our  children,  to 

240 


TZU  HSI  RESUMES  THE  REGENCY  (1898) 

remember  how  real  is  our  sympathy  in  all  your  troubles  ; 
strive  then  to  he  virtuous  citizens,  and  cease  from  acts  of 
violence  which  only  bring  trouble  and  misery  in  their  train. 
Let  this  our  Decree  be  made  known  to  the  most  remote 
districts  of  our  Empire,  so  that  all  may  be  aware  of  our 
solicitude  and  tender  regard  for  our  people.” 

The  Empress  Dowager  was  much  incensed  at  the  sympathy 
for  the  Emperor  shown  by  foreigners  both  in  China  and 
abroad,  a sympathy  which  was  reflected  for  a time  in  the 
attitude  of  the  British  Minister  and  other  members  of  the 
Diplomatic  Body  at  Peking.  Adopting,  however,  that 
policy  of  “ conciliation  pending  a fitting  opportunity  for 
hostilities,”  which  (as  will  he  seen  in  another  place)  she  had 
learned  from  study  of  the  classics,  she  invited  the  wives  of 
the  foreign  Ministers  and  other  Legation  ladies  to  an 
audience  in  the  Palace  at  the  beginning  of  the  winter,  and 
treated  them  with  such  courtesy  and  consideration  that  she 
won  their  hearts  in  a day.  That  her  friendliness  was  entirely 
assumed,  we  have  learned  from  her  own  statements,  and  there 
is  no  doubt  that,  from  this  time  forward,  she  came  more  and 
more  under  the  influence  of  the  chief  reactionary  Kang  Yi, 
who,  during  the  absence  of  Jung  Lu  on  leave,  was  able  to 
persuade  her  that  the  first  essential  towards  improving  the 
country’s  military  resources  was  the  organisation  of  bands  of 
militia  throughout  the  Empire.  By  missionaries  who  were 
close  observers  of  events  in  Shantung  and  other  head-quarters 
of  this  patriotic  movement,  it  was  soon  realised  that  this 
military  activity  was  directed  primarily  against  foreigners, 
and  owed  its  origin  in  the  first  instance  to  the  Empress 
Dowager’s  approval  of  Ivang  Yi’s  policy  of  violent  reaction. 

The  following  Decree,  promulgated  towards  the  close  of 
the  year  may,  in  a certain  sense,  he  regarded  as  the  begin- 
ning and  the  charter  of  the  Boxer  Movement ; it  was 
undoubtedly  inspired  by  Kang  Yi  and  his  party. 

“ There  has  never  been  a time  when  the  relations  between 
Sovereign  and  people  could  safely  dispense  with  a good 

241  r 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


understanding  and  certain  general  common  objects.  It  is  of 
course  for  the  local  Magistrates  to  initiate  measures  in  all 
questions  of  local  importance,  but  no  successful  national 
policy  can  be  maintained  unless  the  gentry  and  the  lower 
classes  co-operate  with  the  Government.  If  we  consider,  for 
example,  the  question  of  food-supply  reserves,  the  organisa- 
tion of  police,  the  drilling  of  militia  or  train-bands,  and  so 
forth  : they  may  seem  very  ordinary  matters,  but  if  they  are 
efficiently  handled  they  may  be  made  of  the  very  greatest 
value  to  the  nation ; for  by  making  due  provision  against 
famine,  the  people's  lives  are  protected,  and  similarly,  by  the 
organisation  of  local  police,  protection  is  afforded  against 
bandits.  As  to  the  train-bands,  they  only  require  to  under- 
go regular  training  for  a sufficient  period  to  enable  us  to 
attain  to  the  position  of  a nation  in  arms.  At  any  crisis  in 
our  country’s  affairs  their  services  would  then  be  available 
and  invaluable. 

“We  therefore  decree  that  a beginning  be  now  made  in 
the  Provinces  of  Chihli,  Mukden,  and  Shantung,  where  all 
the  local  authorities  must  admonish  the  gentry  and  common 
people,  so  that  these  measures  may  be  carried  out  with  the 
utmost  energy.  Where  any  organisation  already  exists  for 
the  purposes  mentioned,  it  need  only  be  remodelled,  and 
brought  into  line  with  the  general  system.  Let  steps  be 
taken  first  at  the  provincial  capitals,  and  extended  thence 
throughout  the  Provinces.  Eventually  it  is  our  intention 
that  the  system  adopted  shall  be  enforced  throughout  the 
Empire,  on  the  basis  of  the  new  regulations  adopted  in  these 
three  Provinces.” 

The  rest  of  the  Decree  consists  of  the  usual  exhortations 
and  warnings,  and  is  of  no  particular  interest.  It  is  not 
certain  from  this  document  that  the  Empress  herself  under- 
stood clearly  the  forces  that  were  about  to  be  let  loose  in 
these  so-called  military  train-bands,  and  her  subsequent 
vacillation  in  regard  to  the  Boxers  would  seem  to  afford 
an  indication,  if  not  proof,  that  she  acted  impulsively  and 
without  full  knowledge,  under  the  influence  of  Kang  Yi.  But 
the  question  rapidly  increased  in  importance,  so  that  a few 

242 


TZtJ  HSI  RESUMES  THE  REGENCY  (1898) 

days  later  we  find  Her  Majesty  issuing  a second  Decree, 
which  shows  that  the  potential  power  of  the  train-bands  as  a 
national  force  was  gradually  impressing  itself  upon  her  mind, 
where,  as  we  know,  the  hope  of  revenge  on  foreigners  was  ever 
latent.  In  this  second  Decree  occurs  the  following  passage: — 

“ Recent  events  have  caused  me  the  greatest  grief  and 
anxiety  ; by  day  and  by  night,  in  the  seclusion  of  my  Palace, 
my  thoughts  dwell  on  these  matters,  and  my  one  object  is 
now  to  secure  the  tranquillity  and  prosperity  of  my  subjects 
by  the  organisation  of  adequate  military  forces.  My  purposes, 
set  forth  in  numerous  Decrees,  regarding  the  organisation  of 
a strong  army,  the  improvement  of  communications,  and  the 
formation  of  train-bands  and  militia,  aim  all  at  strengthening 
the  Empire  and  promoting  the  contentment  of  my  people.” 

After  reiterating  the  substance  of  former  Decrees,  Her 
Majesty  proceeds  pathetically  to  complain  “ that  they  have 
to  a large  extent  been  ignored,  or  merely  transmitted  by 
one  provincial  authority  to  another,  descending  from  the 
Governor  to  the  District  Magistrate  through  the  usual  routine 
channels,  and  eventually  pigeon-holed  as  so  much  waste 
paper.”  She  admits  frankly  that  this  method  of  treating 
Imperial  Decrees  is  quite  usual,  and  that  it  has  the  sanction 
of  tradition,  but  she  insists  that  the  time  has  come  for  a 
change,  and  therefore  now  directs  that  all  her  Decrees  are  in 
future  to  be  printed  on  special  Imperial  yellow  paper,  and 
their  contents  made  known  throughout  the  length  and 
breadth  of  the  Empire. 

After  further  earnest  exhortations  to  patriotism,  and  to 
that  keen  sense  of  duty  which  alone  can  develop  efficiency 
in  the  public  service,  she  directs  that  the  local  officials 
should  keep  closer  touch  with  the  gentry  and  the  elders  of 
the  people,  and  that  officers  in  command  of  military  forces 
are  to  explain  clearly  to  the  rank  and  file  the  objects 
which  Her  Majesty  has  in  view  in  deciding  upon  military 
organisation. 

The  Decree  concludes  with  the  following  words : — 

243  r 2 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


“ If  in  times  of  peace  my  people  are  prepared  to  face  all 
possible  dangers,  and  to  put  away  from  them  selfish  and 
ignoble  ease,  they  will  find  that,  when  the  hour  ot  trial 
comes,  their  common  resolution  is  in  very  truth  a tower  of 
strength,  which  shall  not  fail  to  bring  about  its  due  reward. 
By  this  means  shall  the  foundations  of  our  Empire  be 
strengthened,  and  its  prestige  increased,  and  thus  shall  my 
purposes  be  fulfilled,  for  which  I have  issued  to  you  this 
solemn  admonition.” 

This  Decree  was  followed  by  another,  in  the  classical 
manner,  exhorting  the  troops  to  practise  patriotism,  which 
calls  for  no  especial  notice,  and  certainly  produced  no  more 
conspicuous  effect  than  her  repeated  warnings  to  the  provincial 
Mandarins  and  her  appeals  for  more  energy  and  intelligence 
in  the  public  service.  Certain  writers  have  pointed  to  the 
numerous  and  plain-spoken  Decrees  issued  by  Tzii  Hsi 
at  this  period,  as  proof  that  her  heart  was  really  set  upon 
effectively  reforming  the  country’s  administration,  but  it 
is  always  difficult  for  foreigners,  and  even  for  Chinese 
outside  the  Palace,  to  form  any  concise  idea  as  to  the 
inner  meaning  of  these  lucubrations,  and  how  much  of  them 
was,  on  any  particular  occasion,  to  be  taken  as  something 
outside  of  the  traditional  and  stereotyped  utterances  of  the 
Throne.  It  is  certain  that  she  herself  failed  to  exercise  the 
personal  influence  and  example  that  would  have  convinced 
the  world  of  her  sincerity,  and  that  she  did  nothing  to  put 
her  house  of  the  Forbidden  City  in  order  or  to  do  away  with 
the  manifest  and  notorious  abuses  at  her  Court. 

The  Old  Buddha  concluded  this  remarkable  display  of 
literary  and  political  activity  by  returning  once  more  to  the 
grievance  which  rankled  most  deeply,  viz.,  that  the  chief 
conspirator  against  her  sacred  authority  and  person  had 
made  good  his  escape.  Professing  to  believe  that  the 
heinousness  of  K’ang  Yu  wei’s  crimes  was  not  fully  realised 
by  her  people,  she  issued  another  Decree  on  the  subject,  in 
December,  as  follows  : — 


244 


TZU  HSI  RESUMES  THE  REGENCY  (1898) 

“ T’an  Chung-lin,  Viceroy  of  Canton,  lias  memorialised 
stating  that  lie  has  brought  to  light,  by  searches  at  K’ang 
Yu-wei’s  birthplace,  a large  quantity  of  documents,  chiefly 
correspondence  between  the  members  of  Kang’s  party, 
together  with  certain  seals,  made  of  stone ; all  of  which  he 
has  forwarded  for  our  personal  inspection.  These  letters 
contain  a mass  of  treasonable  matter.  In  one  place  the 
suggestion  is  actually  made  that  T’an  Ssu-t’ung  (one  of  the 
reformers  executed)  should  be  nominated  as  President  of 
the  Chinese  Republic  1 The  writers  ignore  the  present 
Dynasty  even  in  dating  their  correspondence,  and  use  instead 
a chronology  which  begins  with  the  birth  of  Confucius  ; 
one  of  them  has  actually  had  the  unbounded  audacity  to 
describe  the  present  Dynasty  as  ‘ perfectly  useless.’ 
Abominable  wickedness  of  this  kind  shows  that  these  men 
were  something  worse  than  ordinary  rebels  and  parricides. 
Their  correspondence  implicates  an  enormous  number  of 
persons,  but,  as  the  Throne  desires  to  show  mercy  and  to 
refrain  from  any  further  enquiry  into  this  matter,  the  whole 
correspondence  has  now  been  burnt  by  our  orders. 

“ When  first  we  stated  in  our  Decrees  the  nature  of  the 
treasonable  conspiracy  that  K’ang  Yu-wei  had  organised  and 
of  his  revolutionary  programme,  it  was  our  object  to  nip 
rebellion  in  the  bud.  Rut  it  would  appear,  from  information 
which  has  reached  us.  that  certain  misinformed  people  still 
hold  to  the  opinion  and  express  it,  that  K’ang  Yu-wei  was 
nothing  worse  than  an  over-zealous  reformer.  We  mention 
therefore  this  matter  of  the  correspondence  of  these  traitors, 
as  proving  beyond  possibility  of  doubt  that  K’ang  Yu-wei 
was  indeed  a base  and  unnatural  malefactor,  and  we  feel 
convinced  that  our  loyal  subjects,  from  the  highest  to  the 
lowest,  realising  this  truth,  will  now  relegate  his  revo- 
lutionary utterances  to  their  proper  position  of  insignificance. 
Thus  shall  right  principles  triumph  and  the  wrong  be 
wiped  out.” 

Thus  was  Tzu  Hsi  established  in  her  pride  of  place  and 
thus  were  sown  the  seeds  of  that  great  upheaval  which  was 
soon  to  shake  the  Empire  to  its  foundations. 


245 


XVI 

THE  GENESIS  OF  THE  BOXER  MOVEMENT 

The  history  of  the  Boxers  has  been  so  fully  written,  and 
so  many  excellent  accounts  given  of  the  origins  and 
contributing  factors  of  the  movement,  that  any  further 
reference  to  the  matter  may  seem  superfluous.  Nevertheless, 
the  following  extracts  from  a letter  addressed  by  Jung  Lu 
to  his  friend  Hsu  Ying-kuei,  the  Viceroy  of  Fukien,  may 
throw  some  new  light,  not  only  on  the  causes  of  the  growth 
of  the  movement  in  Chihli  but  also  on  the  character,  private 
opinions  and  political  methods  of  the  Empress  Dowager’s 
favourite  and  trusted  adviser.  It  was  written  in  the  early 
part  of  July  1900. 

" “ The  Boxers  started  in  eighteen  villages  of  the  Kuan 

district  of  Shantung  and  they  were  originally  called  the 
‘ Plum  Blossom  Fists.’  When  Li  Ping-heng  was  Governor 
of  the  Province  (1895)  he  did  not  forbid  their  proceedings, 
but,  on  the  contrary,  proceeded  to  enrol  them  as  Militia. 
Last  summer  there  were  several  conflicts  between  these 
Boxers  and  the  Imperial  troops,  but  the  Military  commander 
was  cashiered  by  order  of  the  Governor  for  his  action  and  all 
the  Boxer  prisoners  were  released.  Their  leader  at  this  time 
openly  described  himself  as  a descendant  of  the  Ming 
Emperors  and  the  female  branch  of  his  society  called  ‘ Red 
Lamp  Light  ’ was  named  after  him.  Last  autumn,  thus 
encouraged,  the  movement  spread  into  Chihli.  The 
magistrate  at  Chingchou  put  out  a proclamation  warning 
the  people  not  to  believe  in  their  so-called  magic  arts  ; he 

246 


THE  GENESIS  OF  THE  BOXER  MOVEMENT 


said  these  Boxers  were  only  the  ‘White  Lily  Sect ’under 
another  name.  This  magistrate  was  a good  friend  to  the 
French  missionaries,  and  the  Viceroy,  hearing  of  the 
incident,  enquired  into  the  matter  and  promptly  had  him 
dismissed.  This  caused  me  great  regret,  for  both  Wang 
Wen-shao  and  I had  known  the  man  well,  when  we  held  the 
Chihli  Viceroyalty,  and  respected  him. 

“ At  the  end  of  the  9th  Moon  of  last  year  there  were 
Boxers  openly  displaying  huge  banners  in  Chihli,  on  which 
was  written,  ‘ The  Gods  assist  us  to  destroy  all  foreigners ; 
we  invite  you  to  join  the  patriotic  Militia.’  At  one  place 
a Buddhist  abbot  was  the  head  of  the  Society  and  he  led  on 
the  mob,  burning  the  Christian  chapel  there.  Subsequently, 
while  they  were  burning  converts’  houses  at  Liupa,  the 
magistrate  came  out  and  attacked  them  with  his  troops. 
The  soldiers  opened  fire  and  the  Boxers  retreated,  but  their 
priest  leaders  were  captured,  and  some  thirty  or  forty  were 
shot  dead.  This  ought  to  have  demonstrated  to  the  people 
at  large  how  nonsensical  were  the  stories  about  the  invulner- 
ability of  these  mountebanks : our  soldiers  dealt  with  them 
as  easily  as  if  they  had  been  trussing  chickens  ! There  were 
charms  and  forms  of  incantation  found  on  the  persons  of  the 
priests  who,  after  an  examination  by  the  magistrate,  were 
summarily  executed. 

“ The  provincial  treasurer,  Ting  Yung,1  was  largely 
responsible  for  the  beginning  of  the  trouble.  I hear  that 
about  ten  days  ago  he  sent  for  all  his  subordinates  to  attend 
at  his  Yamen,  and  the  Prefect  of  Hsiianhua,2  who  was 
passing  through,  came  to  pay  his  respects  with  the  others. 
This  man  said,  ‘ in  the  reign  of  Cilia  Ch’ing  there  were 
heterodox  cults  of  this  kind,  and  the  Emperor  ordered  them 
to  be  suppressed.’  T’ing  Yung  replied,  ‘ circumstances  alter 
cases.  Why  should  you  now  refer  to  those  days  ? ’ The 
Prefect  answered  him,  ‘ It  is  quite  true  that  the  calendar  is  no 
longer  the  same  as  it  was  at  that  time,  but  the  enlightened 
principles  laid  down  by  our  sacred  ancestors  should  be  a 

1 This  official  was  eventually  decapitated  by  the  allies,  as  one  of  the 
originators  of  the  Boxer  rising. 

2 This  Prefect  of  Hsiianhua  was  subsequently  promoted  by  the  Empress 
Dowager,  when  passing  through  that  city,  at  the  beginning  of  the  flight 
from  Peking. 


247 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


guidance  to  us  for  ever.’  T’ing  had  of  course  nothing  to 
say,  and  could  only  glare  at  him  in  silence  and  change  the 
conversation. 

“ When  first  I read  Her  Majesty’s  decree  of  the  21st  June 
in  which  she  orders  us  to  form  train-bands  of  these  brave 
Boxers,  describing  them  as  patriots  of  whom  large  numbers 
are  to  be  found,  and  should  be  enrolled,  in  every  province,  I 
lay  awake  all  the  next  night  thinking  over  this  matter. 
Unable  to  sleep,  more  than  once  I sprang  from  my  bed  rest- 
less and  excited  with  mixed  feelings  of  joy  and  fear.  The 
idea  of  enlisting  these  patriotic  volunteers  to  repel  the 
aggression  of  the  foreigner  is  undoubtedly  a good  one,  and, 
if  carefully  worked  out  and  directed  by  firm  discipline  and 
good  leadership,  it  might  no  doubt  be  of  the  very  highest 
utility.  But  if  otherwise  handled,  these  men  will  inevitably 
get  out  of  hand,  and  the  only  result  will  be  chaos  and  disaster. 
You  will,  no  doubt,  agree  with  me,  my  old  friend  and 
colleague,  that  the  motive  which  inspires  these  Boxers  is  a 
patriotic  one.  So  great  is  the  ill-feeling  that  exists  between 
the  mass  of  our  people  and  the  converts  to  Christianity  that 
we  have  been  unavoidably  dragged  to  the  very  verge  of 
hostilities,  and  our  Government  has  embarked  upon  a des- 
perate course  ‘ of  inviting  the  enemy  to  meet  us  in  battle 
before  the  walls  of  our  capital.’  It  is  as  if  we  were  treading 
on  naked  swords  without  flinching  ; there  can  be  no  question 
as  to  the  enthusiasm  and  ardour  in  our  cause. 

“ But,  at  the  beginning  of  the  movement,  these  Boxers 
were  afraid  to  come  together  in  large  numbers  lest  the 
Imperial  troops  should  attack:  and  destroy  them  ; from  this 
alone  we  may  reasonably  infer  that  they  are  not  devoid  of 
the  common  instinct  of  fear.  By  themselves  they  cannot 
be  fully  trusted,  but  it  seems  to  me  (though  you  may  con- 
sider the  idea  absurd)  that  one  might  profitably  use  them  to 
inspire,  by  their  fanaticism,  the  martial  ardour  of  our  regular 
troops.  As  a fighting  force  they  are  absolutely  useless,  but 
their  claims  to  supernatural  arts  and  magic  might  possibly  be 
valuable  for  the  purpose  of  disheartening  the  enemy.  But  it 
would  be  quite  wrong,  not  to  say  fatal,  for  us  to  attach  any 
real  belief  to  their  ridiculous  claims,  or  to  regard  them  as  of 
any  real  use  in  action.  Even  if  there  were  any  truth  in 


248 


THE  GENESIS  OF  THE  BOXER  MOVEMENT 


these  tales  of  magic  they  must  necessarily  be  founded  in 
heresy,  and  you  know  full  well  that  Chinese  history  records 
numerous  instances  of  such  superstitious  beliefs  ending  in 
rebellions  against  the  reigning  Dynasty.  You  recently  tele- 
graphed me  advising  me  not  to  be  unduly  anxious,  because 
in  your  opinion  the  Boxers  acquitted  themselves  exceedingly 
well  in  the  fights  at  Tientsin  and  Taku  on  the  20th  June.  1 
am  not  so  sure  of  this  myself;  in  any  ease  it  is  well  to 
bear  in  mind  that  there  is  a very  great  difference  between 
the  fighting  capacity  and  temperament  of  the  natives  of  the 
north  and  south  of  China.1  All  the  southern  provinces  are 
teeming  with  secret  and  revolutionary  societies,  salt  smugglers, 
and  other  kinds  of  desperadoes  ; so  much  tinder,  which  any 
spark  may  kindle  into  flames  of  disturbance  at  any  moment. 
These  southern  people  are  gamblers  and  disorderly  characters 
by  profession,  but  they  are  certainly  not  animated  by  any 
patriotic  instinct,  and  if  you  were  to  enlist  any  large  number 
of  them  as  a military  force,  it  would  be  just  like  organising 
bands  of  jackals  and  wolves  to  fight  tigers.  The  result  woidd 
be  that  while  none  of  the  tigers  would  be  destroyed,  millions 
of  your  own  people,  who  may  be  likened  to  sheep,  would 
suffer  miserably.  On  tjje  other  hand  these  northern  Boxers 
are  not  inspired  by  any  lust  of  plunder,  but  by  a species  of 
religious  frenzy.  Now,  as  you  know,  northerners  are  dull 
and  obstinate  by  nature,  while  the  southerners  are  alert  but 
unreliable,  so  that  it  is  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  to  arrive 
at  any  fixed  policy  or  joint  action  in  dealing  with  them 
together.  Was  it  not  because  of  this  characteristic  of  the 
southerners  that  the  Grand  Council  was  so  indignant  in 
1894,  when,  in  fighting  against  the  Japanese,  our  men  feared 
them  worse  than  tigers,  and,  recognising  their  own  hopeless 
inferiority,  threw  down  their  weapons  and  would  not  face  the 
enemy  ? 

“ These  Boxers  are  not  trained  troops,  but  they  are  ready 
to  fight,  and  to  face  death.  It  is  indeed  a very  gratifying 
surprise  to  see  any  of  our  people  display  courage,  and  to 
witness  their  enthusiasm  for  paying  off  old  scores  against  the 
foreigner ; but  if,  inspired  by  the  sight  of  these  brave  fellows, 

1 Hsu,  to  whom  Jung  Lu  was  writing,  was  a Cantonese  by  birth,  and  was 
at  this  time  Viceroy  of  Foochow. 


249 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 

we  imagine  for  a moment  that  the  whole  Empire  is  going  to 
follow  their  example,  and  that  we  shall  thus  be  enabled  to 
rid  ourselves  of  the  accursed  presence  of  the  foreigner,  we  are 
very  much  mistaken,  and  the  attempt  is  foredoomed.  My 
advice  therefore  to  your  Excellency,  is  not  to  hesitate 
in  disobeying  the  Edict  which  commanded  you  to  raise  these 
train-bands.  I do  not  hesitate  to  give  you  this  advice  and  to 
assure  you  that  you  run  no  risks  in  following  it.  You  should, 
of  course,  act  with  great  discretion,  but  the  main  thing  is  to 
prevent  the  Throne’s  Decree  becoming  an  excuse  for  the 
banding  together  of  disorderly  characters.  1 write  this 
private  letter  under  stress  of  much  natural  apprehension,  and 
you  will  therefore  pray  forgive  the  haste  and  confusion 
of  its  contents,  and  I trust  that  you  will  favour  me  in  due 
course  with  your  reply. 

(Signed)  Jung  Lu. 


250 


XVII 

THE  DIARY  OF  HIS  EXCELLENCY 
CHINO  SHAN 


[Note. — Ching  Shan,  a Manchu  of  the  Plain  Yellow  Banner  Corps,  was 
bom  in  1823.  In  1863  he  became  a Metropolitan  Graduate  and  Hanlin 
Compiler,  especially  distinguished  as  a scholar  in  Sung  philosophy.  In  the 
following  year  he  was  appointed  a Junior  Secretary  of  the  Imperial  House- 
hold (Nei  wu  fu),  rising  to  Senior  Secretary  in  1 869  and  Comptroller  in 
1879-  His  father,  Kuang  Shun,  had  held  the  post  of  Comptroller-General 
under  the  Emperor  Tao-Kuang,  with  whom  he  was  for  years  on  terms  of 
intimacy ; he  was  a kinsman  of  the  Empress  Dowager’s  family  and  in  close 
touch  with  all  the  leading  Manchu  nobles.  Ching  Shan  had  therefore 
exceptional  opportunities  of  knowing  all  the  gossip  of  the  Court,  of  learning 
the  opinions  and  watching  the  movements  of  the  high  officials,  Chinese  and 
Manchu,  who  stood  nearest  to  the  Throne.  After  holding  office  in  several 
of  the  Metropolitan  Boards,  he  retired  in  1894.  He  was  tutor  to  Prince 
Tuan,  Duke  Tsai  Lan,  and  other  sons  of  Prince  Tun  (younger  son  of  the 
Emperor  Tao-Kuang),  and  therefore  intimately  associated  with  the  leaders 
of  the  Boxer  movement. 

Seen  even  against  the  lurid  background  of  the  abomination  of  desolation 
which  overtook  Peking  in  August  1900,  Ching  Shan’s  fate  was  unusually 
tragic.  Above  the  storm  and  stress  of  battle  and  sudden  death,  of  dangers 
from  Boxers,  wild  Kansuh  soldiery  and  barbarian  invaders,  the  old  scholar’s 
domestic  griefs,  the  quarrels  of  his  women  folk,  his  son’s  unfilial  behaviour, 
strike  a more  poignant  note  than  any  of  his  country’s  fast  pressing  mis- 
fortunes. And  with  good  cause.  On  the  1 5th  August,  after  the  entry  of 
the  allied  forces  into  Peking  and  the  flight  of  the  Empress  Dowager,  his 
wife,  his  senior  concubine,  and  one  of  his  daughters-in-law  committed 
suicide.  He  survived  them  but  a few  hours,  meeting  death  at  the  hands  of 
his  eldest  son,  En  Ch’un,  who  pushed  him  down  a well  in  his  own  courtyard. 
This  son  was  subsequently  shot  by  British  troops  for  harbouring  armed 
Boxers. 


251 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


The  Diary  was  found  by  the  translator  in  the  private  study  of  Clung 
Shan’s  house  on  August  18th  and  saved,  in  the  nick  of  time,  from  being 
burnt  by  a party  of  Sikhs.  Many  of  the  entries,  which  cover  the  period 
from  January  to  August  1900,  refer  to  trivial  and  uninteresting  matters. 
The  following  passages  are  selected  chiefly  because  of  the  light  they  throw 
on  the  part  played  by  the  Empress  Dowager  in  that  tragedy  of  midsummer 
madness — on  the  strong  hand  and  statecraft  of  the  woman,  and  on  the 
unfathomable  ignorance  which  characterises  to-day  the  degenerate  de- 
scendants of  Nurhachu.  It  should  be  explained  that  Ching  Shan  ^), 
who  retired  from  office  in  1894,  must  be  distinguished  from  Ching  Hsin 
(SR#)  , who  died  about  1904.  The  latter  was  also  a Manchu  and  a 
favourite  of  Tzii  Hsi,  well  known  to  foreigners  at  the  capital.  He  held 
various  high  posts,  rose  to  be  a Grand  Secretary,  and  remained  in  Peking 
after  the  flight  of  the  Court,  in  charge  of  the  Palace.  It  was  he  who 
escorted  the  Diplomatic  Body  through  the  deserted  halls  of  the  Forbidden 
City  in  September  1900.  He  was  highly  respected  by  all  who  knew  him. 

Ching  Shan,  though  of  similarly  high  rank,  was  personally  quite  unknown 
to  foreigners,  but  a short  note  on  his  career  (and  another  on  that  of  Ching 
Hsin)  will  be  found  in  the  “ List  of  the  Higher  Metropolitan  and  provincial 
officials  ” periodically  compiled  by  the  Chinese  Secretariat  of  the  British 
Legation  ; Edition  of  1902,  Kelly  and  Walsh,  Shanghai.] 


2 5th  Year  of  Kuang  Hsu,  12 th  Moon,  '25tli  Day  (25th 
January,  1900). — Duke  Tsai  Lan  came  to  see  me,  his  old 
tutor,  to-day.  He  has  much  to  tell  me  concerning  the 
“Patriotic  Harmony”  train-bands  (I  Ho  Tuan)  which  have 
been  raised  in  Shantung  by  Yli  Hsien,  the  Governor.  Later, 
he  described  yesterday’s  audience  at  the  Palace  ; in  addition 
to  the  Grand  Secretaries,  the  Presidents  of  Boards  and  the 
Ministers  of  the  Household,  the  “ Sacred  Mother  ” received 
Prince  Kung,  his  uncles  Tsai  Ying  and  Tsai  Lien  and 
Prince  Tuan.  The  Old  Buddha  announced  her  intention  of 
selecting  a new  Emperor.  She  said : “ The  nation  has 
shown  resentment  and  reproached  me  for  putting  Kuang 
Hsii  on  the  Throne,  he  being  of  the  wrong  generation ; 
furthermore,  he  himself  has  shown  great  lack  of  filial  duty  to 
me  notwithstanding  the  debt  of  gratitude  he  owed  me  for 
my  kindness  in  thus  elevating  him.  Has  he  not  plotted 
against  me  with  traitors  from  the  south  ? I now  propose 
therefore  to  depose  him  and  to  place  a new  Emperor  on  the 

252 


The  “Beii.eh”  Tsai  Ying,  Son  of  Prince  Rung  Cashiered  by  Tzf)  1 1 si  for 
pro-Boxer  Proclivities),  and  his  Son. 


DIARY  OF  HIS  EXCELLENCY  CIIING  SHAN 


Throne,  whose  accession  shall  take  place  on  the  first  day  of 
the  New  Year.  It  should  be  for  you  Ministers  now  to 
consider  what  title  should  be  given  to  Kuang  Hsii  upon  his 
abdication.  There  is  a precedent  for  his  removal  from  the 
Throne  in  the  case  of  the  Emperor  Ching  T’ai  of  the  Ming 
Dynasty  who  was  reduced  to  the  rank  of  Prince  and  whose 
brother  was  restored  to  the  Throne  after  eight  years  of 
captivity  among  the  Mongols.”  There  was  dead  silence  for 
some  time  in  the  Hall  of  Audience.  At  last  the  Grand 
Secretary  Hsii  T’ung  suggested  as  appropriate  the  title  of 
“ Hun-te-Kung,”  which  means,  “The  Duke  of  Confused 
Virtue” — or  well-meaning  bungler: — it  had  been  given  by 
the  Mongol  Dynasty  to  a deposed  Sung  Emperor.  The 
Old  Buddha  approved.  She  then  declared  to  the  assembly 
that  her  choice  of  the  new  Emperor  was  already  made ; it 
had  fallen  upon  the  eldest  son  of  Prince  Tuan,  whose  great 
devotion  to  Her  Majesty’s  person  was  well  known.  Hence- 
forward Prince  Tuan  should  be  in  constant  attendance  at  the 
Palace  to  supervise  the  education  of  his  son.  At  this  point 
the  Grand  Secretary  Sun  Chia-nai1  craved  permission  to 
speak.  He  implored  the  Empress  not  to  depose  the 
Emperor ; of  a certainty  there  would  be  rebellion  in  the 
Southern  provinces.  The  choice  of  a new  Sovereign  rested 
with  her,  but  it  could  only  be  done  after  “ ten  thousand  years 
had  elapsed  ” (i.e.,  after  the  death  of  the  present  Emperor). 
The  “ Motherly  Countenance  ” showed  great  wrath  ; turning 
on  Sun  Chia-nai,  she  bade  him  remember  that  this  was  a 
family  council  to  which  she  only  admitted  Chinese  as  an  act 
of  grace.  She  had  already  notified  the  Emperor  of  her 
intention,  and  he  had  no  objections  to  offer.  The  Empress 
then  ordered  all  present  to  repair  to  the  Hall  of  Diligent 
Government  there  to  await  her  and  the  Emperor,  and  upon 
their  coming  to  witness  the  draft  of  the  Decree  appointing 
the  Heir  Apparent.  The  formal  announcement  of  his 

1 A note  on  the  career  and  character  of  this  courageous  official  is  given 
in  the  Appendix 


253 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


accession  to  the  throne  would  be  postponed  until  the  first  day 
of  the  New  Year. 

They  proceeded  therefore  to  the  entrance  of  the  appointed 
Hall,  and  in  a few  minutes  the  Empress’s  chair  appeared  at 
the  gateway,  when  all  knelt  and  kowtowed  three  times.  A 
number  of  eunuchs  accompanied  her,  but  she  bade  them 
remain  without.  She  sent  Major-domo  Ei  Lien-ying  to 
request  the  Emperor’s  presence ; he  came  in  his  chair, 
alighting  at  the  outer  gate  and  kowtowed  to  the  Empress, 
who  had  taken  her  seat  on  the  main  throne  within.  She 
beckoned  him  to  come  to  the  Hall,  and  he  knelt  again,  all 
officials  still  kneeling  outside.  “ Chin  lai,  pu  yung  kuei 
hsia  ” (Come  in,  you  need  not  kneel),  called  Her  Majesty. 
She  bade  him  sit  down,  and  summoned  next  the  princes  and 
ministers — some  thirty  in  all — to  enter.  Again  the  Old 
Buddha  repeated  her  reasons  for  the  step  she  was  taking. 
The  Emperor  only  said  “What  Your  Majesty  suggests 
is  quite  proper  and  in  accordance  with  my  views.”  At  this 
the  Grand  Secretary  Jung  Lu  handed  to  the  Empress  the 
Decree  which  the  Grand  Council  had  drafted.1  She  read 
it  through  and  forthwith  ordered  its  promulgation.  Nothing 
was  said  to  “The  Lord  of  Ten  Thousand  Years”  as  to  his 
being  deposed ; only  the  selection  .of  the  Heir  Apparent 
was  discussed.  The  Grand  Council  then  remained  for 
further  audience,  but  the  Princes  were  ordered  to  withdraw, 
so  that  Duke  Lan  does  not  know  what  passed  thereafter. 
The  Emperor  seemed  dazed,  as  one  in  a dream. 

30^  Day  (30th  January,  1900). — To-day  Liu  Shun  shaved 
my  head  ; he  leaves  to-night  for  his  home  at  Pao-ti-hsien 
there  to  spend  the  new  year.  My  eldest  son,  En  Ch’u, 
is  pressing  me  to  give  him  fifty  taels  to  buy  an  ermine  cloak  ; 
he  is  a bad  son  and  most  undutiful.  Chi  Shou-ch’ing  came 
to  see  me  to-day ; he  has  moved  to  “ Kuai  Pang  ” Lane. 
He  tells  me  that  his  father-in-law,  Yii  Hsien,  is  to  be  made 


1 The  Decree  is  given  at  the  end  of  this  chapter. 

2.51 


DIARY  OF  HIS  EXCELLENCY  CHING  SHAN 


Governor  of  Shansi.  The  Old  Buddha  has  received  him  in 
audience  since  his  removal  from  the  Governorship  of 
Shantung  on  account  of  the  murder  of  a French1 
missionary,  and  praised  him  for  the  honesty  and  justice 
of  his  administration.  She  does  not  approve  of  the  Big 
Sword  Society’s  proposed  extermination  of  foreigners, 
because  she  does  not  believe  they  can  do  it ; Yu  Hsien  goes 
often  to  Prince  Tuan’s  palace,  and  they  have  many  secret 
interviews.  Prince  Tuan  declares  that  if  he  were  made 
President  of  the  Tsung-li  Yamen  he  would  make  short 
work  of  all  difficulties  with  foreigners.  He  is  a violent  man 
and  lacking  in  refinement. 

lsZ  Day  of  '26th  Year  oj  Kuang  Hsu  (31  st  January, 
1900). — To-day  I am  78  years  of  age  and  my  children  mock 
me  for  being  deaf.  They  are  bad  sons  and  will  never  rise  so 
high  as  their  father  has  done.  When  I was  their  age, 
between  20  and  30,  the  Emperor  Tao-Kuang  had  already 
praised  my  scholarship  and  presented  me  with  a compli- 
mentary scroll  bearing  a quotation  from  the  writings  of  the 
philosopher  Chu. 

This  year  will  witness  many  strange  events  ; the  people 
all  say  so.  The  eighth  month  is  intercalary  which,  in  a year 
that  has  “ Keng  ” for  its  cyclical  character,  has  ever  been  an 
evil  omen.  The  New  Emperor  was  to  have  been 
proclaimed  to-day  under  the  title  of  “ Heng-Ching  ” — all 
pervading  prosperity — but  my  son  En  Lin  tells  me  that  the 
new  year  sacrifices  were  performed  by  the  Ta-A-Ko  (heir 
apparent)  at  the  Palace  of  Imperial  Longevity,  acting  only 
as  Deputy  for  the  Emperor  Kuang  Hsu.  The  Ta-A-Ko  is  a 
boy  of  fourteen  ; very  intelligent,  but  violent-tempered.  He 
walked  on  foot  to  the  Palace  Hall  from  the  Coal  Hill  Gate. 

5th  Moon,  5th  Day  : The  Dragon  Festival  (1st  June,  1900). 2 
— Arose  at  six  o'clock  and  was  washing  my  face  in  the  small 

1 The  victim  was  British,  not  French — viz.,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Brooks,  killed  on 
31st  December,  1899,  just  after  Yu  Hsien’s  removal  had  been  arranged. 

2 Between  January  and  June  the  entries  are  of  no  particular  interest. 

2 55 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


inner  room,  when  Huo  Kuei,  the  gatekeeper,  came  in  with 
the  card  of  Kang  Yi,  the  Grand  Secretary,  and  a present  of 
ten  pounds  of  pork,  with  seasonable  greetings.  I was  not 
aware  that  he  had  already  returned  from  his  journey  to  Chu 
Chou,  whither  he  had  gone  with  Chao  Shu-ch’iao  to  examine 
and  report  on  the  doings  of  the  “ patriotic  train-bands  ” ( i.e . 
Boxers).  He  sends  word  by  the  messenger  that  he  will  call 
upon  me  this  morning. 

My  sons  En  Ch’u  and  En  Ch’un  are  going  to-day  to  a 
theatrical  performance  at  Chi  Shou-ch’eng’s  residence.  My 
youngest  son,  En  Ming,  is  on  duty  at  the  Summer  Palace, 
where,  for  the  next  four  days,  the  Old  Buddha  will  be 
having  theatricals.  I am  surprised  that  Kang  Yi  is  not  out 
there  also.  No  doubt  he  only  returned  to  Peking  last 
night,  and  so  does  not  resume  his  place  on  the  Council  till 
to-morrow  morning. 

The  Hour  of  the  Monkey  (3  p.m.). — Kang  Yi  has  been  here 
and  I persuaded  him  to  stay  for  the  mid-day  meal.  He  is  a 
worthy  brother-in-law,  and,  though  twenty  years  younger 
than  I am,  as  wise  and  discreet  a man  as  any  on  the  Grand 
Council.  He  tells  me  that  several  hundred  foreign  devil 
troops  entered  the  City  yesterday  evening.  He  and  Chao 
Shu-ch’iao  arrived  at  Peking  at  4.30  p.m.,  and  immediately 
set  to  composing  their  memorial  to  the  Empress  Dowager 
about  the  heaven-sent  Boxers,  for  presentation  to-morrow 
morning.  Prince  Tuan  has  five  days’  leave  of  absence : 
Kang  Yi  went  to  see  him  yesterday  evening.  While  they 
were  discussing  the  situation,  at  the  Prince’s  own  house, 
there  came  a Captain  of  Prince  Ch’ing’s  bodyguard  with  a 
message.  Saluting  Prince  Tuan,  he  announced  that  about 
300  foreign  soldiers  had  left  Tientsin  in  the  afternoon 
as  reinforcement  for  the  Legation  Guards.  Prince  Ch’ing 
implored  Prince  Tuan  not  to  oppose  their  entry,  on  the 
ground  that  a few  hundred  foreigners,  more  or  less,  could 
make  no  difference.  He  trusted  that  Prince  Tuan  would 
give  orders  to  his  Corps  (the  “ Celestial  Tigers  ” Force)  not 

256 


H.M.  The  Empress  Dowager  and  Ladies  of  her  Court  (1903). 

Daughters  of  H.  E.  Yii  Keng. 

Second  wife  of  late  Emperor.  H M Xzfi  IIsi.  Wife  of  H.  E.  Yii  Keng,  ex-Minisler  to  Pans. 

Empress  Consort  of  Kuang-llsii,  now  Empress  Dowager. 


DIARY  OF  HIS  EXCELLENCY  CHING  SHAN 


to  oppose  the  foreign  devils.  It  was  the  wish  of  the  Old 
Buddha  that  they  should  be  permitted  to  guard  the 
Legations.  Prince  Tuan  asked  for  further  details,  and  the 
Captain  said  that  Prince  Ch’ing  had  received  a telegram 
from  the  Governor-General  of  Chihli  (Yii  Lu)  to  the  effect 
that  the  detachment  carried  no  guns.  At  this  Prince  Tuan 
laughed  scornfully  and  said  “ How  can  the  few  resist  the 
many  ? What  indeed  will  a hundred  puny  hobgoblins, 
more  or  less,  matter  ? ” Kang  Yi,  on  the  contrary,  tells  me 
that  he  strongly  urged  Prince  Tuan  to  issue  orders  to 
Chung  Li,  the  Commandant  of  the  city,  to  oppose  the  entry 
of  the  foreign  troops,  but  it  appears  that  Jung  Lu  had 
already  ordered  their  admission.  Kang  Yi  is  much  incensed 
with  Jung  Lu  about  this,  and  cannot  understand  his 
motives.  It  seems  that  towards  the  close  of  last  year 
Prince  Tuan  and  Jung  Lu  had  agreed  to  depose  the 
Emperor  and  to  put  the  Heir  Apparent  on  the  Throne,  and 
Tuan  confesses  that,  were  it  not  for  Jung  Lu’s  great  influence 
with  the  Old  Buddha  she  would  never  have  agreed  to  select 
his  son  as  Heir  Apparent.  But  now  Jung  Lu  is  for  ever 
denouncing  the  Boxers  and  warning  the  Empress  against 
encouraging  and  countenancing  them.  Prince  Tuan  and 
Kang  Yi  despair  of  ever  being  able  to  induce  her  to  support 
the  Boxers  whole-heartedly  so  long  as  Jung  Lu  is  against 
them.  As  an  example  of  her  present  attitude,  Prince  Tuan 
told  Kang  Yi  one  day  lately  that  his  son,  the  Ta-a-ko,  had 
dressed  himself  up  as  a Boxer  and  was  going  through  their 
drill  in  the  Summer  Palace  grounds  with  some  eunuchs. 
The  Old  Buddha  saw  him  and  promptly  gave  orders  that 
he  be  confined  to  his  rooms.  She  also  reprimanded  the 
Grand  Secretary,  Hsii  T’ung,  for  not  keeping  a better  watch 
on  his  pupil  and  for  permitting  such  unseemly  behaviour,  as 
she  called  it. 

After  leaving  Prince  Tuan  s house,  Kang  Yi  had  gone  out 
of  the  city  by  the  Clvien  Men  and  had  seen  the  foreign  troops 
pass  in.  The  people  muttered  curses,  he  says,  but  no  one 

257  s 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


molested  them.  What  does  it  matter  ? None  of  them  will 
ever  leave  the  city.  Kang  Yi’s  journey  to  Chu-chou  has  con- 
vinced him  that  the  whole  province  stands  together  as  one 
man  ; even  boys  in  their  teens  are  drilling.  Not  a doubt  of 
it ; the  foreigner  will  be  wiped  out  this  time  ! At  Chu-chou 
the  Departmental  Magistrate,  a man  named  Kung,  had 
arrested  several  Boxer  leaders,  but  Kang  Yi  and  Chao  Shu- 
ch’iao  ordered  them  to  be  released  and  made  them  go 
through  their  mystic  evolutions  and  drill.  It  was  a won- 
derful sight,  scarcely  to  be  believed ; several  of  them  were 
shot,  some  more  than  once,  yet  rose  uninjured  from  the 
ground.  This  exhibition  took  place  in  the  main  courtyard 
of  the  Magistrate’s  Yamen,  in  the  presence  of  an  enormous 
crowd,  tight  pressed,  as  compact  as  a wall.  Chao  Shu-ch’iao 
remembers  having  seen  many  years  ago,  in  his  native  province 
of  Shensi,  a similar  performance,  and  it  is  on  record  that 
similar  marvels  were  seen  at  the  close  of  the  Han  Dynasty, 
when  Chang  Chio  headed  the  Yellow  Turban  insurrection 
against  the  Government  and  took  many  great  cities  with  half 
a million  of  followers.  They  were  said  to  be  under  the  pro- 
tection of  the  Jade  Emperor1  and  quite  impervious  to  sword- 
thrusts.  Kang  Yi  and  Chao  Shu-Ch’iao  will  memorialise 
the  Empress  to-morrow,  giving  the  results  of  their  journey 
and  begging  her  to  recognise  the  “ patriotic  train-bands  ” 
as  a branch  of  the  army.  But  they  should  be  placed  under 
the  supreme  command  of  Prince  Tuan  and  Kang  Yi,  as 
Jung  Lu,  the  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Northern  army, 
is  so  incredulous  as  to  their  efficacy  against  foreign  troops. 

Although  Major  Domo  Li  Lien-ying  is  a warm  supporter 
of  the  Boxers,  and  never  wearies  of  describing  their  feats  to 
the  Old  Buddha,  feats  which  he  himself  has  witnessed,  it  is 
by  no  means  certain  that  the  “kindly  Mother”  will  heed 
him  so  long  as  Jung  Lu  is  opposed  to  any  official  encourage- 
ment of  the  movement.  And,  besides,  the  nature  of  the 


1 The  Supreme  Deity  of  the  Taoists  and  tutelary  spirit  of  the  Boxers. 

258 


DIARY  OF  HIS  EXCELLENCY  CHING  SHAN 


Empress  is  peace-loving ; she  has  seen  many  springs  and 
autumns.  I myself  know  well  her  refined  and  gentle  tastes, 
her  love  of  painting,  poetry,  and  the  theatre.  When  in  a 
good  mood  she  is  the  most  amiable  and  tractable  of  women, 
but  at  times  her  rage  is  awful  to  witness.  My  father  was 
Comptroller-General  of  the  Imperial  Household,  and  it  was 
his  lot  on  one  occasion  to  experience  her  anger.  This  was  in 
the  sixth  year  of  T’ung  Chili  (18G8),  when  she  learned  that 
the  chief  eunuch.  “ Hsiao  An’rli,” 1 had  been  decapitated  in 
Shantung  by  the  orders  of  the  Co- Regent,  the  late  “ Empress 
Dowager  of  the  East.”  She  accused  the  Comptrollers  of 
the  Household  of  being  leagued  together  in  treachery  against 
her,  as  they  had  not  told  her  of  what  was  going  on  she 
declared  that  Prince  Kung  was  plotting  against  her  life,  and 
that  all  her  attendants  were  associated  in  his  treason.  It 
was  years  before  she  forgave  him.  All  An’s  fellow-eunuchs 
were  examined  under  torture  by  the  Department  responsible 
for  the  management  and  discipline  of  the  Household.  When 
the  chief  eunuch’s  betrayer  was  discovered  by  this  means,  he 
was  flogged  to  death  by  her  orders  in  the  Palace.  But 
nowadays  the  Old  Buddha’s  heart  has  softened,  even  towards 
foreigners,  and  she  will  not  allow  any  of  them  to  be  done 
away  with.  One  word  from  her  would  be  sufficient  to  bring 
about  their  immediate  and  complete  destruction,  so  that 
neither  dog  nor  fowl  be  left  alive,  and  no  trace  be  left  of  all 
their  foreign  buildings.  Kang  Yi  stayed  with  me  about  two 
hours  and  left  to  go  and  see  Prince  Tuan,  who  was  expecting 
Major  Domo  Li  Lien-ying  to  come  into  the  city  this 
afternoon. 

K'un  Hsiu,  Vice-President  of  the  Board  of  Works,  called 
to  see  me.  He  tells  me  that  Prince  Ch’ing  habitually 
ridicules  the  Boxers  in  private  conversation,  declaring  them 
to  be  utterly  useless,  and  unworthy  of  even  a smile  from  a wise 
man.  In  public,  however,  he  is  most  cautious — last  week 


1 A nickname  of  An  Te-hai,  vide  supra,  p.  90  et  seq. 

259  s 2 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


when  the  Old  Buddha  asked  his  opinion  of  them  he  replied 
by  vaguely  referring  to  the  possible  value  of  train-bands  for 
protection  of  the  Empire. 

9 p.m. — My  son  En  Ch’u  has  returned  from  Chi  Shou- 
ch’eng’s  theatricals ; everyone  was  talking,  he  says,  of  Jung 
Lu’s  folly  in  allowing  the  foreign  troops  to  enter  the  city 
yesterday.  Chi’s  father-in-law,  Yu  Hsien,  has  written  to  him 
from  Shansi  saying  that  for  the  present  there  are  but  few 
Boxers  enrolled  in  that  province,  but  he  is  doing  his  best  to 
further  the  movement,  so  that  Shansi  may  unite  with  the 
other  provinces  of  the  north  “ to  destroy  those  who  have 
aroused  the  Emperor’s  wrath.”  By  common  report,  Yuan 
Shih-k’ai  has  now  become  a convert  to  Christianity : if  he  too 
were  to  suppress  the  movement  in  Shantung,  not  death 
itself  could  expiate  his  guilt. 

En  Chu’s  wife  is  most  undutiful ; this  evening  she  has  had 
a quarrel  with  my  senior  concubine,  and  the  two  women 
almost  came  to  blows.  Women  are  indeed  difficult  to 
manage  ; as  Confucius  has  said,  “ Keep  them  at  a distance, 
they  resent  it ; treat  them  familiarly,  and  they  do  not 
respect  you.”  I am  seventy-eight  years  of  age  and  sore 
troubled  by  my  family  ; their  misconduct  is  hard  for  an  old 
man  to  bear. 

12 th  Day  of  the  5th  Moon  (June  8th,  1900). — My  son,  En 
Ming,  came  in  this  morning  about  midday  ; as  Officer  of  the 
Bodyguard  he  had  been  in  attendance  on  the  Empress  com- 
ing in  from  the  Summer  Palace.  Jung  Lu  had  been  there 
yesterday  morning  and  had  had  a long  audience  with  Her 
Majesty.  He  gave  her  details  of  the  burning  of  the  railway 
by  the  Boxers.  She  was  seriously  alarmed  and  decided  to 
return  at  once  to  the  Winter  Palace  on  the  Southern  Lake. 
It  seems  she  cannot  make  up  her  mind  as  to  the  Boxers 
invulnerability.  Jung  Lu  has  again  applied  for  leave.  When 
he  is  absent  from  the  Grand  Council,  Kang  Yi  and  Ch  i Hsiu 
have  the  greatest  influence  with  her.  En  Ming  says  that 
on  the  way  to  the  city  she  kept  urging  the  chair-bearers  to 

260 


DIARY  OF  HIS  EXCELLENCY  CHING  SHAN 


hurry,  and  seemed  out  of  sorts — nervously  fanning  herself  all 
the  time.  At  the  Ying  Hsiu  gate  of  the  Winter  Palace  the 
Emperor  and  the  Heir  Apparent  were  kneeling  to  receive 
her.  No  sooner  had  she  reached  the  Palace  than  she 
summoned  Prince  Tuan  to  audience,  which  lasted  a long 
time.  It  is  a pity  that  the  Old  Buddha  will  not  decide 
and  act  more  promptly.  The  Emperor  never  speaks  at 
audience  nowadays,  although  Her  Majesty  often  asks  him  for 
his  opinion.  Tung  Fu-hsiang  accompanied  the  Court  into 
Peking;  he  denounced  Jung  Lu  at  audience  to-day,  telling 
the  Empress  that  if  only  the  Legations  were  attacked,  he 
would  undertake  to  demolish  them  in  five  days  ; but  that 
Jung  Lu,  by  failing  to  support  the  Boxers,  was  a traitor  to 
the  Dynasty.  The  Empire,  said  he,  would  be  endangered 
unless  the  present  opportunity  were  seized  to  wipe  off  old 
scores  against  the  foreigner.  Tung  is  a coarse,  foul-spoken 
fellow,  most  violent  in  his  manner  towards  us  Manchus. 
Kang  Yi  hates  him,  but  for  the  present  is  only  too  willing  to 
make  use  of  him. 

14 tli  day  of  the  5th  Moon  (June  10th). — Grand  Councillor 
Ch’i  Hsiu  called  to-day — he  showed  me  the  draft  of  a 
Decree  breaking  oft'  all  relations  with  foreigners,  which 
he  had  prepared  for  the  Empress’s  signature ; so  far, 
however,  she  has  given  no  indication  of  agreeing  to  make 
war  against  them.  In  the  afternoon  I went  to  Duke  Lan’s 
residence — to-day  being  his  wife’s  birthday.  There  are  more 
than  a hundred  Boxers  living  in  his  outer  courtyard,  most  of 
them  country-folk,  under  the  command  of  a Banner  Captain 
named  Wen  Shun.  Among  them  are  five  or  six  lads  of 
thirteen  or  fourteen  who  will  fall  into  a trance,  foam  at 
the  mouth,  then  rise  up  and  grasp  wildly  at  anything  that 
comes  within  their  reach,  uttering  the  while  strange  uncouth 
noises.  Duke  Lan  believes  that  by  their  magic  arts  they 
mil  be  able  to  guide  him,  when  the  time  comes,  to  the 
houses  of  Christian  converts  (lit.  Secondary  Devils).  He 
says  that  his  wife  goes  often  to  the  Palace  and  that  she  has 

261 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


told  the  Old  Buddha  of  these  things.  The  “ Ta  Kung  Chu  ” 
(Princess  Imperial  and  adopted  daughter  of  the  Empress 
Dowager)  has  over  two  huudred  and  fifty  Boxers  quartered 
at  the  Palace  outside  the  Hou  Men,  but  she  has  not  dared  to 
tell  the  Empress  Dowager.  Her  brother,  the  “ Prince  ” 
Tsai  Ying,  is  also  learning  this  drill.  Truly  it  is  a splendid 
society  ! The  Ivansuh  braves  are  now  entering  the  Chinese 
city,  and  thousands  of  people  are  preparing  to  leave 
Peking. 

16th  day  oj  the  5th  Moon  (June  12th). — Jung  Lu  attended 
the  Grand  Council  this  morning.  Prince  Li,  the  Senior 
Councillor,  did  not  dare  to  tell  the  Empress  that  a foreign 
devil 1 had  been  killed  yesterday  by  the  Kansuh  braves  just 
outside  the  Yung-Ting  Gate.  Jung  Lu  was  called  to  the 
audience  chamber  after  Prince  Li  had  retired,  and  Kang  Yi 
believes  that  he  urged  her  to  order  Tung  Fu-hsiang  to  leave 
the  city  with  his  troops  and  at  the  same  time  to  issue  an 
Edict,  bestowing  posthumous  honours  on  the  murdered 
foreigner.  None  of  the  other  Grand  Councillors  were 
summoned  to  audience  ; when  Jung  Lu  left  the  presence,  he 
returned  straightway  to  his  own  house  and  spake  no  word  to 
any  of  his  colleagues.  It  is  rumoured  that  more  foreign 
troops  are  coming  to  Peking,  and  that  the  Empress 
Dowager  will  not  permit  them  to  enter  the  city.  In  this 
Jung  Lu  agrees  with  her.  He  has  advised  that  all  foreigners 
shall  be  allowed  to  leave  Peking,  but  that  it  is  contrary 
to  the  law  of  nations  to  attack  the  accredited  representatives 
of  foreign  Powers. 

18 th  Day  of  the  5th  Moon  (June  14th). — Yesterday,  just 
before  nightfall,  En  Ch’u  came  in  to  tell  me  that  several 
hundred  Boxers  had  entered  the  Ha-Ta  Gate.  I was  sorry 
that  my  lameness  prevented  me  from  going  out  to  see  them, 
but  I sent  Hao  Ching-ting  to  report.  Well  indeed,  is  it, 
that  I have  lived  to  see  this  day  ; almost  every  foreign 


1 The  Chancellor  of  the  Japanese  Legation,  Mr.  Sugiyama 

262 


DIARY  OF  HIS  EXCELLENCY  CHING  SHAN 


building  except  the  Legations  had  been  burnt  to  the  ground. 
Throughout  the  night  flames  burst  forth  in  every  quarter  of 
the  city ; a grand  sight ! Kang  Yi  has  sent  me  a message 
to  say  that  he  and  Duke  Lan  went  to  the  Shun  Chih 
(S.W.)  Gate  at  about  the  third  watch  to  encourage  and 
direct  the  Boxers  who  were  burning  the  French  Church. 
Hundreds  of  converts  were  burnt  to  death,  men,  women  and 
children,  and  so  great  was  the  stench  of  burning  flesh  that 
Duke  Lan  and  Kang  Yi  were  compelled  to  hold  their  noses. 
At  dawn  Kang  Yi  went  to  the  Palace  to  attend  the  Grand 
Council.  Major  Domo  Li  Lien-ying  told  him  that  the 
Old  Buddha  had  watched  the  conflagrations  from  the 
hillock  to  the  west  of  the  Southern  Lake,  and  had  plainly 
seen  the  destruction  of  the  French  Church  at  the  Shun- 
Chih  Men.  Li  Lien-ying  had  told  her  that  the  foreigners 
had  first  fired  on  the  crowd  inside  the  Ha-Ta  Gate,  and 
that  this  had  enraged  the  patriotic  braves  who  had 
retaliated  by  slaughtering  the  converts.  It  seems  that  Hsii 
T’ung  is  unable  to  get  out  of  his  house  because  the  foreign 
devils  have  barricaded  the  street ; the  Old  Buddha  is 
anxious  about  him  and  has  commanded  Prince  Ch’ing  to  ask 
the  foreign  Legations  to  let  him  pass  out.  She  is  amazed  at 
the  Boxers’  courage,  and  Kang  Yi  believes  that  she  is  about 
to  give  her  consent  to  a general  attack  upon  the  Legations. 
Nevertheless,  Li  Lien-ying  has  warned  him  that  exaggerated 
praise  of  the  Boxers  arouses  her  suspicions,  and  that,  with  the 
exception  of  Jung  Lu,  all  the  Grand  Councillors  are  afraid 
to  advise  her.  Her  Majesty  is  moving  into  the  Palace  of 
Peaceful  Longevity  in  the  Forbidden  City,  as  all  these 
alarms  and  excursions  disturb  her  sleep  at  the  Lake  Palace. 

21s£  Day  of  the  5th  Moon  (June  17th). — A great  fire  has 
been  raging  all  to-day  in  the  southern  city.  Those  reckless 
Boxers  set  fire  to  a foreign  medicine  store  in  the  Ta  Sha- 
lan’rh,  and  from  this  the  flames  spread  rapidly,  destroying 
the  shops  of  the  wealthy  goldsmiths  and  assayers.  Rightly 
says  the  Canon  of  History,  “ When  fire  rages  on  the  Kun 

263 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


Lim  ridge,  common  pebble  and  precious  jade  will  be 
consumed  together.”  The  Boxers  themselves  are  worthy 
men,  but  there  are  among  them  many  evil  doers  whose  only 
desire  is  plunder  ; these  men,  wearing  the  Boxer  uniform, 
bring  discredit  upon  the  real  “ patriotic  braves.”  The  outer 
tower  of  the  Ch’ien  Men  having  caught  fire,  the  Empress 
ordered  Jung  Lu  to  send  Banner  troops  on  to  the  wall  so  as 
to  prevent  any  ruffians  entering  the  Tartar  City  by  the  Ta 
Ch ’ing  Gate. 

In  the  afternoon  my  married  niece  came  over  to  see  her 
aunt : she  has  been  greatly  alarmed  by  the  uproar  and  fighting 
near  her  home,  so  they  are  moving  to  her  father-in-law’s 
house  in  the  northern  city. 

I hear  that  Prince  Tuan  has  now  persuaded  the  Old 
Buddha  to  appoint  him  President  of  the  Tsung  Li  Yamen  ; 
also  that  she  has  authorised  him  to  require  all  foreigners  to 
leave  Peking,  but  they  are  to  be  protected  against  any  attacks 
by  the  Boxers.  My  old  friend,  Ch’i  Hsiu,  has  been  made  a 
Minister  of  the  Tsung  Li  Yamen,  also  Na  T’ung,  the  Sub- 
Chancellor  of  the  Grand  Secretariat.  The  latter  memorialised 
lately  advising  the  Throne  to  declare  war  before  the  foreign 
Powers  could  send  reinforcements  ; the  Old  Buddha  has 
placed  him  in  the  Tsung  Li  Yamen  to  assist  Prince  Tuan 
and  Chi  Hsiu  in  arranging  for  the  foreigners’  departure  from 
the  city.  Prince  Ch’ing  still  says  nothing  for  or  against  the 
Boxers.  Jung  Lu  has  offered  to  escort  the  foreign  Ministers 
half-way  to  Tientsin,  but  he  stipulates  that  the  Viceroyalty 
of  Chihli  must  be  taken  from  Yii  Lu.  My  wife  was  taken 
seriously  ill  this  evening ; she  kept  on  muttering  incoherently 
and  rolling  about  on  the  k’ang  as  if  in  great  pain.  We  sent 
for  Dr.  Yung,  who  applied  acupuncture. 

24 th  Day  of  the  5th  Moon  (June  20th). — Yesterday,  at 
mid-day,  Yii  Lu’s  memorial  reached  the  Throne.  He  says 
that  the  foreign  devils  have  actually  demanded  the  surrender 
of  the  Taku  forts,  and  he  begs  the  Empress  Dowager  to 
declare  war  on  them  forthwith,  to  make  them  atone  for  their 

264 


DIARY  OF  HIS  EXCELLENCY  CH1NG  SHAN 


insolence  and  treachery.  A special  meeting  of  the  Grand 
Council  was  immediately  called.  The  Old  Buddha  was  very 
wroth,  but  said  she  would  postpone  her  decision  until  to-day, 
when  all  the  Princes,  Presidents  and  Vice-Presidents  of  the 
Boards  and  Ministries,  and  the  Lieutenant-Generals  of 
Banners,  would  meet  in  special  audience.  Prince  Tuan, 
Ch’i  Hsiu  and  Na  T’ung  showed  her  a despatch  from  the 
foreign  Ministers  couched  in  most  insolent  language 
demanding  her  immediate  abdication,  the  degradation  of 
the  Heir  Apparent,  and  the  restoration  of  the  Emperor.1 
The  Ministers  also  asked  that  the  Emperor  should  allow 
10,000  foreign  troops  to  enter  Peking  to  restore  order. 
Kang  Yi  came  to  tell  me  that  never  had  he  seen  the  Old 
Buddha  so  angry,  not  even  when  she  learned  of  Kang  Yu- 
wei’s  treason.  “ How  dare  they  question  my  authority ! ” 
she  exclaimed.  “If  I can  bear  this,  what  must  not  be 
borne  ? The  insults  of  these  foreigners  pass  all  bounds. 
Let  us  exterminate  them  before  we  eat  our  morning  meal.”2 
The  wrath  of  the  Old  Buddha  is  indeed  beyond  control  ; 
neither  Jung  Lu,  nor  any  other  can  stop  her  now.  She  has 
told  Jung  Lu  that  if  he  wishes,  he  may  still  offer  to  escort 
the  foreign  Ministers  to  Tientsin,  but  she  will  give  no 
guarantee  for  their  safety  on  the  journey  because  of  their 
monstrous  suggestion  that  she  should  abdicate.  She  does 
not  absolutely  desire  their  death,  but  says  that  the  con- 
sideration she  showed  them  in  allowing  the  Legation  guards 
to  enter  the  city,  and  her  solicitude  in  restraining  the 
Boxers,  have  been  ill-requited.  “ It  were  better,”  says  she, 
“ to  go  down  in  one  desperate  encounter  than  to  surrender 
our  just  rights  at  the  bidding  of  the  foreigner.” 

Though  only  a woman,  Her  Majesty  Tzu  Hsi  has  all  the 
courage  of  a man,  and  more  than  the  ordinary  man’s 
intelligence. 

24 th  Day  of  the  5th  Moon  : The  Hour  of  the  Cock , 5-7  p.m. 

1 This  was  a forgery. 

2 A quotation  from  the  “Book  of  Odes.” 

265 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


(20th  June). — I have  just  returned  from  visiting  my  brother- 
in-law,  the  Grand  Secretary  Kang  Yi ; he  told  me  all  about 
this  morning’s  audience.  At  the  hour  of  the  Tiger 
(3-5  a.m.)  the  Grand  Council  assembled  in  the  Palace  by 
the  Lake,  and  were  received  by  the  Old  Buddha  in  the 
Pavilion  of  the  Ceremonial  Phoenix.  All  were  there, 
Prince  Li,  Jung  Lu,  Kang  Yi,  Wang  Wen-shao,  Ch’i  Hsiu, 
and  Chao  Shu-ch’iao,  but  the  Emperor  was  absent.  This 
was  a special  audience,  preparatory  to  the  general  audience 
of  all  the  Princes  and  Ministers,  and  its  object  was  to  give 
the  Grand  Council  an  opportunity  of  laying  before  Her 
Majesty  any  new  facts  or  opinions  bearing  upon  the 
situation. 

With  tears  in  his  eyes,  Jung  Lu  knelt  before  Her 
Majesty ; he  confessed  that  the  foreigners  had  only  them- 
selves to  blame  if  China  declared  war  upon  them,  but  he 
urged  her  to  bear  in  mind  that  an  attack  on  the  Legations, 
as  recommended  by  Prince  Tuan  and  the  rest  of  the 
Council,  might  entail  the  ruin  of  the  ancestral  shrines  of  the 
Dynasty,  as  well  as  the  altars  of  the  local  and  tutelary  Gods. 
What  good  purpose,  he  asked,  would  be  served  by  the 
besieging  nay,  even  by  the  destruction,  of  this  isolated  handful 
of  Europeans  ? What  lustre  could  it  add  to  the  Imperial 
arms  ? Obviously,  it  must  be  waste  of  energy  and  mis- 
directed purpose. 

The  Old  Buddha  replied  that  if  these  were  his  views,  he 
had  better  persuade  the  foreigners  to  leave  the  city  before 
the  attack  began  ; she  could  no  longer  restrain  the  patriotic 
movement,  even  if  she  wished.  If  therefore,  he  had  no 
better  advice  than  this  to  offer,  he  might  consider  himself 
excused  from  further  attendance  at  the  Council. 

JungLu  thereupon  kowtowed  thrice  and  left  the  audience 
hall  to  return  to  his  own  house.  Upon  his  departure,  Ch’i 
Hsiu  drew  from  his  boot  the  draft  of  the  Decree  which  was 
to  declare  war.  Her  Majesty  read  it  and  exclaimed, 
“ Admirable,  admirable ! These  are  exactly  my  views.” 

266 


DIARY  OF  HIS  EXCELLENCY  CHING  SHAN 


She  asked  each  Grand  Councillor  in  turn  for  his  opinion,  and 
they  declared  unanimously  in  favour  of  hostilities.  It  was 
now  the  hour  appointed  for  the  general  audience  and 
Li-Lien-ying  came  in  to  conduct  her  Majesty  to  her  own 
apartments  to  take  tea  before  proceeding  to  the  “ Hall  of 
Diligent  Government.” 

All  the  leading  members  of  the  Imperial  Clan  were 
kneeling  at  the  entrance  to  the  Hall,  awaiting  their 
Majesties’  arrival : the  Princes  Kung,  Ch’un  and  Tuan ; the 
“ Beilehs  ” Tsai  Lien  and  Tsai  Ying  ; Duke  Lan  and  his 
brother  the  “ Beitzu  ” Ying ; Prince  Ch’ing  and  the  five 
Grand  Councillors;  the  Princes  Chuang,  Su  and  Yi  ; the 
Presidents,  Chinese  and  Manchu,  of  the  six  Boards  and  the 
nine  Ministries  ; the  Lieutenants-General  of  the  twenty-four 
Banner  divisions ; and  the  Comptrollers  of  the  Imperial 
Household.  Their  Majesties  arrived  together  in  chairs, 
borne  by  four  bearers.  The  Emperor  alighted  first,  and 
knelt  as  the  “ benign  mother  ” left  her  palanquin  and 
entered  the  Hall,  supported  by  the  Chief  Eunuch  Li  Lien- 
ying,  and  by  his  immediate  subordinate,  Ts’ui  Chin.  The 
Emperor  was  ghastly  pale,  and  it  was  observed  that  he 
trembled  as  he  took  his  seat  on  the  Lower  Throne  by  the 
Empress  Dowager's  side. 

The  Old  Buddha  first  called  on  all  present  to  draw 
near  to  the  Throne  ; then,  speaking  with  great  vehemence, 
she  declared  that  it  was  impossible  for  her  to  brook  these 
latest  indignities  put  upon  her  by  the  foreigners.  Her 
Imperial  dignity  could  not  suffer  it.  Until  yesterday,  until, 
in  fact,  she  had  read  the  dispatch  addressed  to  the  Tsungli 
Yamen  by  the  Diplomatic  Body,  it  had  been  her  intention 
to  suppress  the  Boxers ; but  in  the  face  of  their  insolent 
proposal  that  she  should  hand  over  the  reins  of  government 
to  the  Emperor,  who  had  already  proved  himself  quite 
unfitted  to  rule,  she  had  been  brought  to  the  conclusion  that 
no  peaceful  solution  of  the  situation  was  possible.  The 
insolence  of  the  French  Consul  at  Tientsin  Tu  Shih-lan  (Du 

267 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


Chaylard),  in  demanding  the  surrender  of  the  Taku  Forts 
was  bad  enough,  but  not  so  grievous  an  affront  as  the 
Ministers’  preposterous  proposal  to  interfere  with  her  personal 
prerogatives  as  Sovereign.  Her  decision  was  now  taken,  her 
mind  resolved  ; not  even  Jung  Lu,  to  whom  she  had  always 
looked  for  wise  counsel,  could  turn  her  from  this  purpose. 
Then,  addressing  more  directly  the  Chinese  present,  she  bade 
them  all  to  remember  that  the  rule  of  her  Manchu  House 
had  conferred  many  and  great  benefits  upon  the  nation  for 
the  past  two  hundred  and  fifty  years,  and  that  the  Throne 
had  always  held  the  balance  fairly  in  the  benevolent  con- 
sideration for  all  its  subjects,  north  and  south  alike.  The 
Dynasty  had  scrupulously  followed  the  teachings  of  the 
Sages  in  administering  the  government ; taxation  had  been 
lighter  than  under  any  previous  rulers.  Had  not  the  people 
been  relieved,  in  time  of  their  distress,  by  grants  from  the 
Privy  Purse  ? In  her  own  reign,  had  not  rebellions  been  sup- 
pressed in  such  a manner  as  to  earn  the  lasting  gratitude  of 
the  southern  provinces  ? It  was  therefore  now  their  duty  to 
rally  to  the  support  of  the  Throne,  and  to  assist  it  in 
putting  an  end,  once  and  for  all,  to  foreign  aggression.  It 
had  lasted  too  long.  If  only  the  nation  were  of  one  mind,  it 
could  not  be  difficult  to  convince  these  barbarians  that  they 
had  mistaken  the  leniency  of  the  past  for  weakness.  That 
leniency  had  been  great ; in  accordance  with  the  principle 
which  prescribes  the  showing  of  kindness  to  strangers  from 
afar,  the  Imperial  House  had  ever  shown  them  the  greatest 
consideration.  The  Emperor  K’ang  Hsi  had  even  allowed 
them  liberty  to  propagate  their  religion,  an  act  of  mistaken 
benevolence  which  had  been  an  increasing  cause  of  regret  to 
his  successors.  In  matters  of  vital  principle,  she  said,  these 
foreigners  ignore  the  sacred  doctrines  of  the  Sages ; in 
matters  of  detail,  they  insult  the  customs  and  cherished 
beliefs  of  the  Chinese  people.  They  have  trusted  in  the 
strength  of  their  arms,  but  to-day  China  can  rely  upon 
millions  of  her  brave  and  patriotic  volunteers.  Are  not 

268 


DIARY  OF  HIS  EXCELLENCY  CHING  SHAN 


even  striplings  taking  up  arms  for  the  defence  of  their 
country  ? She  had  always  been  of  the  opinion  that  the 
allied  armies  had  been  permitted  to  escape  too  easily  in  the 
tenth  year  of  Hsien  Feng  (1860),  and  that  only  a united 
effort  was  then  necessary  to  have  given  China  the  victory. 
To-day,  at  last,  the  opportunity  for  revenge  had  come. 

Turning  to  the  Emperor,  she  asked  for  his  opinion.  His 
Majesty,  after  a long  pause,  and  with  evident  hesitation, 
urged  her  to  follow  Jung  Lu’s  advice,  to  refrain  from 
attacking  the  Legations,  and  to  have  the  foreign  Ministers 
escorted  in  safety  to  the  coast.  But,  he  added,  it  must  be 
for  her  to  decide.  He  could  not  dare  to  assume  any 
responsibility  in  the  matter. 

The  junior  Chinese  Member  of  the  Council,  Chao 
Shu-ch’iao  then  spoke.  He  begged  the  Old  Buddha  to 
issue  her  orders  for  the  immediate  extermination  of  every 
foreigner  in  the  interior,  so  as  to  avoid  the  danger  of 
spies  reporting  on  the  nature  and  extent  of  the  patriotic 
movement.  Her  Majesty  commanded  the  Grand  Council  to 
consider  this  suggestion  and  to  memorialise  in  due  course  for 
an  Edict. 

After  him,  however,  each  in  his  turn,  the  Manchu 
Li-shan,  and  the  Chinese  Hsii  Ching-ch’eng  and  Yuan 
Chang  implored  the  Empress  not  to  declare  war  against  the 
whole  world.  China,  they  said,  could  not  possibly  escape 
defeat,  and,  even  if  the  Empire  should  not  be  partitioned, 
there  must  arise  great  danger  of  rebellion  and  anarchy  from 
within.  Yuan  Chang  even  went  so  far  as  to  say  that  he  had 
served  as  a Minister  of  the  Tsungli  Yramen  for  two  years 
and  that  he  had  found  foreigners  to  be  generally  reasonable 
and  just  in  their  dealings.  He  did  not  believe  in  the 
authenticity  of  the  despatch  demanding  the  Empress’s 
abdication,  which  Prince  Tuan  professed  to  have  received 
from  the  Diplomatic  Body ; m his  opinion,  it  was  impossible 
that  the  Ministers  should  have  dared  to  suggest  any  such 
interference  with  China’s  internal  affairs. 

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CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


At  this  Prince  Tuan  arose  and  angrily  asked  the 
Empress  whether  she  proposed  to  listen  to  the  words  of 
a Chinese  traitor  ? Her  Majesty  rebuked  him  for  his  loud 
and  violent  manner  of  speaking,  but  ordered  Yuan  Ch’ang 
to  leave  the  Audience  Hall.  No  one  else  dared  to  say 
anything. 

She  then  ordered  the  promulgation  of  the  Decree,  for 
immediate  communication  to  all  parts  of  the  Empire  ; at  the 
same  time  announcing  her  intention  of  sacrificing  at  the 
ancestral  shrines  before  the  commencement  of  hostilities. 
Prince  Chuang  and  Duke  Lan  were  appointed  joint 
Commanders-in-Chief  of  the  Boxers,  but  Tzu  Hsi  gave  them 
clearly  to  understand  that  if  the  foreign  Ministers  would 
agree  to  take  their  departure  from  Peking  this  afternoon 
Jung  Lu  was  to  do  his  best  to  protect  them  as  far  as 
Tientsin.  Finally,  the  Empress  ordered  the  Grand  Council 
to  report  themselves  at  mid-day  for  further  orders.  All 
were  then  permitted  to  retire  with  the  exception  of  Prince 
Tuan  and  Duke  Lan ; these  remained  in  special  audience 
for  some  time  longer.  Hsu  Tung  was  present  at  the 
general  audience,  having  made  good  his  escape  from  the 
Legation  quarter,  and  was  congratulated  by  Her  Majesty  on 
his  safety. 

They  say  that  Duke  Lan  told  the  Empress  of  a vision  in 
which,  the  night  before,  he  had  seen  Yu  Huang,  the  Jade 
Emperor.  To  him,  and  to  his  company  of  Boxers  while 
drilling,  the  god  had  appeared,  and  had  expressed  his 
satisfaction  with  them  and  their  patriotic  movement.  The 
Old  Buddha  observed  that  the  Jade  Emperor  had  appeared 
in  the  same  manner  at  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  the 
Empress  Wu  of  the  Tang  Dynasty  (the  most  famous  woman 
ruler  in  Chinese  history) ; the  omen,  she  thought,  showed 
clearly  that  the  gods  are  on  the  side  of  China  and  against 
the  barbarians. 

When,  at  the  hour  of  the  Sheep  (1  p.m.)  Kang  Yi  returned 
to  the  Palace,  he  found  Prince  Ch’ing  in  the  anteroom  of 

270 


DIARY  OF  HIS  EXCELLENCY  CHING  SHAN 


the  Grand  Council,  greatly  excited.  It  seems  that  En  Hai,1 
a Manchu  sergeant,  had  just  come  to  his  residence  and 
reported  that  he  had  shot  and  killed  two  foreigners  whom  he 
had  met,  riding  in  sedan  chairs  that  morning,  just  opposite 
the  Tsungpu  Street.  As  orders  had  been  issued  by  Frince 
Tuan  and  Ch’i  Hsiu  to  the  troops  that  all  foreigners  were 
to  be  shot  wherever  met,  and  as  one  of  these  two  was  the 
German  Minister,  he  hoped  that  Prince  Ch’ing  would 
recommend  him  for  special  promotion.  Prince  Tuan  had 
already  heard  the  news  and  was  greatly  pleased.  Prince 
Ch’ing  and  Kang  Yi  discussed  the  matter  and  decided  to 
inform  the  Empress  Dowager  at  once.  Kang  Yi  did  not 
think  that  the  death  of  one  foreign  devil,  more  or  less,  could 
matter  much,  especially  now  that  it  had  been  decided  to 
wipe  out  the  Legations  entirely,  but  Prince  Ch’ing  thought 
differently  and  reiterated  his  opinion  that  the  killing  of  an 
accredited  Envoy  is  a serious  matter.  Until  now,  only 
missionaries  and  their  converts  had  been  put  to  death,  but 
the  murder  of  a Minister  could  not  fail  to  arouse  fierce 
indignation,  even  as  it  did  in  the  case  of  the  British 
negotiator  2 who  was  captured  by  our  troops  in  the  10th  year 
of  Hsien-Feng  (1860). 

The  Grand  Council  then  entered  the  presence.  Prince  Li, 
as  the  senior  member  of  the  Council,  told  the  Old  Buddha 
the  news,  but  added  that  the  foreigners  had  brought  it  on 
themselves  because  they  had  first  fired  on  the  people. 
Upon  hearing  this  Her  Majesty  ordered  Jung  Lu  to  be 
summoned  in  haste,  but  Kang  Yi,  being  extremely  busy 
with  his  work  of  providing  supplies  for  the  Boxers,  did  not 
await  his  arrival. 

Now,  even  as  I write,  they  tell  me  that  bullets  are 
whizzing  and  whistling  overhead  ; but  I am  too  deaf  to  hear 
them.  En  Ch’u  says  that  already  the  Kansuh  braves  have 

1 This  man’s  subsequent  arrest  and  execution  are  described  in  a Censorate 
memorial  at  the  end  of  this  chapter. 

2 Mr.  (later  Sir  Harry)  Parkes. 


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CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


begun  the  attack  upon  the  Legations  and  that  Jung  Lu’s 
endeavours  to  have  the  foreigners  escorted  to  a place  of 
safety  have  completely  failed. 

Liu  Shun  has  just  come  in  and  asked  for  leave  to  go  home 
for  a week.  People  are  leaving  the  city  in  all  directions  and 
in  great  numbers. 

24 th  Day  of  the  5th  Moon:  the  Hour  oj  the  Dog,  7-9  p.m. 
(June  20th,  1900). — En  Ming  has  just  come  in  to  inform  me 
that  a foreign  devil1  has  been  captured  by  Tung  Fu-hsiangs 
troops.  They  were  taking  him,  wounded,  to  Prince  Chuang’s 
Palace,  prodding  at  him  with  their  bayonets ; and  he  was 
babbling  in  his  foreign  tongue.  He  will  be  decapitated,  and 
his  captors  will  receive  good  rewards  (Prince  Chuang  has 
just  been  given  command  of  the  gendarmerie).  “ The  rut 
in  which  the  cart  was  overturned  is  just  ahead.”  Let  this 
be  a warning  to  those  puny  barbarian  ruffians,  the  soldiery 
encamped  at  the  very  gates  of  the  Palace.  ( This  alludes  to 
the  proximity  of  the  Legations  to  the  Palace  enclosure.) 
Jung  Lu  was  all  ready  to  escort  the  foreigners  to  Tientsin  ; 
he  had  with  him  over  2,000  Manchu  troops.  Doubtless  he 
means  well,  but  the  Old  Buddha  now  says  that  she  will  not 
prevent  the  Kansuh  braves  from  destroying  the  Legations. 
If  the  foreigners  choose  to  leave  with  Jung  Lu,  let  them  do 
so,  and  they  will  not  be  attacked ; but  if  they  insist  upon 
remaining,  then  their  punishment  be  upon  their  own  heads, 
and  “let  them  not  say  they  were  not  forewarned.” 

Duke  Lan  sent  over  to  invite  me  to  breakfast  with  him 
to-morrow  ; he  is  sore  pressed  with  business  cares  just  now ; 
nevertheless,  he  and  his  brothers  always  treat  their  old 
teacher  with  politeness  and  respect.  Though  bellicose  by 
nature,  he  is  singularly  gentle  and  refined.  Chi  Pin 2 sent 
over  to  ask  whether  we  would  like  to  move  to  his  house  in 
the  north  of  the  city,  because  the  noise  of  the  firing  is  very 

1 Professor  James. 

2 Mentioned  above  under  full  name  of  Chi  Shou-ch’eng.  Chi  Pin  was  his 
“ hao  ” or  intimate  personal  name. 


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DIARY  OF  HIS  EXCELLENCY  CHING  SHAN 

great  in  our  quarter,  but  I am  so  deaf  that  I hear  not  a sound 
of  it  all.1 

Chi  Pin  is  writing  to  his  father-in-law,  Yu  Hsien,  about 
the  audience  in  the  Palace. 

Duke  Lan  writes  to  tell  me  that  this  evening  * * * * 
informed  Prince  Tuan  and  Chi  Hsiu  that,  by  the  orders  of 
that  rascally  Chinaman,  Yuan  Chang,  the  corpse  of  the 
foreign  devil  had  been  coffined.  # * * * wanted  Prince 
Tuan  to  have  the  corpse  decapitated  and  the  head  exhibited 
over  the  Tung  An  Gate.  Yuan  Ch  ang  defends  his  action, 
saying  that  he  knew  the  German  Minister  personally  at  the 
Tsung  Li  Yamen,  and  he  cannot  bear  the  idea  of  leaving  his 
body  uncoffined.  Mencius  says,  “ It  is  common  to  all  men 
to  feel  pity.  No  one  can  see  a child  fall  into  a well  without 
a shudder  of  commiseration  and  horror.’  But  these  Chinese 
traitors  of  ours  are  compassionate  to  the  enemies  of  our 
glorious  Kingdom,  and  the  foes  of  our  ancient  race.  It  is 
passing  strange ! 

2 5th  Day  of  the  5th  Moon : the  Hour  of  the  Monkey,  3-5  p.m. 
(June  21st). — My  chair-bearers  have  fled  from  the  city,  so 
to-day  I had  to  use  my  cart  to  go  to  Duke  Lan’s  residence. 
Prince  Tuan  and  the  Grand  Secretary,  Kang  Yi,  were  there  ; 
also  Chung  Li,  lately  Commandant  of  the  gendarmerie,  and 
the  “ Beileh  ” Tsai  Lien.  Prince  Tuan  had  seen  the  Old 
Buddha  this  morning  ; their  Majesties  have  moved  from  the 
Palace  by  the  lake  into  the  Forbidden  City.  As  the  Empress 
Dowager  was  crossing  the  road  which  runs  between  the  Gate 
of  the  Hsi  Yuan  (Western  Park)  and  the  Hsi  Hua  Gate  of 
the  Forbidden  City  she  saw  that  a number  of  Boxers  had 
lined  up  on  each  side  of  the  street  as  a Guard  of  Honour  for 
the  “ Sacred  Chariot.”  She  presented  them  with  2,000  taels, 
congratulating  their  commander,  Prince  Chuang,  on  their 
stalwart  appearance.  Said  the  Old  Buddha  to  Prince  Tuan, 

1 Ching  Shan’s  house  was  just  inside  the  Tung  An  Gate  of  the 
Imperial  City,  about  a quarter  of  a mile  to  the  north  of  the  present 
Legation  area  boundary. 


273 


T 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


“ The  foreigners  are  like  fish  in  the  stew-pan.  For  forty 
years  have  I lain  on  brushwood  and  eaten  bitterness  because 
of  them,  nursing  my  revenge  like  Prince  Kou  Chien  of  the 
Yiieh  State  (5th  Century  b.c.).  Never  have  I treated  the 
foreigners  otherwise  than  generously  ; have  I not  invited 
their  womenfolk  to  visit  the  Lake  Palace  ? But  now,  if 
only  the  country  will  stand  together,  then  defeat  is 
certain.” 

I think  Prince  Tuan  hopes  that  the  Old  Buddha  will  now 
have  the  Ta-A-Ko  proclaimed  Emperor  ; but  unfortunately 
the  Nanking  Viceroy,  Liu  K’un-yi,  has  much  influence  over 
her  in  this  matter.  When  he  was  in  Peking  this  spring,  in 
the  second  moon,  he  solemnly  warned  her  against  the  Boxers 
and  ventured  even  to  remonstrate  at  the  Ta-A-Ko  being 
made  Heir  Apparent.  Were  it  not  for  Liu  K’un  Yi,  he 
would  have  been  Emperor  long  since  ; therefore  Prince  Tuan 
has  a very  bitter  hatred  against  him.  Liu  told  the  Old 
Buddha  at  his  second  audience  that  if  H.M.  Kuang  Hsii 
were  deposed,  the  people  of  his  province  would  assuredly 
rise  in  rebellion.  What  concern  is  it  of  theirs  who  reigns 
in  the  Capital  ? His  present  Majesty’s  reign  has  brought 
many  misfortunes  to  the  nation  ; it  is  high  time  that  it 
came  to  an  end.  Why  does  not  Prince  Tuan  enter  the 
Palace  and  proclaim  his  son  Emperor?  Tung  Fu-hsiang’s 
Kansuh  braves  and  the  Prince’s  own  Manchu  soldiery  would 
surely  rally  round  him.  But  if  Jung  Lu  opposed  them  the 
Old  Buddha  would  side  with  him.  His  wife  1 is  for  ever  in 
the  Palace. 

2 6th  Day  of  the  5th  Moon  (June  22nd). — I went  this 
morning  to  Prince  Li’s  palace  in  the  western  quarter  of  the 
city.  1 had  to  go  in  my  small  cart,  because  my  chair- 
bearers  have  either  run  away  to  their  homes  in  the  country 


1 This  favourite  companion  of  Tzu  Hsi  was  really  Jung  Lu’s  secondary 
consort,  who  was  only  raised  to  the  rank  of  la  premiere  legitime  after  his  first 
wife’s  death  in  September,  1900.  She  survived  him  and  continued  to 
exercise  great  influence  with  the  Old  Buddha. 

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DIARY  OF  HIS  EXCELLENCY  CHING  SHAN 


or  had  joined  the  Boxers.  My  two  sons,  En  Ch’u  and 
En  Ming,  have  been  making  arrangements  to  quarter  one 
hundred  Boxers  in  our  outer  courtyard,  and  it  seems  that 
we  shall  have  to  supply  them  with  food.  Although  it 
cannot  be  denied  that  everyone  should  join  in  this  noble 
work  of  exterminating  the  barbarians,  I grudge,  nevertheless, 
spending  money  in  these  hard  times  even  for  the  Boxers,  for 
rice  is  now  become  as  dear  as  pearls,  and  firewood  more 
precious  than  cassia  buds.  It  may  be  that,  in  my  old  age,  I 
am  becoming  like  that  Hsiao  Hung,  brother  to  the  founder 
of  the  Liang  Dynasty,  who  was  so  miserly  that  he  stored  up 
his  money  in  heaps.  On  every  heap  of  a million  cash  he 
would  place  a yellow  label,  while  a purple  label  marked  each 
hoard  of  ten  millions.  It  is  recorded  of  him,  that  his 
relatives  abused  him  for  this  habit ; as  for  me,  my  sons 
would  like  to  get  at  my  money,  but  they  cannot. 

I find  Prince  Li  much  depressed  in  his  mind  ; his  treasure 
vaults  contain  vast  wealth ; as  senior  member  of  the  Grand 
Council,  moreover,  he  feels  a weight  of  responsibility  that  is 
too  much  for  him.  His  abilities  are  certainly  small,  and 
I have  never  yet  understood  why  the  Old  Buddha  appointed 
him  to  succeed  Prince  Rung  as  senior  Councillor.  He  tells 
me  of  a stormy  meeting  at  the  Grand  Council  this  morning ; 
it  seems  that  Her  Majesty  is  greatly  annoyed  with  Liu 
Iv’un-yi  for  sending  in  a telegram  strongly  denouncing 
the  Boxers.  He  has  also  telegraphed  privately  to  Jung  Lu, 
imploring  him  to  check  their  rebellion,  but  no  one  knows 
what  answer  Jung  Lu  has  made. 

In  his  telegram  to  the  Empress  Dowager,  which  came 
fonvard  by  express  couriers  from  Pao-ting-fu,  the  Viceroy 
declares  that  he  would  be  more  than  ready  to  march  north 
with  all  his  troops  if  it  were  to  repel  a foreign  invasion, 
but  he  firmly  declines  to  lend  his  forces  for  the  purpose 
of  massacring  a few  helpless  foreigners.  Commenting  on 
this,  the  Empress  Dowager  quoted  the  words  of  the  Classic 
Historical  Commentary  (Tso  Chuan) : “ The  upper  and  lower 

275  t 2 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


jaws  mutually  assist  each  other  ; if  the  lips  shrivel,  then 
must  the  teeth  catch  cold.”  Thereby  she  meant  to  imply 
that  even  such,  in  its  close  interdependence,  is  the  relation 
between  the  northern  and  southern  parts  of  our  Empire,  and 
no  one  should  know  this  better  than  Liu  K’un-yi,  after  his 
experiences  at  the  time  of  the  Taiping  Rebellion. 

The  Old  Buddha  has  directed  Prince  Chuang,  as  head  of 
the  city  gendarmerie,  to  issue  a proclamation  offering 
Tls.  50  for  every  head  of  a male  barbarian  brought  in, 
Tls.  40  for  that  of  a woman,  and  Tls.  30  for  that  of  a 
child. 

While  I was  still  talking  with  Prince  Li,  Jung  Lu  came 
over  in  his  sedan  chair  to  visit  his  kinsman.  He  looks  very 
tired,  and  walks  with  a limp.  He  was  loud  in  denouncing 
the  Boxers,  who,  he  says,  are  quite  incapable  of  doing  any 
good.  They  had  even  now  dared  to  shout  abuse  at  him 
while  passing  the  “ Houmen,”  calling  him  a Chinese  traitor. 
I could  not  help  thinking  that  Jung  Lu  deserved  the  name, 
but  I did  not  say  so.  He  is  a strong  man,  the  strongest  of 
all  the  Manchus,  and  I greatly  fear  that  his  influence  may 
yet  be  able  to  wreck  all  our  hopes. 

Returning  to  my  house,  I heard  that  the  Princes  Tuan 
and  Chuang  were  sending  troops  to  surround  the  French 
Cathedral,  which  is  defended  by  a few  foreign  soldiers  only, 
and  which  should,  therefore,  be  easily  captured.  Prince  Li’s 
palace  is  within  a stone’s  throw  of  the  cathedral,  and  to  enter 
the  Forbidden  City  he  has  to  pass  just  south  of  it,  through 
the  “ Hsi-Hua  ” gate.  Although  greatly  disturbed  by  the 
mpending  hostilities  in  his  neighbourhood,  he  fears  to  move 
to  a quieter  locality,  lest,  in  his  absence,  his  treasure  vaults 
should  be  plundered.  No  doubt  the  cathedral  will  fall  in 
a few  days. 

My  courtyard  is  now  full  of  Boxers  and  Kansuh  soldiery  ; 
I can  no  longer  call  my  house  my  own.  How  I loathe 
these  cursed  foreigners  for  causing  all  this  disturbance  ! 

The  same  Day:  at  the  Hour  of  the  Dog  (7-9  p.m.). — I 

276 


DIARY  OF  HIS  EXCELLENCY  CHING  SIIAN 


learn  that  Jung  Lu  has  just  sent  off  a courier  with  a 
telegram,  which  Yi'ian  Shih-k’ai  is  to  send  on  to  the  Viceroys 
of  Canton,  Nanking  and  Wuchang.  Prince  Li  has  sent  me 
a copy,  which  I am  to  keep  secret ; it  reads  as  follows : 

“ With  all  respect  I have  received  your  telegrams. 
Where  one  weak  people  dares  to  oppose  ten  or  more 
powerful  nations,  the  inevitable  result  can  only  be  complete 
ruin.  It  has  always  been  maintained  as  a fixed  principle 
with  civilised  nations,  that,  in  the  event  of  war  between  any 
two  Powers,  their  respective  Envoys  should  be  treated  with 
respect.  Can  it  now  be  that  this  our  great  inheritance, 
founded  by  our  remote  ancestors  at  so  great  a cost  of  toil 
and  danger,  is  to  be  endangered,  and  suddenly  brought 
to  ruin,  by  these  false  workers  of  magic  ? Shall  the  fate  of 
the  Dynasty  be  staked  on  a single  throw  ? It  requires 
no  peculiar  sagacity  to  see  that  these  Boxers’  hopes  of 
success  are  nothing  but  the  shadow  of  a dream.  It  is  true 
and  undeniable,  that,  from  their  Majesties  on  the  Throne 
down  to  the  very  lowest  of  our  people,  all  have  suffered 
from  the  constant  aggression  of  foreigners  and  their 
unceasing  insults.  For  this  reason  these  patriotic  train- 
bands  have  been  organised,  claiming  a divine  mission  of 
retaliation  ; but  the  present  crisis  is  all-serious,  and  although 
I have  used  every  effort  to  explain  its  dangers,  I have 
laboured  in  vain.  I am  sick  and  suffering  from  lameness, 
but  since  I obtained  leave  of  absence  I have  already 
submitted  seven  separate  memorials  denouncing  these 
Boxers.  Seeing  that  they  produced  no  result,  I have  now 
left  my  sick  bed,  in  order,  if  possible,  to  explain  the  situation 
clearly  to  their  Majesties  ; and  this  also  has  been  in  vain. 

“ All  the  Princes  and  Ministers  of  State  who  surround  the 
Throne  now  cry  out  against  me  with  one  voice,  as  your 
Excellencies  can  readily  believe.  I dare  not  quote  in  this 
place  the  words  of  Her  Majesty,  but  I may  say  that  the 
whole  of  the  Imperial  family  have  joined  the  Boxers,  and  at 
least  two-thirds  of  our  troops,  both  Manchu  and  Chinese, 
are  with  them.  They  swarm  in  the  streets  of  our  capital 
like  a plague  of  locusts,  and  it  will  be  extremely  difficult  to 
disperse  them. 


277 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


“ Even  the  divine  wisdom  of  Her  Majesty  is  not  sufficient 
to  stand  against  the  will  of  the  majority.  If  Heaven  is  not 
on  our  side,  how  can  I oppose  its  will  ? For  several  days 
past  I have  been  pondering  night  and  day  on  some  way  out 
of  our  difficulties,  some  forlorn  hope  of  escape.  Therefore 
yesterday  morning  (June  20th)  I arranged  for  a meeting  with 
the  foreign  Ministers  at  the  Tsung  Li  Yamen,  with  a view  to 
providing  a safe  conduct  for  the  entire  foreign  community, 
with  my  own  troops,  to  Tientsin.  This  course  appeared  to 
me  to  hold  out  some  reasonable  chances  of  success,  but 
Prince  Tuan’s  soldiery  slew  the  German  Minister,  and  since 
then  the  situation  continues  to  develop  from  hour  to  hour 
with  such  extraordinary  rapidity  that  words  fail  me  to 
describe  it.  On  my  side,  in  the  discussions  of  the  Grand 
Council  and  the  Chamberlains  of  the  Presence,  are  Prince 
Ch’ing  and  Wang  Wen-shao,  but  the  former,  following  his 
usual  practice,  has  applied  for  leave,  and  Her  Majesty  will 
have  nothing  to  do  with  him ; so  that  these  two  are  of  no 
real  assistance  to  me.  I have  no  fear  of  death,  but  I grieve 
at  the  thought  of  the  guilt  which  will  be  recorded  against 
me  in  history  ; Heaven  knows  that  I am  overwhelmed 
with  grief  and  shame.  I have  received  great  favours  at 
the  hands  of  the  Throne,  and  can  only  now  pray  to  the 
spirits  of  the  Dynastic  ancestors  to  protect  our  Empire. 
The  situation  here  is  well-nigh  lost,  but  it  remains  for  your 
Excellencies  to  take  all  possible  steps  for  the  protection  of 
your  respective  provinces.  Let  each  do  his  utmost,  and  let 
proper  secrecy  be  maintained.”  Signed  “Jung  Lu,  with 
tears  in  his  eyes.” 

It  is  reported  from  the  Grand  Council  that  Chang  Chih- 
tung  has  telegraphed  to  Her  Majesty,  assuring  her  of  his 
devotion  and  loyalty,  and  asking  whether  he  should  come 
north  with  his  troops  to  help  in  the  work  of  destroying  the 
barbarians.  Chang  is  a time-server,  and  loves  not  the 
Emperor ; 1 we  have  not  forgotten  how  he  approved  the 
Decree  appointing  an  Heir  Apparent,  and  how  he  would 


1 A short  biographical  note  on  Chang  Chih-tung  will  be  found  in  the 
Appendix. 

278 


DIARY  OF  HIS  EXCELLENCY  CHING  SHAN 

have  been  a party  to  His  Majesty’s  removal  from  the 
Throne,  justifying  himself  on  quibbling  grounds  of  legality 
and  precedents  as  to  the  lawful  succession.  He  trims  his 
sails  according  to  the  wind  of  the  moment,  and  has  no 
courage  of  fixed  principles,  like  Liu  K’un-yi.  I despise  the 
latter’s  views  in  opposing  the  Boxers,  but  no  one  can  help 
admiring  his  upright  character. 

(At  this  point  the  diarist  proceeds  to  give  a full  account  of 
the  rise  and  spread  of  the  Boxer  movement,  describing  in  detail 
their  magic  rites,  their  incantations , and  their  ceremonies  of 
initiation.  The  facts  have  nearly  cdl  been  published  before,  so 
that  most  of  this  portion  of  the  Diary  is  here  omitted.  It  is 
chiefly  interesting  as  showing  to  what  heights  of  superstition 
even  the  most  educated  of  the  Manchus,  including  the  Empress 
Dowager,  could  go.  We  give  one  example  only  of  the  farrago 
of  gibberish  which,  believed  in  high  quarters,  nearly  brought 
about  the  end  of  the  Dynasty.) 

The  Boxers  also  possess  a secret  Talisman,  consisting  of 
a small  piece  of  yellow  paper,  which  they  carry  on  their 
persons  when  going  into  battle.  On  it  is  drawn,  in  vermilion 
paint,  a figure  which  is  neither  that  of  man  nor  devil,  demon 
nor  saint.  It  has  a head,  but  no  feet ; its  face  is  sharp-pointed, 
with  eyes  and  eyebrows,  and  four  halos.  From  the  monster’s 
heart  to  its  lower  extremities  runs  a mystic  inscription,  which 
reads : “ I am  Buddha  of  the  cold  cloud  ; before  me  lies  the 
black  deity  of  fire ; behind  is  Laotzu  himself.”  On  the 
creature’s  body  are  also  borne  the  characters  for  Buddha, 
Tiger,  and  Dragon.  On  the  top  left-hand  corner  are  the 
words  “invoke  first  the  Guardian  of  Heaven,”  and  on  the 
right-hand  corner,  “ invoke  next  the  black  gods  of  pestilence.” 
The  Empress  Dowager  has  learned  this  incantation  by  heart, 
and  repeats  it  seventy  times  daily,  and  every  time  that  she 
repeats  it  the  chief  eunuch  (Li  Lien-ying)  shouts : “ There 
goes  one  more  foreign  devil.”  The  Boxers  determine  the  fate 
of  their  victims  by  a curious  test,  which  consists  of  burning 

279 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


a ball  of  paper,  and  seeing  whether  the  ashes  ascend  or 
remain  upon  the  ground.  They  may  believe  that  it  is  the 
spirits  who  decide,  but,  as  a matter  of  fact,  these  balls  of 
paper  are  sometimes  made  of  thinner  material,  which 
naturally  leave  a lighter  ash  that  is  easily  caught  up  in  the 
air ; whereas,  when  they  use  thick  paper,  the  ashes  seldom 
rise.  Some  of  the  balls  are  also  more  tightly  rolled  than 
others,  and  it  is  quite  evident  that  the  ashes  of  the  loose  ones 
have  a much  better  chance  of  blowing  away  than  those  which 
are  tightly  rolled.  Similarly,  when  they  set  fire  to  any  place, 
they  profess  to  be  guided  by  their  gods,  and  they  say  that  fire 
leaps  forth  at  the  point  of  their  swords  in  any  quarter  which 
the  spirits  desire  to  have  destroyed.  As  a matter  of  fact, 
however,  there  is  deception  practised  in  this  also,  for  when 
they  wish  to  bum  any  place  for  purposes  of  plunder  they 
have  it  sprinkled  in  advance  with  kerosene  oil,  and  if  no  oil 
is  available,  they  even  pile  up  brushwood  around  it,  upon 
which  they  drop  a lighted  match  secreted  upon  their 
persons. 

2 7tli  Day  of  the  5th  Moon  (June  23rd). — The  foreign 
barbarian  of  whom  I have  written 1 was  executed  this 
morning  at  the  hour  of  the  Hare  (6  a.m.)  and  his  head  is  now 
exhibited  in  a cage,  hanging  from  the  main  beam  of  the 
“ Tung- An  ” gate.  It  had  to  be  put  in  a cage,  as  there  was 
no  queue  to  hang  it  by.  The  face  has  a most  horrible 
expression,  but  it  is  a fine  thing,  all  the  same,  to  see  a 
foreigner’s  head  hung  up  at  our  palace  gates.  It  brings 
back  to  memory  the  heads  that  I saw  outside  the  Board  of 
Punishments  in  the  tenth  year  of  Hsien-Feng  (1860),  but 
there  were  black  devils  among  those.  Jung  Lu  tried  to 
save  the  barbarian’s  life,  and  even  intended  to  rescue  him  by 
force,  but  the  Princes  Tuan  and  Chuang  had  determined 
upon  his  death,  and  they  had  him  executed  before  Jung  Lu 
knew  it,  so  that,  when  his  men  arrived  upon  the  scene,  the 
foreigner’s  head  had  already  parted  company  from  his  body. 

1 Vide  under  June  20th. 

280 


The  Ta-A-Ko,  Son  ok  Prince  Tuan,  the  Boxer  Leader. 

Appointed  Heir -Apparent  in  January,  1900.  Appointment  rescinded  November,  1901. 


DIARY  OF  HIS  EXCELLENCY  CHING  SHAN 

The  Princes  had  him  kneeling  before  them  yesterday  for 
several  hours  on  a chain,  and  all  the  time  he  kept  on 
imploring  them  to  spare  his  life;  his  groans  were  most 
painful  to  hear.  The  Old  Buddha  has  been  informed  of  his 
death,  and  she  gave  orders  that  Tls.  500  be  distributed  to 
the  soldiers  who  had  captured  him,  i.e.  a reward  ten  times 
greater  than  that  which  was  promised  in  the  proclamations. 

The  Boxers  who  occupy  my  courtyard  tried  to  take  away 
my  cigars  from  me,  but  subsequently  relented  and  allowed 
me  to  keep  them  because  of  my  extreme  old  age.  Nothing 
of  foreign  origin,  not  even  matches,  may  be  used  nowadays, 
and  these  Boxer  chiefs,  Chang  Te-ch’eng  and  Han  Yi-ii, 
both  of  whom  are  common  and  uneducated  men,  are  treated 
with  the  greatest  respect  even  by  Princes  of  the  blood  : a 
curious  state  of  affairs  indeed  ! 

Duke  Tsai  Lan  came  to  see  me  this  afternoon.  He  tells 
me  an  extraordinary  story  how  that  the  Heir  Apparent 
called  the  Emperor  a “ Devil’s  pupil  ” this  morning,  and, 
when  rebuked  for  it,  actually  boxed  His  Majesty’s  ears. 
The  Emperor  then  reported  the  facts  in  a memorial  to 
Her  Majesty,  who  flew  into  a towering  rage,  and  gave 
orders  to  the  eunuch  Tsui  to  administer  twenty  sharp 
strokes  of  the  whip  on  the  Heir  Apparent’s  person.  Prince 
Tuan  is  much  enraged  at  this,  but  he  is  horribly  afraid  of 
Her  Majesty,  and,  when  she  speaks  to  him,  “ he  is  on 
tenter-hooks,  as  if  thorns  pricked  him,  and  the  sweat  runs 
down  his  face.” 

T ung  Fu-hsiang  told  the  Empress  Dowager  yesterday 
that  the  Legations  have  come  to  the  end  of  their  tether. 
From  a rockery  on  some  high  ground  in  the  Forbidden 
City  gardens,  the  Old  Buddha  could  see  the  flames  bursting 
from  the  Legation  quarter,  and  was  more  than  once  assured 
that  final  destruction  had  come  upon  the  foreigners  at  last. 
But  later  in  the  afternoon,  Hsii  Ching-ch’eng  was  received 
in  audience,  when  he  presented  a memorial  which  he  and 
Yuan  Chang  had  drawn  up,  denouncing  the  Boxers;  he 

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CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


told  Her  Majesty  that  it  was  not  the  Legations,  but  the 
Han  Lin  Academy,  that  was  in  flames,  the  Kansuh  soldiery 
having  set  fire  to  it  in  the  hope  that  the  conflagration  might 
spread  and  thus  enable  them  to  force  a way  into  the 
Legation.  Her  Majesty  was  greatly  disappointed  and 
displeased,  severely  blaming  Tung  Fu-hsiang,  and  she  sent 
for  Jung  Lu  and  talked  with  him  in  private  for  a long  while. 

Good  news  has  come  in  to-day  of  victorious  fighting  at 
Tientsin  ; Yii  Lu  reports  that  many  foreigners  were  slain 
in  their  attack  on  the  Taku  forts,  and  several  of  their  war- 
ships sunk.  Practically  the  whole  of  the  foreign  community 
of  Tientsin  had  been  annihilated,  he  says. 

Many  hundreds  of  Chinese  Christians  were  put  to  death 
to-day  just  outside  Prince  Chuang’s  palace.  The  judges 
who  convicted  them  were  Prince  Chuang,  Yi  Ku,  Fen  Che, 
and  Kuei  Ch’un.  There  was  no  mercy  shown,  and  a large 
number  of  innocent  people  perished  with  the  guilty.  The 
Empress  is  essentially  a kind-hearted  woman,  and  she  was 
greatly  shocked  to  hear  of  this  wholesale  massacre.  She  was 
heard  to  say  that  if  the  Catholics  would  only  recant  and 
reform,  a way  of  escape  might  very  well  be  provided  for 
them. 

29 th  Day  of  the  5th  Moon  (June  25th). — To-day  about 
sixty  of  the  Boxers,  led  by  the  Princes  Tuan  and  Chuang, 
and  the  “ Beilehs  ” Tsai  Lien  and  Tsai  Ying,  marched  to  the 
Palace  at  6 o’clock  in  the  morning  to  search  there  for 
converts.  Coming  to  the  gate  of  the  Palace  of  Peaceful 
Longevity,  where  their  Majesties  were  still  abed,  they  noisily 
clamoured  for  the  Emperor  to  come  out,  denouncing  him  as  a 
friend  of  foreigners.  Prince  Tuan  was  their  spokesman.  I 
heard  of  the  incident  from  Wen  Lien,  Comptroller  of  the 
Household,  who  was  on  duty  this  morning  ; he  was  amazed  at 
the  foolhardy  effrontery  of  Prince  Tuan,  and  thought  that  he 
had  probably  been  drinking.  On  hearing  the  noise  outside 
and  the  shouts  of  the  Boxers  clamouring  to  kill  all  “ Devil’s 
pupils,”  the  Old  Buddha,  who  was  taking  her  early  tea, 

282 


DIARY  OF  HIS  EXCELLENCY  CHING  SHAN 


came  out  swiftly  and  stood  at  the  head  of  the  steps,  while 
the  Princes  and  the  Boxer  leaders  swarmed  in  the  court- 
yard below  her.  She  asked  Prince  Tuan  whether  he  had 
come  to  look  upon  himself  as  the  Emperor ; if  not,  how 
dared  he  behave  in  this  reckless  and  insolent  manner  ? She 
would  have  him  know  that  she,  and  she  alone,  had  power  to 
create  or  depose  the  Sovereign,  and  she  would  have  him 
remember  that  the  power  which  had  made  his  son  Heir 
Apparent  could  also  wipe  him  out  in  a moment.  If  he  and 
his  fellow  Princes  thought  that  because  the  State  was  at  a 
crisis  of  confusion  they  could  follow  their  own  inclinations 
in  matters  of  this  kind,  they  would  find  themselves  very 
seriously  mistaken.  She  bade  them  depart,  and  refrain 
from  ever  again  entering  the  palace  precincts,  except  when 
summoned  to  her  presence  on  duty.  But  they  would  first 
prostrate  themselves  and  ask  His  Majesty’s  pardon  for  their 
insolent  behaviour.  As  a slight  punishment  for  their 
offences,  she  further  commanded  that  the  Princes  be 
mulcted  of  a year’s  allowances.  As  to  the  Boxer  chiefs, 
who  had  dared  to  create  this  uproar  in  her  hearing,  they 
should  be  decapitated  upon  the  spot,  and  Jung  Lu’s  guards, 
who  were  on  duty  at  the  outer  gates,  were  ordered  to  carry 
this  sentence  into  immediate  effect.  Her  Majesty  is  so 
greatly  incensed  against  the  Boxers  at  this  moment  that 
everyone  thinks  that  Jung  Lu  will  now  be  able  to  put  a 
stop  to  the  attacks  on  the  Legations.  The  Emperor  was 
much  alarmed  at  this  incident,  and  when  it  was  over  humbly 
thanked  Her  Majesty  for  so  benevolently  protecting  him. 

Later ; 9 p.m. — The  Old  Buddha  has  suddenly  determined, 
in  her  rage  against  Prince  Tuan  and  his  followers,  to  put  a 
stop  to  the  fighting  in  Peking,  and  she  now  agrees  that 
Jung  Lu  shall  proceed  to  the  Legations  to  discuss  terms  of 
peace.  At  6 p.m.  to-day  all  firing  stopped,  and  Jung  Lu,  at 
the  head  of  his  troops,  proceeded  to  the  bridge  which  lies  on 
the  north  of  the  Legation  quarter.  The  foreigners  came  out 
from  their  hiding-places  and  commenced  to  parley  ; they 

283 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


were  shown  a board,  and  on  it  the  words  written  : “ Orders 
have  now  been  received  from  the  Empress  Dowager  to  afford 
due  protection  to  the  Legations.”  Jung  Lu  hoped  to  be  able 
to  induce  the  foreign  Ministers  to  confer  with  him  for  the 
purpose  of  restoring  order.  For  three  hours  not  a shot  has 
been  fired  ; but  En  Ming  has  just  come  in  to  tell  me  that 
the  situation  has  again  changed,  and  that  the  Old  Buddha 
has  heard  such  good  accounts  of  the  defeat  of  the  foreign 
relief  force  on  its  way  to  Peking  that  she  is  once  more 
determined  to  give  the  Boxers  their  head  and  “ to  eat  the 
flesh  and  sleep  on  the  skins  ” of  the  foreign  devils. 

4 th  Day  of  the  6th  Moon : at  the  Hour  of  the  Dog , 7 p.m. 
(June  30,  1900). — Kang  Yi  called  to-day,  and  remained  with 
me  for  the  evening  meal.  He  tells  me  that  Tung  Fu- 
hsiang  called  in  person  this  morning  on  Jung  Lu  at  his 
residence,  and  asked  him  for  the  loan  of  the  heavy  artillery 
which  is  under  his  orders.  Jung  Lu  is  said  to  have  ample 
armaments  in  stock  in  the  city,  the  property  of  the  Wu 
Wei-chiin  (Military  Defence  Corps)  sufficient  to  knock  every 
foreign  building  to  pieces  in  a few  hours. 

Tung  was  kept  waiting  at  Jung  Lu’s  door  for  over  an 
hour;  when  finally  admitted,  he  began  to  bluster,  whereupon 
Jung  Lu  feigned  sleep.  “ He  gave  no  consent,  but  leant  on 
his  seat  and  slumbered.”1  Tung  then  expostulated  with 
Jung  Lu  for  his  rudeness,  but  the  Commander-in-chief  only 
smiled,  and  brought  the  interview  to  an  end  by  remarking 
that  Tung’s  only  way  to  get  the  guns  would  be  to  persuade 
the  Old  Buddha  to  give  him  Jung  Lu’s  head  with  them. 
“ Apply  for  an  audience  at  once,”  he  said.  “ She  believes 
you  to  be  a brave  man  and  will  certainly  comply  with  any 
request  you  may  make.” 

Tung  Fu-hsiang  left  in  a towering  rage,  and  made 
straight  for  the  Forbidden  City,  although  the  hour  for 
audiences  was  long  since  past.  At  the  gate  of  the  Hall  of 
Imperial  Supremacy  (Huang  Chi-tien)  he  made  a loud 

1 A quotation  from  Mencius. 

284 


Reproduction  of  Picture  painted  on  Silk, 
by  Her  Majesty  Tzu  Hsi. 


•*.  - 


DIARY  OF  HIS  EXCELLENCY  CHING  SHAN 


disturbance,  bidding  the  eunuchs  inform  Her  Majesty  that 
the  Kansuh  Commander-in-chief  was  without,  desiring 
audience.  It  so  happened  that  the  Old  Buddha  was 
engaged  in  painting  a design  of  bamboos  on  silk,  and  she 
was  highly  displeased  at  being  thus  disturbed.  Tung  was 
ushered  in,  however,  and  fell  on  his  knees.  “ Well,”  said 
Her  Majesty,  “ I suppose  that  you  have  come  to  report  the 
complete  destruction  of  the  Legations  ? This  will  be  the 
tenth  time  since  the  end  of  last  Moon.”  “ I have  come,” 
replied  Tung  Fu-hsiang,  “ to  ask  Your  Majesty’s  permission 
to  impeach  the  Grand  Secretary  Jung  Lu  as  a traitor  and 
the  friend  of  barbarians.  He  has  the  guns  which  my  army 
needs  ; with  their  aid  not  a stone  would  be  left  standing  in 
the  whole  of  the  Legation  quarter.  But  he  has  sworn  never 
to  lend  these  guns,  even  though  Your  Majesty  should 
command  it.”  Angrily  the  Old  Buddha  replied,  “ Be  silent. 
You  were  nothing  but  a brigand  to  begin  with,  and  if  I 
allowed  you  to  enter  my  army  it  was  only  to  give  you  an 
opportunity  of  atoning  for  your  former  misdeeds.  Even 
now  you  are  behaving  like  a brigand,  forgetting  the  majesty 
of  the  Imperial  Presence.  Of  a truth,  your  tail  is  becoming 
too  heavy  to  wag.  Leave  the  Palace  forthwith,  and  do  not 
let  me  find  you  here  again  unless  summoned  to  audience.” 

Kang  Yi  declares  that  we  shall  never  take  the 
Legations  so  long  as  Jung  Lu  continues  to  exercise  his 
present  great  influence  at  Court.  Li  Shan,  who  is  also 
a great  favourite  of  the  Empress  Dowager,  is  now  on  the  side 
of  those  who  would  make  peace  with  the  foreigners,  and  has 
been  impeached  for  it  by  Na  T’ung. 

The  following  proclamation  is  now  placarded  all  over  the 
city,  in  accordance  with  the  Empress  Dowager’s  orders 
issued  to  Prince  Chuang.  They  say  that  she  means  to  pay 
the  rewards  from  her  own  privy  purse  : 

“ Rewards. 

“ Now  that  all  foreign  churches  and  chapels  have  been 

285 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


razed  to  the  ground,  and  that  no  place  of  refuge  or  conceal- 
ment is  left  for  the  foreigners,  they  must  unavoidably 
scatter,  flying  in  every  direction.  Be  it  therefore  known 
and  announced  to  all  men,  scholars  and  volunteers,  that  any 
person  found  guilty  of  harbouring  foreigners  will  incur  the 
penalty  of  decapitation.  For  every  male  foreigner  taken 
alive  a reward  of  50  taels  will  be  given  ; for  every  female  40 
taels,  and  for  every  child  30  taels ; but  it  is  to  be  clearly 
understood  that  they  shall  be  taken  alive,  and  that  they 
shall  be  genuine  foreigners.  Once  this  fact  has  been  duly 
authenticated,  the  reward  will  be  paid  without  delay.  A 
special  proclamation,  requiring  reverent  obedience.” 

Much  larger  rewards  than  these  were  paid  in  the  tenth 
year  of  Hsieng-Feng  (1860)  for  the  heads  of  barbarians, 
but  of  course  in  those  days  they  were  comparatively  rare, 
whereas  now,  alas,  they  have  become  as  common  as  bees  ! 

This  morning  an  important  trial  took  place  outside  the 
gate  of  Prince  Chuang’s  palace;  Yi  Ku,  Fen  Che,  and  Kuei 
' Chun  presided.  Over  nine  hundred  people  were  summarily 
executed  by  the  Boxers,  in  some  cases  before  any  proofs 
whatsoever  had  been  substantiated  in  regard  to  their  alleged 
connection  with  foreigners.  Helpless  babes  even  were 
amongst  the  slain.  Fen  Che  is  nothing  more  than  a butcher 
and  the  Old  Buddha  remonstrated  with  Prince  Chuang  for 
not  keeping  the  Boxers  in  better  order. 

8th  Day  of  the  6th  Moon,  11  a.m.  (July  4th). — Yu  Hsien’s 
son-in-law,  Chi  Shou-ch’eng,  came  and  talked  with  me  for  a 
long  while.  The  bombardment  of  the  city  was  going  on  all 
the  time  he  was  here,  and  to  the  south  of  my  house,  close  to 
the  Imperial  City  Wall,  the  troops  of  Li  Ping-heng  were 
mounting  cannon  on  an  elevated  platform.  They  are  all  still 
very  wroth  with  Jung  Lu,  who  refuses  to  lend  his  guns,  and 
his  troops  are  so  faithful  to  him  that  it  is  impossible  to  bribe 
them  to  disobey  him.  Jung  Lu’s  courage  is  really  extraor- 
dinary ; he  said  of  himself  lately,  that  “ in  the  days  of  the 
wicked  Ruler  (meaning  Prince  Tuan)  he  bided  his  time  on 
the  shores  of  the  bleak  North  Sea,  awaiting  the  purification 

286 


DIARY  OF  HIS  EXCELLENCY  CHING  SHAN 


of  the  Empire.”1  I am  told  that  Prince  Tuan  has  taken 
possession  of  one  of  the  Imperial  Seals,  so  as  to  be  able  to 
proclaim  his  son  Emperor  at  the  first  favourable  opportunity  ; 
but  if  the  Old  Buddha  finds  this  out,  as  most  probably  she 
will,  there  is  trouble  ahead  for  Prince  Tuan. 

Chi  Shou-ch’eng  tells  me  that  Yu  Hsien  has  sent  in  a 
memorial  to  the  Empress  Dowager  with  reference  to  the  mis- 
sionaries in  Shansi.  Ten  days  ago  she  had  sent  him  a secret 
Decree,  saying,  “ Slay  all  foreigners  wheresoever  you  find 
them ; even  though  they  be  prepared  to  leave  your  province, 
yet  must  they  be  slain.”  It  seems  that  the  Old  Buddha 
ordered  that  this  Decree  should  be  sent  to  every  high  provin- 
cial official  in  the  Empire,  but  it  is  now  reported  that  Tuan 
Fang,  the  acting  governor  of  Shensi,  and  Yu  Chang,  gover- 
nor of  Honan,  together  with  the  high  officials  in  Mongolia, 
received  the  Edict  in  a very  different  form,  for  the  word 
“slay”  had  been  changed  to  “protect.”  It  is  feared  that 
some  treacherous  minister  is  responsible  for  this,  but  no  one 
dares  inform  Her  Majesty.  To  Yi'i  Hsien’s  latest  memorial, 
she  has  made  the  following  reply,  which  has  been  sent  by 
the  fastest  express  riders  to  T’ai-Yiian  fu : — “ I command 
that  all  foreigners — men,  women,  and  children,  old  and 
young — be  summarily  executed.  Let  not  one  escape,  so  that 
my  Empire  may  be  purged  of  this  noisome  source  of  corrup- 
tion, and  that  peace  may  be  restored  to  my  loyal  subjects.” 
Chi  Shou-ch’eng  tells  me  that  Yu  Hsien’s  bitterness  against 
foreigners  is  inspired  by  his  wife,  of  whom  he  is  greatly  afraid. 
He  himself  has  earned  golden  opinions  in  T’ai-Yiian  during 
his  short  administration,  and  has  a high  reputation  for  even- 
handed  justice.  He  says  also  that  this  last  Decree  gave 
pleasure  to  Prince  Chuang ; Jung  Lu  tried  to  stop  it,  asking 
the  Old  Buddha  what  glory  could  China  expect  to  gain  by 
the  slaughter  of  women  and  children.  “ W e should  become 
the  laughing-stock  of  the  world,”  he  said,  “and  the  Old 
Buddha’s  widespread  fame  and  reputation  for  benevolence 

1 Quotation  from  Mencius. 

287 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


would  be  grievously  injured.”  “ Yes,”  replied  the  Empress 
Dowager,  “ but  these  foreigners  of  yours  wish  to  see  me 
deposed,  and  I am  only  paying  off  old  scores.  Ever  since 
the  days  of  Tao-Kuang  this  uproarious  guest  within  our 
borders  has  been  maltreating  his  hosts,  and  it  is  time  that  all 
should  know  who  is  the  real  master  of  the  house.” 

Yesterday  afternoon  the  Empress  Dowager  crossed  over 
to  the  Lake  Palace  for  a water  picnic,  attended  by  several 
ladies  of  the  Court.  The  continuous  bombardment  of  the 
French  cathedral  eventually  made  her  head  ache,  so  she 
despatched  a chamberlain  to  the  officer  commanding  at 
the  Hsi-Hua  Gate,  ordering  them  to  cease  firing  until 
her  return  to  the  Forbidden  City. 

lltli  Day  of  the  6th  Moon  (7th  July). — Yu  Lu  has  sent  in 
a ridiculous  memorial,  reporting  the  capture  of  four  camels, 
as  well  as  the  killing  of  many  foreigners,  in  Tientsin.  Jung 
Lu  has  advised  him  to  cease  attacking  the  foreign  Settle- 
ments. Talking  of  Jung  Lu,  I hear  that  Tung  Fu-hsiang 
recently  hired  a Manchu  soldier  to  assassinate  him,  but, 
instead  of  doing  so,  the  man  betrayed  the  plot  to  Jung  Lu. 
This  soldier  turns  out  to  be  a brother  of  that  En  Hai  who 
slew  the  foreign  devil  (Baron  von  Ketteler),  and  Tung  thought 
therefore  that  he  would  gladly  do  anything  to  assist 
in  destroying  the  Legations.  But  he  is  a clansman  of  Jung 
Lu’s  banner,  and,  like  Yii  Kung-ssu,  whom  Mencius  called 
the  best  archer  in  Wei,  “ he  could  not  bear  to  slay  the  old 
Chief  who  had  taught  him  the  arts  of  war.”  Jung  Lu  has 
again  memorialised  the  Old  Buddha,  reminding  her  of  that 
well-known  saying  in  the  Spring  and  Autumn  annals,1  which 
lays  down  that  the  persons  of  foreign  Envoys  are  always 
inviolate  within  the  territories  of  any  civilised  State.  This 
attack  on  the  Legation,  he  says,  is  worse  than  an  outrage ; 
it  is  a piece  of  stupidity  which  will  be  remembered  against 
China  for  all  time.  Her  Majesty  appeared  to  think  that, 

1 History  of  events  under  the  Chou  dynasty,  by  Confucius ; one  of  the 
Five  Classics. 


288 


DIARY  OF  HIS  EXCELLENCY  CHING  SHAN 


because  a small  nation  like  the  Transvaal  could  conquer  a 
great  Power  like  England,  China  must  necessarily  be  even 
more  successful  in  fighting  the  whole  world ; hut  there  was 
no  analogy  between  the  two  cases.  If  peace  were  to  he 
made  at  once,  the  situation  might  still  be  saved ; hut  if 
the  Legations  were  demolished,  there  must  he  an  end  of 
Manchu  rule.  He  warned  Her  Majesty  solemnly,  and  she 
appears  to  be  gradually  coming  to  look  at  things  from  his 
point  of  view.  These  Boxers  can  certainly  talk,  but  they  do 
very  little. 

Bad  news  has  reached  the  palace  to-day  of  the  fighting 
around  Tientsin,  and  Her  Majesty  is  most  anxious  about  it, 
though  she  still  refuses  to  believe  that  the  foreign  brigands 
can  possibly  enter  Peking. 

1 5th  Day  of  the  6th  Moon  (11th  July). — My  neighbour 
Wen  Lien,  Comptroller-General  of  the  Imperial  Household, 
tells  me  that  the  Old  Buddha  is  in  a furious  rage.  She  finds 
the  heat  trying,  and  yesterday  she  turned  on  the  Heir 
Apparent  and  snubbed  him  badly  for  impertinence ; he  had 
asked  if  he  might  be  permitted  to  escort  her  to  Jehol,  leaving 
the  Emperor  to  settle  matters  with  his  foreign  friends  in 
Peking.  One  of  the  young  eunuchs  tried  to  mollify  her  by 
reporting,  whenever  the  report  of  a gun  was  heard,  that 
another  foreign  devil  had  been  killed,  but  as  the  Old  Buddha 
observed,  “there  has  been  enough  firing  for  the  past  few 
weeks  to  kill  off  every  foreigner  in  China  several  times,  and 
so  far  there  is  hardly  anything  to  show  for  it.” 

17th  Day  of  the  6th  Moon  (13th  July). — Jung  Lu  asked 
Her  Majesty  yesterday  what  she  would  do  if  the  Boxers 
were  defeated,  and  if  Peking  were  captured  by  the  foreigners. 
In  reply,  she  quoted  to  him  the  words  of  Chia  Yi,  a sophist 
of  the  Han  dynasty,  in  reference  to  the  Court’s  diplomatic 
dealings  with  the  Khan  of  the  Hans  : — 

“ If  the  Emperor  wishes  to  gain  the  allegiance  of  other 
countries,  he  can  only  do  so  by  convincing  their  rulers  that 

289  u 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


he  possesses  the  three  cardinal  virtues  of  government,  and 
by  displaying  the  five  allurements. 

These  allurements  are:  (1)  Presents  ot  chariots  and  rich 
robes,  to  tempt  the  eye ; (2)  rich  food  and  banquets,  to 
tempt  the  palate ; (3)  musical  maidens,  to  tempt  the  ear ; 
(4)  fine  houses  and  beautiful  women,  to  tempt  the  instinct 
of  luxury  ; and  (5)  the  presence  of  the  Emperor  at  the  table 
of  the  foreign  ruler,  to  tempt  his  pride. 

The  three  cardinal  virtues  of  government  are:  (1)  to 
simulate  affection ; (2)  to  express  honeyed  sentiments ; and 
(3)  to  treat  one’s  inferiors  as  equals.” 

Two  years  ago,  said  the  Empress,  she  had  invited  the 
foreign  ladies  to  her  Court,  and  had  noticed  their  delight  at 
the  reception  she  gave  them,  although  she  well  knew  that 
their  sympathies  were  with  the  Emperor,  and  against  her. 
She  would  again  allure  them  to  her  side  with  rich  gifts  and 
honeyed  words.1 

20 th  Day  of  the  6th  Moon  (16th  July). — Bad  news  from 
Yu  Lu  ; Tientsin  has  been  captured  by  the  foreigners,  who 
now  swarm  like  locusts.  Not  one  of  the  Grand  Councillors 
dared  to  carry  the  news  to  Her  Majesty,  so  Prince  Tuan 
went  in  boldly,  and  informed  her  that  the  foreign  devils  had 
taken  the  city,  because  the  Boxers  had  been  negligent  in 
the  performance  of  their  prescribed  rites ; Peking,  however, 
would  always  be  perfectly  safe  from  invasion.  Early  this 
morning  Jung  Lu  had  informed  the  Old  Buddha  that  he 
had  ascertained  beyond  doubt  that  the  document,  which 
purported  to  come  from  the  Foreign  Ministers,  demanding 
her  abdication,  was  a forgery.  It  had  been  prepared  by 
Lien  Wen-chung,  a Secretary  of  the  Grand  Council,  at 
Prince  Tuan’s  orders.  The  Old  Buddha  was  therefore  in  no 

1 How  well  and  successfully  she  did  it,  has  been  told  in  Miss  Catherine 
A.  Carl’s  book.  With  the  Empress  Dowager  of  China.  The  painting  of  her 
portrait  for  the  St.  Louis  exhibition  wras  in  itself  an  example  of  Tzii  Hsi’s 
“ cardinal  virtues  of  government,”  which  she  practised  with  conspicuous 
success  on  the  simple-minded  wife  of  the  American  Minister,  Mrs.  Conger. 
( Vide  Cordier,  Relations  de  la  Chine,  Vol.  III.,  p.  423.) 

290 


DIARY  OF  HIS  EXCELLENCY  CHING  SIIAN 


soft  mood ; angrily  she  told  Prince  Tuan  that,  if  the 
foreigners  entered  Peking,  he  would  certainly  lose  his  head. 
She  was  quite  aware  of  his  motives ; he  wanted  to  secure 
the  Regency,  but  she  bade  him  beware,  for,  so  long  as  she 
lived,  there  could  be  no  other  Regent.  “ Let  him  be 
careful,  or  his  son  would  be  expelled  from  the  palace,  and 
the  family  estates  confiscated  to  the  throne.”  His  actions 
had  indeed  been  worthy  of  the  dog’s 1 name  he  bore. 
Prince  Tuan  left  the  palace,  and  was  heard  to  remark  that 
“the  thunderbolt  had  fallen  too  quickly  for  him  to  close 
his  ears.” 

Jung  Lu  has  won  over  all  the  military  commanders  except 
Tung  Fu-hsiang  and  his  staff,  and  they  have  come  to  a 
general  understanding  that  the  bombardment  of  the 
Legations  must  cease.  Jung  Lu  has  explained,  as  his 
reason  for  not  allowing  the  heavy  artillery  to  be  used,  that 
it  would  inevitably  have  inflicted  serious  damage  on  the 
Imperial  shrines  and  the  Ancestral  temple. 

The  Old  Buddha  is  sending  presents  to  the  Legations, 
water-melons,  wine,  vegetables,  and  ice,  and  she  has  expressed 
a wish  that  Prince  Ch’ing  should  go  and  see  the  Foreign 
Ministers. 

They  say  that  Hsu  Ching-ch’eng  is  secretly  communicating 
with  the  Legations. 

A messenger  with  twelve  dispatches  from  the  Legations 
was  captured  to-day  and  taken  to  Prince  Chuang’s  Palace. 
Three  of  the  twelve  were  in  cipher  and  could  not  be 
translated  by  the  Tsung  Li  Yamen  interpreter,  but  from  the 
others  it  was  learned  that  the  foreigners  had  lost  over  a 
hundred  killed  and  wounded  and  that  their  provisions  were 
running  very  low. 

Chi  Shou-ch’eng  has  gone  to  T’ai-Yiian  fu  to  see  Yu  Hsien, 

1 The  second  character  of  Prince  Tuan’s  name  contained  the  radical  sign 
for  dog,  and  was  given  him  by  the  Emperor  Hsien-Feng,  because  he  had 
been  begotten  during  the  period  of  mourning  for  his  parent  Tao-Kuang;  it 
being  an  offence,  under  Chinese  law,  for  a son  to  be  begotten  during  the 
twenty-seven  months  of  mourning  for  father  or  mother. 

291  u 2 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


his  father-in-law.  The  latter  has  memorialised  the  Throne, 
reporting  that  he  cunningly  entrapped  all  the  foreigners,  cast 
them  into  chains  and  had  every  one  decapitated  in  his 
Yamen.  Only  one  woman  had  escaped,  after  her  breasts 
had  been  cut  off,  and  had  hidden  herself  under  the  City  wall. 
She  was  dead  when  they  found  her. 

Rain  has  fallen  very  heavily  to-day.  Liu  Ta-chiao  brought 
me  8 lbs.  of  pork  from  the  Palace  kitchen,  and  I sent  a large 
bowl  of  it  to  my  married  sister.  Towards  evening  a 
detachment  of  cavalry,  with  several  guns,  passed  my  door. 
They  were  Li  Ping-heng’s  men,  on  their  way  to  mount  these 
guns  on  a platform  above  the  Forbidden  City  wall,  as  a 
precaution  against  sorties  by  the  foreigners.  There  has  been 
heavy  firing  all  night,  and  it  is  reported  that  foreign  devils 
have  been  seen  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Ha-Ta  Men. 

21  st  Day  of  the  6th  Moon  (17th  July). — A lovely  day.  I 
walked  over  to  call  on  Prince  Li  and  Duke  Lan.  The 
latest  rumour  is  that  Yu  Lu’s  troops  are  in  flight  and 
harrying  the  country  side.  They  are  said  to  be  clamouring 
for  their  pay,  which  is  months  in  arrears,  and  have  plundered 
both  Tungchou  and  Chang  Chia-wan  most  thoroughly.  Both 
the  eastern  gates  of  the  City  are  now  kept  closed,  and  the 
northern  gate  (Anting  men)  is  only  opened  occasionally. 

Yang  Shun,  the  gate-keeper,  has  returned  from  his  home 
at  Pao-ti  hsien,  east  of  Peking,  where  he  reports  things  fairly 
quiet. 

Li  Ping-heng’s  troops  are  reported  to  have  won  a great 
victory  and  driven  the  barbarians  to  the  sea.  Nevertheless, 
heavy  firing  was  heard  to  the  south-eastward  this  afternoon. 

Duke  Lan  has  gone  out  with  a large  force  of  Boxers  to 
search  for  converts  reported  to  be  in  hiding  in  the  temple  of 
the  Sun. 

27  th  Day  of  the  6th  Moon  (23rd  July). — This  morning 
Yuan  Chang  and  Hsu  Ching-ch’eng  handed  in  the  third  of 
their  Memorials  against  the  Boxers,  in  which  they  recom- 
mend the  execution  of  several  members  of  the  Grand  Council. 

292 


DIARY  OF  HIS  EXCELLENCY  CHING  SHAN 


Their  valour  seems  to  be  more  laudable  than  their  discretion, 
especially  as  the  Old  Buddha  is  disposed  once  more  to  believe 
in  the  Boxers  as  the  result  of  Li  Ping-heng’s  audience  with 
her  yesterday.  He  came  up  from  Hankow,  and  has  now 
been  appointed  joint  Commander,  with  Jung  Lu,  of  the 
army  of  the  North.  He  confidently  assured  her  of  his  ability 
to  take  the  Legations  by  storm,  and  repeatedly  said  that 
never  again  would  the  tutelary  deities  of  the  Dynasty  suffer 
her  to  be  driven  forth,  in  humiliation,  from  her  capital. 

I went  across  to  Duke  Lan’s  house  this  morning  and  found 
Prince  Tuan  and  Li  Ping-heng  there.  They  were  busy 
planning  a renewed  attack  on  the  Legations,  and  Li  was 
strongly  in  favour  of  mining  from  the  Ilanlin  Academy  side. 
He  has  advised  the  Empress  Dowager  that  a mine  should  be 
sprung,  as  was  done  lately  at  the  French  Cathedral,  and  he 
is  convinced  that  in  the  ensuing  confusion  the  foreigners 
would  be  easily  overwhelmed. 

After  reading  the  latest  Memorial  of  Hsu  and  Yuan,  the 
Old  Buddha  observed,  “ These  are  brave  men.  I have  never 
cared  much  for  Hsu,  but  Yuan  behaved  well  in  1898  and 
warned  me  about  K’ang  Yu-wei  and  his  plotting.  Be  that  as 
it  may,  however,  they  have  no  business  to  worry  me  with 
these  persistent  and  querulous  questions.  The  Throne  itself 
is  fully  competent  to  judge  the  character  of  its  servants,  and 
it  is  a gross  misconception  of  duty  for  ‘the  acolyte  to 
stride  across  the  sacred  vessels  and  show  the  priest  how  to 
slaughter  the  sacrificial  beasts.’1  Desiring  to  deal  leniently 
with  the  Memorialists,  I command  that  my  censure  be 
communicated  to  them  and  that  they  take  heed  to  refrain 
in  future  from  troubling  my  ears  with  their  petulant 
complainings.” 

3rd  Day  of  the  7th  Moon  (28th  July). — The  Old  Buddha 
places  much  confidence  in  Li  Ping-heng.  Y esterday  he  and 
Kang  Yi  discovered  that  the  word  “ to  slay,”  in  Her  Majesty’s 

1 A classical  allusion,  in  common  use,  equivalent  to  “ Ne  sutor  ultra 
crepidam.” 


293 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


Decree  ordering  the  extermination  of  all  foreigners,  had  been 
been  altered  to  “protect”  by  Yuan  Chang  and  Hsii  Ching- 
ch’eng.  I have  just  seen  Kang  Yi,  and  he  says  that  Her 
Majesty’s  face  was  divine  in  its  wrath.  “ They  deserve  the 
punishment  meted  out  to  Kao  Ch’u-mi,”1  she  said,  “their 
limbs  should  be  torn  asunder  by  chariots  driven  in  opposite 
directions.  Let  them  be  summarily  decapitated.”  An  Edict 
was  forthwith  issued,  but  no  mention  is  made  in  it  of  the 
alteration  of  the  Decree,  as  this  is  a matter  affecting  the 
nation’s  prestige ; the  offenders  are  denounced  only  for 
having  created  dissensions  in  the  Palace  and  favoured  the 
cause  of  the  foreigner.  Both  were  executed  this  morning  ; 
my  son,  En  Ming,  witnessed  their  death.  It  is  most  painful 
to  me  to  think  of  the  end  of  Yuan  Ch’ang,  for  he  had  many 
sterling  qualities  ; as  for  Hsii,  I knew  him  in  the  days  when 
we  were  colleagues  at  the  Grand  Secretariat,  and  I never 
had  a high  opinion  of  the  man.  His  corruption  was 
notorious.  Just  before  the  sword  of  the  executioner  fell, 
Yuan  remarked  that  “ he  hoped  that  the  Sun  might  soon 
return  to  its  place  in  the  Heaven,  and  that  the  usurping 
Comet  might  be  destroyed.”  By  this  he  meant  that  Prince 
Tuan’s  malign  influence  had  led  the  Empress  Dowager  to  act 
against  her  own  better  instincts.  Duke  Lan,  who  was 
superintending  the  execution,  angrily  bade  him  be  silent  for 
a traitor,  but  Yuan  fearlessly  went  on,  “I  die  innocent.  In 
years  to  come  my  name  will  be  remembered  with  gratitude 
and  respect,  long  after  you  evil-plotting  Princes  have  met 
your  well-deserved  doom.”  Turning  then  to  Hsii,  he  said, 
“ We  shall  meet  anon  at  the  Yellow  Springs.2  To  die  is 
only  to  come  home.”  Duke  Lan  stepped  forward  as  if  to 
strike  him,  and  the  headsman  quickly  despatched  them 
both. 

8 tli  Day  of  the  7th  Moon  (3rd  August). — I have  had  much 

1 A traitor  whose  crime  and  punishment  are  recorded  in  the  Spring  and 
Autumn  Annals. 

2 A classical  expression,  meaning  the  Spirit-world. 

294 


DIARY  OF  HIS  EXCELLENCY  CHING  SHAN 

trouble  with  my  eldest  son  to-day.  He  has  been  robbing 
me  lately  of  large  sums,  and  when  I rebuked  him  lie  bad 
the  audacity  to  reply  that  my  duty  to  the  Throne  would 
make  my  suicide  a fitting  return  for  the  benefits  which  I 
have  received  at  its  bands. 

Li  Ping-heng  has  gone  to  the  front  to  rally  the  troops  and 
cheek  the  foreigners’  advance.  He  has  impeached  Jung  Lu 
but  the  Old  Buddha  has  suppressed  the  Memorial.  The 
Emperor  thanked  Jung  Lu  for  bis  services,  and  the 
Commander-in-Chief  replied  that  he  of  all  the  servants  of 
the  Throne  never  expected  to  receive  praise  from  His 
Majesty,  considering  the  events  of  the  past  two  years.1 

1 1th  Day  of  the  7tli  Moon  (5th  August). — The  Old  Buddha 
has  commanded  Jung  Lu  to  arrange  for  escorting  the 
foreigners  to  Tientsin,  so  that  the  advance  of  the  Allies  may 
he  stopped.  In  this  connection,  I hear  that  not  many  days 
ago,  * * * * persuaded  Ch’i  Hsiu  to  have  a letter  sent  to 
the  Foreign  Ministers,  inviting  them  to  come,  without 
escort  of  troops,  to  an  interview  with  the  Tsung  Li  Yamen, 
his  idea  being  to  have  them  all  massacred  on  the  way. 
Ch’i  Hsiu  thought  the  suggestion  excellent,  but,  although 
several  letters  have  been  sent  proposing  it,  the  Ministers 
decline  to  leave  the  Legations.  Meanwhile,  there  have  been 
several  fresh  attacks  on  the  Legations  during  the  past 
few  days. 

A foreign  devil,  half  naked,  was  found  yesterday  in 
Hatamen  Street.  He  kowtowed  to  everyone  he  met,  high 
class  or  low,  imploring  even  the  rag-pickers  to  spare  his  life 
and  give  him  a few  cash.  “ We  shall  all  be  massacred  soon,” 
he  said,  “ but  I have  done  no  wrong.”  One  of  Jung  Lu’s 
sergeants  seized  him  and  took  him  to  the  Commander-in- 
chief’s  residence.  Instead  of  decapitating  him,  Jung  Lu 
sent  him  back.  This  shows,  however,  the  desperate  straits 
to  which  the  foreigners  are  reduced 

1 5th  Day  of  the  7th  Moon  (9th  August). — Bad  news  from 

1 Referring  to  his  part  in  the  coup  d’etat  of  1898. 

295 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


che  South.  Yii  Lu  s forces  have  been  defeated  and  the 
foreigners  are  approaching  nearer  every  day.  The  Old 
Buddha  is  meditating  flight  to  Jehol,  but  Jung  Lu  strongly 
urges  her  to  remain,  even  if  the  Allies  should  enter  the 
City.  Duke  Lan  scoffs  at  the  idea  of  their  being  able  to  do 
so.  One  comfort  is  that,  if  they  do  come,  they  will  not  loot 
or  kill.  I remember  well  how  good  their  discipline  was 
forty  years  ago.  I never  stirred  out  of  my  house  and  not 
one  of  the  barbarians  ever  came  near  it.  We  had  a little 
difficulty  about  getting  victuals,  but  the  foreigners  hardly 
came  into  the  city,  and  did  us  no  harm. 

16^7^  Day  of  the  7th  Moon  (10th  August). — My  old 
colleague,  Li  Shan,  whose  house  adjoins  the  French 
Cathedral,  has  been  accused  of  making  a subterranean 
passage  and  thus  assisting  the  foreigners  with  supplies.  He 
has  been  handed  over  to  the  Board  of  Punishments  by  Prince 
Tuan,  without  the  knowledge  of  the  Empress  Dowager, 
together  with  Hsu  Yung-yi  and  Lien  Yuan.  Prince  Tuan 
has  long  had  a grudge  against  Hsu  for  having  expressed 
disapproval  of  the  selection  of  the  Heir  Apparent.  As  to 
Lien,  they  say  that  his  arrest  is  due  to  * * * * , and  his 
offence  is  that  he  was  on  terms  of  intimacy  with  Yiian 
Chang.  All  three  prisoners  were  decapitated  this  morning. 
Hsii  Yung-yi  was  older  than  I am  (seventy-nine)  and  his 
death  is  a lamentable  business  indeed.  But  he  went  to  his 
death  calmly  and  without  complaint  when  he  learned  that 
the  Empress  Dowager  knew  nothing  of  the  matter  and  that 
it  was  Prince  Tuan’s  doing  alone.  “ The  power  of  the 
usurper,”  said  he,  “ is  short-lived.  As  for  me,  I am  glad  to 
die  before  the  foreigners  take  Peking.”  Die  Old  Buddha 
will  be  very  wrath  when  she  hears  that  two  Manchus  have 
thus  been  put  to  death.  Li  Shan  and  Jung  Lu  were  old 
friends. 

A certain  General  Liu,  from  Shansi,  assured  the  Empress 
this  morning  that  he  would  undertake  to  demolish  the 
Legations  in  three  days,  and  this  would  so  alarm  the  allies 

29G 


DIARY  OF  HIS  EXCELLENCY  CHING  SHAN 


that  their  advance  would  certainly  be  stopped.  A furious 
bombardment  has  just  begun. 

The  Boxers  have  proved  themselves  utterly  useless.  I 
always  said  they  never  would  do  anything. 

18 th  Day  of  the  7th  Moon  (12 th  August). — The  foreigners 
are  getting  nearer  and  nearer.  Yii  Lu  shot  himself  with  a 
revolver  on  the  12th  at  Ts’ai  Ts’un.  He  had  taken  refuge  in 
a coffin  shop,  of  all  ill-omened  places ! His  troops  had  been 
utterly  routed  thrice,  at  Pei  Tsang,  Yang  Ts’un  and  at 
Ts’ai  Ts’un.  Li  Ping-heng  reached  Ho-hsi  wu  on  the  14th, 
but  in  spite  of  all  his  efforts  to  rally  our  forces,  the  two 
divisional  leaders,  Chang  Ch’un-fa  and  Chen  Tse-lin,  refused 
to  fight.  Li  Ping-heng  therefore  took  poison.  Jung  Lu 
went  to-day  to  break  the  news  to  the  Old  Buddha : 
sovereign  and  Minister  wept  together  at  the  disasters  which 
these  Princes  and  rebels  have  brought  upon  our  glorious 
Empire.  Jung  Lu  refrained  from  any  attempt  at  self- 
justification ; he  is  a wise  man.  The  Old  Buddha  said  she 
would  commit  suicide  and  make  the  Emperor  do  the  same, 
rather  than  leave  her  capital.  Jung  Lu  besought  her  to 
take  his  advice,  which  was  to  remain  in  Peking  and  to  issue 
Decrees  ordering  the  decapitation  of  Prince  Tuan  and  his 
followers,  thus  proving  her  innocence  to  the  world.  But  she 
seems  to  cling  still  to  a hope  that  the  supernatural  powers  of 
the  Boxers  may  save  Peking,  and  so  the  furious  bombard- 
ment of  the  Legations  continues. 

Eight  audiences  have  been  given  to-day  to  Jung  Lu  and 
five  to  Prince  Tuan.  All  the  other  members  of  the  Grand 
Council  sat  with  folded  hands,  suggesting  nothing. 

20 th  Day  (14 th  August ),  5 p.m. — Tungchou  has  fallen  and 
now  the  foreigners  have  begun  to  bombard  the  city.  The 
Grand  Council  has  been  summoned  to  five  meetings  to-day 
in  the  Palace  of  Peaceful  Longevity : Her  Majesty  is 
reported  to  be  starting  for  Kalgan.  At  the  hour  of  the 
Monkey  (4  p.m.)  Duke  Lan  burst  into  the  Palace, 
unannounced,  and  shouted,  “ Old  Buddha,  the  foreign  devils 

297 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


have  come  ! ” Close  upon  his  footsteps  came  Kang  Yi,  who 
reported  that  a large  force  of  turbaned  soldiery  were 
encamped  in  the  enclosure  of  the  Temple  of  Heaven. 
“ Perhaps  they  are  our  Mahommedan  braves  from  Kansuh,” 
said  Her  Majesty,  “ come  to  demolish  the  Legations  ? ” 
“No,”  replied  Kang  Yi,  “they  are  foreign  devils. 
Your  Majesty  must  escape  at  once,  or  they  will  murder 
you.” 

Later,  midnight.—  There  has  just  been  an  Audience  given 
to  the  Grand  Council  in  the  Palace,  at  which  Kang  Yi, 
Chao  Shu-ch’iao  and  Wang  Wen-shao  were  present. 
“ Where  are  the  others  ? ” said  the  Old  Buddha.  “ Gone,  I 
suppose,  everyone  to  his  own  home,  leaving  us  here,  Mother 
and  Son,1  to  look  after  ourselves  as  best  we  may.  At  all 
events,  you  three  must  now  accompany  me  on  my  journey.’ 
Turning  to  Wang  Wen-shao,  she  added: — “You  are  too 
old,  and  I could  not  bear  the  thought  of  exposing  you  to 
such  hardships.  Make  such  speed  as  you  can  and  join  me 
later.”  Then  to  the  other  two  she  said,  “ You  two  are  good 
riders.  It  will  be  your  duty  never  to  lose  sight  of  me  for  an 
instant.  Wang  Wen-shao  replied,  “I  will  hasten  after  Your 
Majesty  to  the  best  of  my  ability.”  The  Emperor,  who 
seemed  surprisingly  alert  and  vigorous,  here  joined  in,  “ Yes, 
by  all  means,  follow  as  quickly  as  you  can.”  This  ended 
the  audience,  but  the  actual  hour  of  Her  Majesty’s 
departure  remains  uncertain.  Jung  Lu’s  attendance  was 
impossible  because  he  was  busy  trying  to  rally  our  forces. 

21s£  Day  (15 th  August). — Wen  Lien  tells  me  that  the  Old 
Buddha  arose  this  morning  at  the  Hour  of  the  Tiger 
(3  a.m.)  after  only  an  hour’s  rest,  and  dressed  herself 
hurriedly  in  the  common  blue  cloth  garments  of  a peasant 
woman,  which  she  had  ordered  to  be  prepared.  For 
the  first  time  in  her  life,  her  hair  was  done  up  in  the 
Chinese  fashion.  “ Who  could  ever  have  believed  that 
it  would  come  to  this  ? ” she  said.  Three  common  carts 
1 The  expression  is  figurative. 

298 


DIARY  OF  HIS  EXCELLENCY  CHING  SHAN 


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CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


were  brought  into  the  Palace  ; their  drivers  wore  no  official 
hats. 

All  the  Concubines  were  summoned  to  appear  before  Her 
Majesty  at  3.30  a.m.  ; she  had  previously  issued  a decree 
that  none  of  them  would  accompany  her  for  the  present. 
The  Pearl  Concubine,  who  has  always  been  insubordinate  to 
the  Old  Buddha,  came  with  the  rest  and  actually  dared  to 
suggest  that  the  Emperor  should  remain  in  Peking.  The 
Empress  was  in  no  mood  for  argument.  Without  a 
moment’s  hesitation,  she  shouted  to  the  eunuchs  on  duty, 
“ Throw  this  wretched  minion  down  the  well ! ” At  this 
the  Emperor,  who  was  greatly  grieved,  fell  on  his  knees  in 
supplication,  but  the  Empress  angrily  bade  him  desist, 
saying  that  this  was  no  time  for  bandying  words.  “ Let  her 
die  at  once,”  she  said,  “as  a warning  to  all  undutiful 
children,  and  to  those  ‘ hsiao  ’ birds 1 who,  when  fledged, 
peck  out  their  own  mother’s  eyes.”  So  the  eunuchs  Li  and 
Sung  took  the  Pearl  Concubine  and  cast  her  down  the  large 
well  which  is  just  outside  the  Ning  Shou  Palace. 

Then  to  the  Emperor,  who  stood  trembling  with  grief  and 
wrath,  she  said : “ Get  into  your  cart  and  hang  up  the 
screen,  so  that  you  be  not  recognised  ” (he  was  wearing  a 
long  gown  of  black  gauze  and  black  cloth  trousers).  Swiftly 
then  the  Old  Buddha  gave  her  orders.  “ P’u  Lun,  you  will 
ride  on  the  shaft  of  the  Emperor’s  cart  and  look  after  him. 
I shall  travel  in  the  other  cart,  and  you,  P’u  Chun  (the 
Heir  Apparent)  will  ride  on  the  shaft.  Li  Lien-ying,  I 
know  you  are  a poor  rider,  but  you  must  shift  as  best  you 
can  to  keep  up  with  us.”  At  this  critical  moment  it  seemed 
as  if  the  Old  Buddha  alone  retained  her  presence  of  mind. 
“ Drive  your  hardest,”  she  said  to  the  carters,  “ and  if 
any  foreign  devil  should  stop  you,  say  nothing.  I will  speak 
to  them  and  explain  that  we  are  but  poor  country  folk, 
fleeing  to  our  homes.  Go  first  to  the  Summer  Palace.” 
Thereupon  the  carts  started,  passing  out  through  the 
1 A species  of  owl — classical  reference. 

300 


DIARY  OF  HIS  EXCELLENCY  CHING  SHAN 


northern  gate  of  the  Palace  (The  Gate  of  Military  Prowess) 
while  all  the  members  of  the  Household  and  the  Imperial 
Concubines  prostrated  themselves,  wishing  their  Majesties  a 
long  life.  Only  the  three  Grand  Councillors  followed  on 
horseback,  a rendezvous  having  been  arranged  for  other 
officials  at  the  Summer  Palace.  My  neighbour  Wen  Lien, 
the  Comptroller  of  the  Household,  followed  their  Majesties 
at  a distance,  to  see  them  safely  out  of  the  city.  They 
left  by  the  “ Te-sheng-men,”  or  Gate  of  Victory,  on  the 
north-west  side  of  the  city,  where  for  a time  their 
carts  were  blocked  in  the  dense  mass  of  refugees  passing 
out  that  way. 

4 p.m. — The  Sacred  Chariot  of  Her  Majesty  reached  the 
Summer  Palace  at  about  8 a.m.  and  Their  Majesties 
remained  there  an  hour.  Meanwhile,  at  G a.m.,  Prince 
Ch’ing.  just  before  starting  for  the  Summer  Palace, 
sent  a flag  of  truce  to  the  Japanese  Pigmies  who  were 
bombarding  the  city  close  to  the  “ Chi  Hua  ” Gate  on  the 
east  of  the  city.  The  gate  was  thrown  open  and  the  troops 
swarmed  in. 

My  son  En  Ming  was  on  duty  at  the  Summer  Palace  with 
a few  of  his  men,  when  the  Imperial  party  arrived,  all 
bedraggled  and  dust-begrimed.  The  soldiers  at  the  Palace 
gate  could  not  believe  that  this  was  really  their  Imperial 
mistress  until  the  Old  Buddha  angrily  asked  whether  they 
failed  to  recognise  her.  The  carts  were  driven  in  through 
the  side  entrance,  and  tea  was  served.  Her  Majesty  gave 
orders  that  all  curios,  valuables,  and  ornaments  were  to 
be  packed  at  once  and  sent  off  to  Jehol ; at  the  same  time 
she  despatched  one  of  the  eunuchs  to  Peking  to  tell  the 
Empress1  to  bury  quickly  every  scrap  of  treasure  in  the 
Forbidden  City,  hiding  it  in  the  courtyard  of  the  Ning 
Shou  Palace. 

The  Princes  Tuan,  Ching,  Na,  and  Su  joined  Their 

1 Consort  of  Kuang-Hsii,  now  Empress  Dowager,  known  by  the  honorific 
title  of  Lung-yii. 


301 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


Majesties  at  the  Summer  Palace  ; a few  Dukes  were  there 
also,  as  well  as  Wu  Shu-mei  and  Pu  Hsing  of  the  higher 
officials.  About  a dozen  Secretaries  from  the  different 
Boards,  and  three  Clerks  to  the  Grand  Council,  accompanied 
the  Court  from  this  point.  General  Ma  Yu-k’un,  with  a 
force  of  1,000  men  escorted  Their  Majesties  to  Kalgan, 
and  there  were,  in  addition,  several  hundreds  of  Prince 
Tuan’s  “ Heavenly  Tiger  ” Bannermen,  fresh  from  their 
fruitless  attacks  on  the  Legations.  Jung  Lu  is  still 
endeavouring  to  rally  his  troops. 

I have  just  heard  of  the  death  of  my  old  friend,  Hsu 
T’ung,  the  Imperial  Tutor  and  Grand  Secretary.  He  has 
hanged  himself  in  his  house  and  eighteen  of  his  womenfolk 
have  followed  his  example.  He  was  a true  patriot  and  a 
fine  scholar.  Alas,  alas ! From  all  sides  I hear  the  same 
piteous  story  ; the  proudest  of  the  Manchus  have  come  to 
the  same  miserable  end.  The  betrothed  of  Prince  Ch’un, 
whom  he  was  to  have  married  next  month,  has  committed 
suicide,  with  all  her  family.  It  is  indeed  pitiful.1 

Thus,  for  the  second  time  in  her  life,  the  Old  Buddha  has 
had  to  flee  from  her  Sacred  City,  like  the  Son  of  Heaven  in 
the  Chou  Dynasty,  who  “fled  with  dust-covered  head.”  The 
failure  of  the  southern  provinces  to  join  in  the  enterprise  has 
ruined  us.  Prince  Tuan  was  much  to  blame  in  being  anti- 
Chinese.  As  Confucius  said,  “ By  the  lack  of  broad-minded 
tolerance  in  small  matters,  a great  design  has  been  frustrated.” 
After  all,  Jung  Lu  was  right — the  Boxers’  so-called  magic 
was  nothing  but  child’s  talk.  They  were  in  reality  no 
stronger  than  autumn  thistledown.  Alas,  the  bright  flower 
of  spring  does  not  bloom  twice  ! 

My  wife  and  the  other  women,  stupidly  obstinate  like  all 
females,  intend  to  take  opium.  I cannot  prevent  them  from 
doing  so,  but,  for  myself,  I have  no  intention  of  doing  any- 

1 Prince  Ch’un  subsequently  married  Jung  Lu’s  daughter,  by  special 
command  of  the  Empress  Dowager. 


302 


Daughters  of  a High  Manchu  Official  of  the  Court. 


DIARY  OF  HIS  EXCELLENCY  CIILNG  SHAN 

tiling-  so  foolish.  Already  the  foreign  brigands  are  looting  in 
other  quarters  of  the  city,  but  they  will  never  find  my  hidden 
treasure,  and  I shall  just  remain  here,  old  and  feeble  as  I am. 
My  son,  En  Ch’u,  has  disappeared  since  yesterday,  and 
nearly  all  my  servants  have  fled.  There  is  no  one  to 
prepare  my  evening  meal. 

(Here  the  Diary  ends.  The  old  man  was  murdered  by 
his  eldest  son  that  same  evening ; all  his  ivomenfolk  had 
previously  taken  poison  and  died.) 


Vermilion  Decree  of  H.M.  Kuang  Hsu,  '2\th  day , 12 th  Moon 

of '25th  year  ( January , 1900),  making  Prince  Tuans  son 
Heir  Apparent. 

“In  days  of  our  tender  infancy  we  succeeded  by  adoption 
to  the  Great  Inheritance,  and  were  favoured  by  the  Empress 
Dowager,  who  graciously  ‘ suspended  the  curtain  ’ and 
administered  the  Government  as  Regent,  earnestly  labouring 
the  while  at  our  education  in  all  matters.  Since  we  assumed 
the  reins  of  government,  the  nation  has  passed  through  severe 
crises,  and  our  sole  desire  has  been  to  govern  the  Empire 
wisely  in  order  to  requite  the  maternal  benevolence  of  Her 
Majesty  as  well  as  to  fulfil  the  arduous  task  imposed  on  us 
by  His  late  Majesty. 

“ But  since  last  year  our  constitution  has  been  sore-stricken 
with  illness,  and  we  have  undergone  much  anxiety  lest  the 
business  of  the  State  should  suffer  in  consequence.  Reflecting 
on  the  duty  we  owe  to  our  sacred  ancestors  and  to  the 
Empire,  we  have  therefore  besought  Her  Majesty  to 
administer  the  Government  during  the  past  year.  Our 
sickness  has  so  far  shown  no  signs  of  improvement,  and 
it  has  prevented  us  from  performing  all  the  important 
sacrifices  at  the  ancestral  shrines  and  at  the  altars  of  the 
gods  of  the  soil. 

“ And  now  at  this  acute  crisis,  the  spectacle  of  Her 
Majesty,  labouring  without  cease  in  the  profound  seclusion 


303 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


of  her  Palace,  without  relaxation  or  thought  of  rest,  has 
filled  us  with  dismay.  We  can  neither  sleep  nor  eat  in  the 
anxiety  of  our  thoughts.  Reflecting  on  the  arduous  labours 
of  our  ancestors  from  whom  this  great  Heritage  has  descended 
to  us,  we  are  overwhelmed  by  our  unfitness  for  this  task  of 
government.  We  bear  in  mind  (and  the  fact  is  well  known 
to  all  our  subjects)  that  when  first  we  succeeded  by  adoption 
to  the  Throne,  we  were  honoured  with  a Decree  from  the 
Empress  Dowager  to  the  effect  that  so  soon  as  we  should 
have  begotten  an  heir,  he  should  become  the  adopted  son 
of  His  Majesty  T’ung-Chih.  But  our  protracted  sickness 
renders  it  impossible  for  us  to  hope  for  a son,  so  that  His 
late  Majesty  remains  without  heir.  This  question  of  the 
succession  is  of  transcendent  importance,  and  our  grief,  as 
we  ponder  the  situation,  fills  us  with  feelings  of  the 
deepest  self-abasement,  and  renders  illusive  all  hope  of  our 
recovery  from  this  sickness. 

“ We  have  accordingly  prostrated  ourselves  in  supplication 
before  our  Sacred  Mother,  begging  that  she  may  be  pleased 
to  select  some  worthy  person  from  among  the  Princes  of  the 
Blood  as  heir  to  His  Majesty  T’ung-Chih,  in  order  that  the 
Great  Inheritance  may  duly  revert  to  him.  As  the  result  of 
our  repeated  entreaties  Her  Majesty  has  graciously  con- 
sented, and  has  appointed  P’u  Chtin,  son  of  Prince  Tuan,  as 
heir  by  adoption  to  His  late  Majesty.  Our  gratitude  at  this 
is  unbounded,  and  reverently  we  obey  her  behests,  hereby 
appointing  P’u  Chiin  to  be  Heir  Apparent  and  successor  to 
the  Throne.  Let  this  Decree  be  made  known  throughout 
the  Empire.” 

Seldom  has  history  seen  so  tragically  pathetic  a document. 
It  was  not  only  a confession  of  his  own  illegality  and  an 
abdication,  but  his  death-warrant,  clear  writ  for  all  men  to 
read.  And  the  poor  victim  must  perforce  thank  his  execu- 
tioner and  praise  the  “ maternal  benevolence  ” of  the  woman 
whose  uncontrollable  love  of  power  had  wrecked  his  life  from 
the  cradle. 


304 


DIARY  OF  HIS  EXCELLENCY  CHING  SHAN 


Memorial  from  the  Censorate  at  Peking  to  the  Throne  at 
Ilsi-an,  describing  the  arrest  of  En  Hai,  the  murderer  of  the 
German  Minister,  Baron  von  Ketteler } 

This  Memorial  affords  a striking  illustration  of  the 
sympathy  which  animated,  and  still  animates,  many  of  those 
nearest  to  the  Throne  in  regard  to  the  Boxers  and  their 
anti-foreign  crusade,  and  their  appreciation  of  the  real 
sentiments  of  the  Empress  Dowager,  even  in  defeat.  It 
also  throws  light  on  the  Chinese  official’s  idea  of  heroism  in 
a soldier. 

“ A spy  in  Japanese  employ,  engaged  in  searching  for 
looted  articles  in  the  pawnshops  of  the  district  in  Japanese 
military  occupation,  found  among  the  unredeemed  pledges 
in  one  shop  a watch  bearing  Baron  von  Ivetteler's  mono- 
gram. The  pawnbroker  said  that  it  had  been  pledged  by  a 
bannerman  named  En  Hai,  who  lived  at  a carters’  inn  of  the 
Tartar  city.  This  spy  was  a man  named  Te  Lu,  a writer 
attached  to  the  Manchu  Field  Force,  of  the  8th  squad  of 
the  ‘ Ting  ’ Company.  He  went  at  once  and  informed  the 
Japanese,  who  promptly  sent  a picquet  to  the  inn 
mentioned.  Two  or  three  men  were  standing  about  in  the 
courtyard,  and  the  soldiers  asked  one  of  them  whether  En 
Hai  was  there.  ‘ I’m  the  man,’  said  he,  whereupon  they 
took  him  prisoner.  Under  examination,  En  was  perfectly 
calm  and  showed  no  sort  of  emotion.  The  presiding 
Magistrate  enquired ‘Was  it  you  who  slew  the  German 
Minister  ? ’ He  replied  ‘ I received  orders  from  my 
Sergeant  to  kill  every  foreigner  that  came  up  the  street.  I 
am  a soldier,  and  I only  know  it  is  my  duty  to  obey  orders. 
On  that  day  I was  with  my  men,  some  thirty  of  them,  in 
the  street,  when  a foreigner  came  along  in  a sedan  chair. 
At  once  I took  up  my  stand  a little  to  the  side  of  the  street, 
and,  taking  careful  aim,  fired  into  the  chair.  Thereupon  the 

1 This  Memorial  was  never  published  officially,  and  Tzu  Hsi  refrained  from 
issuing  a Rescript  thereto ; it  was  forwarded  by  an  official  with  the  Court 
at  Hsi-an  to  one  of  the  vernacular  papers  at  Shanghai,  which  published  it. 

305  x 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


bearers  fled  : we  went  up  to  the  chair,  dragged  the  foreigner 
out,  and  saw  that  he  was  dead.  I felt  a watch  in  his  breast 
pocket  and  took  it  as  my  lawful  share ; my  comrades  appro- 
priated a revolver,  some  rings  and  other  articles.  I never 
thought  that  this  watch  would  lead  to  my  detection,  but  I 
am  glad  to  die  for  having  killed  one  of  the  enemies  of  my 
country.  Please  behead  me  at  once.’ 

“ The  interpreter  asked  him  whether  he  was  drunk  at  the 
time.  He  laughed  and  said,  ‘ Wine’s  a fine  thing,  and  I 
can  put  away  four  or  five  catties  at  a time,  but  that  day  I 
had  not  touched  a drop.  Do  you  suppose  I would  try  to 
screen  myself  on  the  score  of  being  in  liquor  ? ’ This 
En  Hai  appears  to  have  been  an  honest  fellow  ; his  words 
were  brave  and  dignified,  so  that  the  bystanders  all  realised 
that  China  is  not  without  heroes  in  the  ranks  of  her  army. 
On  the  following  day  he  was  handed  over  to  the  Germans, 
and  beheaded  on  the  scene  of  his  exploit.  We,  your  Memo- 
rialists, feel  that  Your  Majesties  should  be  made  acquainted 
with  his  meritorious  behaviour,  and  we  therefore  report  the 
above  facts.  We  are  of  opinion  that  his  name  should  not 
be  permitted  to  fall  into  oblivion,  and  we  trust  that  Your 
Majesties  may  be  pleased  to  confer  upon  him  honours  as  in 
the  case  of  one  who  has  fallen  in  battle  with  his  face  to  the 
foe.” 


306 


XVIII 

IN  MEMORY  OF  TWO  BRAVE  MEN 

The  Memorial  of  the  Censors  given  in  the  last  chapter, 
recording  the  arrest  and  execution  of  the  JManchu  soldier 
who  shot  the  German  Minister  defenceless  in  his  chair,  took 
occasion  to  congratulate  the  Empress  and  the  nation  on 
possessing  such  brave  defenders  ; and  to  do  the  man  justice, 
he  met  his  end  with  a fine  courage.  But  with  fuller  know- 
ledge and  a clearer  insight,  the  scholars  of  the  Empire 
might  well  put  forward  claims  to  real  heroism,  moral  courage 
of  the  rarest  kind,  in  the  case  of  Yuan  Chang  and  Hsu 
Ching-ch’eng,  the  two  Ministers  who,  as  we  have  shown,  so 
nobly  laid  down  their  lives  for  what  they  knew  to  be  then- 
country’s  highest  good.  So  long  as  China  can  breed  men 
like  these,  so  long  as  the  Confucian  system  contains  moral 
force  sufficient  to  produce  Stoic  scholars  of  this  type,  the 
nation  has  no  cause  to  despair  of  its  future.  We  make  no 
apology  for  insisting  on  the  claims  of  these  two  men  to  our 
grateful  admiration,  or  for  reproducing  their  last  Memorials, 
in  which  they  warned  the  Old  Buddha  of  her  folly,  and,  by 
denouncing  the  Boxers,  braved  all  the  forces  of  anarchy  and 
savagery  which  surged  about  the  Dragon  Throne.  Already 
their  good  name  stands  high  in  the  esteem  of  their  country- 
men. Et  prevctlebit : their  courage  and  unselfish  patriotism 
have  been  recognised  by  their  canonisation  in  the  Pantheon 
of  China’s  worthies,  under  an  Edict  of  the  present  Regent. 

307  x 2 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


Shortly  after  their  execution  the  following  circular  letter 
pour  faire  part  was  addressed  by  the  sons  of  Yuan  Ch’ang  to 
the  relatives  and  friends  of  the  family  : — 

Notice  sent  by  the  Yuan  family  to  their  relatives  regarding 
the  death  of  Yuan  Cli'ang,  September , 1900. 

After  the  usual  conventional  formulae  of  grief  and  self- 
abasement,  this  circular  letter  proceeds  as  follows  : — 

“ We  realise  that  it  was  because  of  his  outspoken  courage 
in  resisting  the  evil  tendencies  of  the  times  that  our  parent 
met  his  untimely  death,  and  we  now  submit  the  following 
report  of  the  circumstances  for  the  information  of  our 
relatives  and  friends. 

“ When,  in  the  5th  Moon  of  this  year,  the  Boxer  madness 
commenced,  our  late  father,  in  his  capacity  as  a Minister  of 
the  Foreign  Office,  felt  extremely  anxious  in  regard  to  the 
situation,  and  his  anxiety  was  shared  by  his  colleague,  Hsii 
Ching-ch’eng.  On  three  occasions  when  the  Princes  and 
Ministers  were  received  in  audience,  my  father  expressed  his 
opinion  to  the  Throne  that  the  Boxers  were  utterly  unreliable. 
‘ I have  been  in  person,’  he  said,  ‘ to  Legation  Street,  and 
have  seen  the  corpses  of  Boxers  lying  on  all  sides.  They  had 
most  certainly  been  shot,  proving  that  their  unholy  rites 
availed  them  nothing.  They  should  be  exterminated  and  not 
used  as  Government  forces.’  On  hearing  this  advice,  the 
Emperor,  turning  to  Hsii  Ching-ch’eng,  enquired  whether 
China  is  strong  enough  to  resist  the  foreigners  or  not,  and 
other  questions  bearing  on  the  position  of  the  Foreign  Powers 
abroad.  Hsii  replied  without  hesitation  that  China  was  far 
too  weak  to  think  of  fighting  the  whole  world.  His  Majesty 
was  so  much  impressed  by  what  he  had  heard  that  he  caught 
hold  of  Hsii  by  the  sleeve  and  seemed  much  distressed.  Hsii 
sorrowfully  left  the  presence,  and  proceeded  with  our  father 
to  draft  the  first  of  their  joint  Memorials. 

“ Later  on,  when  the  bombardment  of  the  Legations  was 
in  full  swing,  our  father  observed  to  Hsii,  ‘ This  slaughtering 
of  Envoys  is  a grave  breach  of  all  international  law.  If  the 
Legations  are  destroyed  and  the  Powers  then  send  an 


308 


IN  MEMORY  OF  TWO  BRAVE  MEN 


expedition  to  avenge  them,  what  will  become  of  our 
country?  We  must  oppose  this  folly,  you  and  I,  even  at 
the  risk  of  our  lives.’  So  they  put  in  their  second  Memorial, 
which  never  appeared  in  the  Gazette,  but  which  so  frightened 
the  Boxer  princes  and  Ministers  that  they  slackened  for  a 
while  in  their  attacks  on  the  foreigners.  The  preservation  of 
the  Legations  on  this  occasion  was  really  due  to  this  Memorial, 
and  from  this  moment  the  enemies  of  Hsu  and  our  father 
became  more  than  ever  bent  on  revenge. 

“ In  the  last  few  days  of  the  6th  Moon  (July  15th  to  25th) 
the  foreign  armies  were  massing  for  their  march  on  Peking, 
and  our  father  said  to  Hsu,  ‘ We  are  only  waiting  for  death. 
Why  should  we  delay  it  any  longer  ? ’ So  they  handed  in 
their  third  Memorial.  In  this  document  they  declared  that 
the  situation  was  becoming  desperate,  that  even  the  Princes 
of  the  Blood  and  the  Ministers  of  the  Grand  Council  had 
come  to  applaud  these  Boxers,  and  to  assist  in  deceiving 
their  Majesties.  There  was  only  one  way  left  to  avoid  dire 
peril  and  hold  back  the  foreign  armies,  and  that  was  to  put 
an  end  to  these  Boxers,  and  to  do  this  it  was  necessary  to 
begin  by  beheading  their  leaders  among  the  Princes  and 
Ministers.  Having  sent  in  this  Memorial,  our  father  said  to 
our  mother  ‘ Things  have  now  come  to  such  a pass  that, 
whether  I speak  out  or  keep  silence,  my  death  is  certain. 
Rather  than  be  murdered  by  these  treacherous  Ministers,  I 
prefer  to  die  at  the  hands  of  the  public  executioner.  If  only 
by  my  death  I can  convince  the  Throne  of  the  peril  of  the 
situation,  I shall  die  gladly.’ 

“ We  all  crowded  round  our  father  and  wept.  Calmly  he 
spake  to  us,  saying,  ‘ I am  giving  my  life  for  the  State. 
What  other  thought  have  I now?  You  must  decide  for 
yourselves  whether  you  will  remain  in  Peking  or  return  to 
our  home  in  the  south.’  He  then  gave  us  a solemn  admoni- 
tion in  regard  to  our  duties  of  loyalty  and  patriotism. 

“ On  the  second  day  of  the  7th  Moon,  (July  27th)  he  was 
arrested  and  taken  to  the  Board  of  Punishments.  Next  day, 
at  1.  p.m.,  ‘ his  duty  was  finally  consummated.’  The 
execution  ground  was  crowded  with  a mob  of  Boxers. 
Angrily  some  of  them  asked  him  why  he  had  borne  a grudge, 
and  spoken  evil,  against  the  ‘ Patriotic  Harmony  Militia.’ 


309 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


Our  father  mockingly  answered  ‘ A statesman  speaks  out  in 
obedience  to  a sense  of  duty.  How  should  such  as  you 
understand  ? ’ 

“ W e were  informed  by  the  gaolers  that  our  father  and 
Hsu  had  chatted  quietly  and  contentedly  in  prison.  They 
had  asked  for  paper  and  ink,  and  had  written  over  twenty 
sheets,  but  this  document  was  found  by  the  Boxers  and 
burned.  Was  it,  we  wonder,  a valedictory  Memorial  to  the 
Throne,  or  a last  mandate  to  their  families  ? We  cannot  say, 
and  we  shall  never  know.  Alas,  alas,  that  we,  undutiful  sons 
as  we  are,  should  have  to  bear  this  crowning  sorrow ! We 
have  failed  in  our  duty  both  as  sons  and  as  men.  Our 
mother  still  survives,  and  our  father’s  burial  remains  to  be 
attended  to,  so  that  we  feel  bound  to  go  on,  drawing  the 
breath  of  pain,  so  as  to  perform  our  duty  to  our  lamented 
sire.  On  the  8th  of  this  Moon  we  propose  to  carry  his 
remains  to  a place  of  temporary  sepulture  in  the  Garden  of 
‘Wide  Friendship’  at  Hangchow,  and  shall  escort  our 
mother  to  her  home.  We  shall  set  up  the  tablet  of  our 
father  in  a building  adjoining  his  temporary  grave,  and  there 
weep  and  lament.” 

If  to  meet  an  undeserved  doom  with  high  courage  is 
heroism,  then  these  men  were  indeed  heroes.  In  reading 
their  Memorials — and  especially  the  last  of  them — one  is 
inevitably  and  forcibly  reminded  of  the  best  examples  in 
Greek  and  Roman  history.  In  their  high-minded  philosophy, 
their  instinctive  morality  and  calm  contemplation  of  death, 
there  breathes  the  spirit  of  Socrates,  Seneca  and  Pliny,  the 
spirit  which  has  given  European  civilisation  its  classical 
models  of  noble  fortitude  and  many  of  its  finest  inspirations, 
the  spirit  which,  shorn  of  its  quality  of  individualism,  has 
been  the  foundation  of  Japan’s  greatness.  In  the  last  of 
these  three  Memorials,  their  swan-song,  there  rings  the  true 
heroic  note,  clear-seeing,  earnest  and  fearless.  The  first, 
though  forwarded  in  the  name  of  Yuan  alone,  was  drafted 
conjointly  with  Hsii  Ching-ch’eng.  Hsu,  well-known  in 
diplomatic  circles  by  his  having  been  Minister  in  St.  Peters- 
burg and  Berlin,  had  not  the  same  high  reputation  for 

310 


IN  MEMORY  OF  TWO  BRAVE  MEN 


personal  integrity  and  disinterested  patriotism  as  his  friend, 
but  whatever  his  former  failings,  he  made  full  amends  by  the 
unflinching  nobility  of  purpose  that  led  to  his  death. 


Yiian  Cliang's  First  Memorial  against  the  Boxers , Dated 

20 th  June , 1900. 

“Ever  since  the  16th  day  of  the  Moon  (June  12th),  when 
the  Boxers  first  burst  into  Peking,  your  Majesties  have  been 
giving  audience  daily  to  all  the  Princes  and  Ministers  of 
State.  The  weight  of  the  nation’s  sorrow  has  afflicted  your 
Sacred  Persons,  and  you  have  sought  the  advice  of  us,  your 
humble  servants,  in  your  anxious  desire  that  a policy  may  be 
devised  whereby  peace  should  be  restored  to  the  shrines 
of  your  ancestors  and  to  the  Chinese  people.  But  we  have 
failed  so  far  to  avert  calamity,  and  thus  to  bring  comfort  to 
our  sorrowing  Sovereigns ; grievous  indeed  are  our  short- 
comings, which  fill  us  with  shame  and  dismay. 

“ Humbly  I recall  to  your  Majesties’  memories  a Decree 
which  was  issued  in  the  7th  Moon  of  the  18th  year  of  Chia- 
Ch’ing.  Therein  it  is  recorded  that,  in  the  provinces  of 
Shantung  and  Honan,  a dangerous  conspiracy  had  been 
organised  by  evil-doers  under  the  name  of  the  * Eight 
Diagram  ’ Society.  These  latter  day  Boxers  are,  in  fact, 
merely  the  descendants  of  the  ‘ White  Lily  ’ sect,  and  your 
Majesties  have  already  decreed  their  extermination.  It  was 
only  last  year  that  the  District  Magistrate  of  Wu  Chiao,  in 
Shantung,  drew  up  a memorandum  giving  a very  full 
account  of  this  sect,  and  two  months  ago  the  Governor 
of  Shantung  (Yiian  Shih-k’ai),  replying  to  your  Majesties’ 
enquiries,  reported  that  these  Boxers  were  in  no  way 
deserving  of  Imperial  favour,  and  could  never  be  enrolled  as 
Government  troops.  No  statement  could  be  more  explicit. 
Furthermore,  the  ex-Governor,  Yii  Hsien,  reporting  in 
connection  with  the  case  of  a leader  of  this  sect  named 
Chu  Hung-teng,  or  ‘ Chu  of  the  Red  Lamp,’  stated  that 
this  impostor  claimed  to  be  a descendant  of  the  Ming 
Dynasty  ; he  had  so  worked  upon  the  ignorant  people  that 
the  whole  district  was  in  a state  of  unrest,  and  these  treason- 
able proceedings  increased  and  spread  until  the  Imperial 

311 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


forces  arrested  and  executed  the  ringleaders.  Their  purely 
mythical  claims  to  invulnerability  were  clearly  disproved  by 
the  fact  that  their  execution  presented  no  difficulties. 

“ When  seeking  information  on  this  subject  last  year,  I 
was  informed  by  General  Ch’eng  Wen-ping  that  five  years 
ago  (in  1895)  he  was  stationed  at  a post  on  the  Chihli 
frontier,  infested  by  robbers,  who  there  went  by  the  name 
of  the  ‘ Golden  Bell  ’ Society,  and  were  brothers  of  the 
‘Golden  Lamp.’  On  one  occasion  some  fifty  of  these  men 
desired  to  join  General  Cheng’s  forces,  but  upon  his  putting 
their  alleged  powers  to  the  test,  by  firing  bullets  at  them  and 
stabbing  them  with  swords,  blood  flowed  in  the  most  natural 
manner,  so  that  these  magic  workers  died.  I mention  the 
fact  to  show  the  absurdity  of  this  superstition ; it  proves, 
beyond  doubt,  that  the  organisers  of  these  Societies  are 
dangerous  and  treasonable  rogues,  harbouring  evil  designs 
against  the  Dynasty,  especially  when  they  claim  to  be 
descendants  of  the  Mings.  They  have,  however,  collected 
an  enormous  following,  and  should  be  dealt  with  as  rebels, 
which  they  undoubtedly  are. 

“Last  year,  in  the  11th  Moon,  13th  day,  your  Majesties 
granted  me  audience,  and  I reported  the  above  facts,  adding 
that  the  alleged  anti-Christian  propaganda  of  these  Boxers 
was  merely  a pretext,  and  that  their  treasonable  aims 
justified  their  immediate  extermination.  Subsequently  Yuan 
Shih-k’ai,  then  newly  appointed  Governor,  did  his  duty 
in  suppressing  the  movement,  so  that  several  Boxer  societies 
were  broken  up  or  destroyed.  Once  more  peace  reigned,  so 
that  the  gentry  and  literati  of  the  province,  who  for  a time 
had  believed  in  the  Boxers  and  had  accused  the  Governor  of 
ruthless  methods,  were  forced  to  admit  that  he  had  acted 
rightly  and  that  they  had  been  misled.  Who  could  have 
supposed  that  the  suppression  of  the  movement  in  Shantung 
would  be  followed  by  its  spreading  and  increasing  in  Chihli  ? 
The  Viceroy  (Yli  Lu)  must  undoubtedly  be  blamed  for  this  ; 
he  has  allowed  the  canker  to  grow  without  check,  playing  the 
part  of  an  indifferent  spectator.  Latterly,  after  these  Boxers 
had  murdered  the  Magistrate  of  Lai  Shui,  the  Viceroy 
appeared  to  realise,  for  the  first  time,  that  their  professed 
campaign  against  the  Christians  was  merely  a cloak  for 

312 


IN  MEMORY  OF  TWO  BRAVE  MEN 


rebellion.  He  telegraphed,  therefore,  recommending  their 
suppression.  But  there  were  differences  of  opinion  at  Court, 
and  nothing  was  decided.  Other  districts  became  speedily 
affected  with  the  evil,  and  for  no  other  reason  than  that  the 
rebels  of  Lai  Shui  had  escaped  without  punishment.  They 
grew  bolder  and  bolder,  until  finally  they  tore  up  the  railway 
lines  and  destroyed  the  telegraphs  throughout  the  province, 
although  both  are  Government  property,  upon  which  vast 
sums  of  the  public  money  have  been  spent.  Deplorable, 
indeed,  that  one  morning’s  work  of  rebels  should  witness  the 
loss  of  millions  of  taels ! They  have  also  destroyed  many 
Christian  churches,  for  which  the  State  will  have  to  pay 
heavily  hereafter. 

“ I humbly  submit  that  this  fierce  outbreak  of  the  Boxers 
against  Christians  is  a matter  of  deadly  peril  to  the  Empire. 
By  our  laws,  Magistrates  are  expected  to  administer  justice 
without  fear  or  favour  ; there  is  no  distinction  to  be  made 
between  Christians  and  non-Christians,  and  it  should 
certainly  not  be  permitted  that  evil-doers  should  pursue  their 
ends  on  any  plea  of  religious  zeal.  And  now,  within  the 
last  few  days,  these  rebels  have  even  dared  to  invade  our 
Capital,  and  their  armed  mob  profanes  the  very  chariot 
wheels  of  the  Throne.  Arson  and  murder  are  their  work  ; 
they  have  burned  the  churches  and  attacked  the  Legations. 
Your  Majesties’  Palace  is  shaking  to  its  foundations,  as  by  an 
earthquake.  For  such  deeds  there  is  no  penalty  but  death  ; 
clemency  in  such  a case  were  folly. 

“ On  the  20th  day  of  this  Moon  they  set  fire  to  more  than 
a thousand  shops  outside  the  Main  Gate,  so  that  the  wealth- 
iest quarter  of  the  city  is  now  a hideous  desert.  Nine  out  of 
every  ten  inhabitants  are  fleeing  from  the  city,  and  hardly  a 
shop  remains  open.  There  is  no  money  forthcoming  from 
the  provinces  wherewith  to  pay  our  troops.  Words  cannot 
describe  the  utter  desolation  prevailing  on  all  sides.  In 
allowing  these  rioters  to  stalk  through  the  land,  breathing 
slaughter  and  plunder,  we  were  making  ourselves  a byeword 
and  an  object  of  derision  throughout  the  civilised  world.  The 
ministers  of  the  foreign  Powers,  alarmed  by  the  Boxers’  wild 
threats,  have  been  compelled,  by  the  necessities  of  their 
situation,  to  bring  up  Legation  guards,  but  these  only 


313 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


amount  to  four  hundred  and  ten  men  altogether,  and  the 
object  of  their  coming  is  clearly  not  offensive,  but  defensive 
only. 

“ On  the  16th  day  (June  12th)  Ch  i Hsiu  and  other  members 
of  the  Grand  Council  were  instructed  by  your  Majesty  (the 
Empress  Dowager)  to  have  compliments  and  expressions  of 
sympathy  sent  to  the  foreign  Ministers  and  their  wives.  This 
act  of  benevolent  courtesy  was  gratefully  recognised.  They 
were  fully  alive  to  the  bountiful  measure  of  protection  thus 
extended  to  them  in  your  Majesty’s  clemency ; it  penetrated 
to  their  very  marrow.  The  Ministers  then  informed  your 
Majesty  that  their  Legation  guards  have  been  brought  up 
solely  as  a precaution,  and  they  have  no  thought  of  interfer- 
ing in  the  domestic  affairs  of  our  country.  They  give  the 
most  solemn  assurances,  invoking  the  sun  as  witness  and 
pointing  to  heaven,  that,  so  soon  as  these  disturbances  are 
at  an  end,  their  troops  will  immediately  be  withdrawn. 
There  is  no  reason  to  suspect  them  of  any  treachery  or  evil 
purpose.  It  should  be  our  immediate  aim  to  rid  the  Tartar 
city  of  the  presence  of  these  rebels,  in  order  not  only  to 
reassure  the  minds  of  our  own  people,  but  to  relieve  the 
anxiety  of  the  foreigners.  If  we  do  this,  there  will  be  no 
further  talk  of  the  foreign  Powers  sending  more  troops  ; if  we 
crush  the  rebellion  ourselves,  there  would  be  no  need  of 
foreign  co-operation  to  that  end.  Surely  the  wisdom  of  this 
course  is  self-evident.”  ( Here  folloiv  certain  suggestions  for 
Police  and  military  measures .) 

“ If  it  be  objected  that  the  destruction  of  so  vast  a number 
of  Boxers  is  impracticable,  I venture  to  reply  that  the  present 
situation  has  been  entirely  brought  about  by  a few  ringleaders, 
and  that  the  majority  of  the  Boxers  are  simpty  ignorant 
peasantry.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  it  be  maintained  that  these 
rebels  are  in  possession  of  magical  secrets  which  confer  upon 
them  supernatural  powers,  1 would  venture  to  remind  your 
Majesties  of  Chang  Chios  ‘Yellow  Turban’  sect,  which 
flourished  towards  the  end  of  the  Han  Dynasty,  and  of  the 
historic  case  of  Pan  Kuang,  the  ‘head-breaker’  of  the  Yuan 
Dynasty;  both  of  these  men,  though  possessing  supernatural 
powers,  nevertheless  lost  their  heads.  One  of  the  principal 
reasons  for  the  alleged  invulnerability  of  these  Boxer  bandits 

314 


IN  MEMORY  OF  TWO  BRAVE  MEN 


is  that  iii  the  day  time  they  lie  low  ; it  is  at  night  that 
they  display  activity,  and  call  upon  their  deities  to  succour 
them.  All  the  magical  arts  which  they  profess — their 
incantations,  charms,  invocations  of  spirits,  table-turning, 
and  the  ‘ five  demon  ’ trick — are  merely  cheap  devices  of 
useless  sorcery.  Let  them  encounter  any  lethal  weapon,  let 
them  be  struck  by  cannon  or  rifle  bullet,  and  they  fall  dead 
upon  the  spot.  Can  it  be  seriously  maintained  that  they  are 
really  safe  from  bullets  when  it  is  notorious  that  a large 
number  of  them  were  shot  by  the  foreign  troops  on  the 
17th  day  of  this  Moon  (June  13th),  when  they  began  their 
attack  upon  the  Legations  ? Only  yesterday  over  forty 
Boxers  were  shot  dead  in  Shuai  Fu  lane,1  and  their  altar  was 
destroyed. 

“ The  population  of  Peking  numbers  close  upon  a million, 
and,  with  the  exception  of  these  wretched  mobs  or  Boxers, 
they  are  all  loyal  to  the  Throne  and  law-abiding.  The 
capture  and  execution  of  these  Boxers  would  vindicate  the 
majesty  of  the  law,  and  tranquillise  the  minds  of  the  people  ; 
the  courage  of  the  rebels  would  wane  as  that  of  the 
respectable  community  increased.  Once  rid  Peking  of  the 
Boxers,  and  the  Legations  will  gratefully  recognise  the 
efficacy  of  your  Majesty’s  divine  protection,  and  their 
feelings  towards  you  will  be  as  towards  a second  Creator. 
The  reinforcements  of  the  foreign  guards  could  then  reason- 
ably be  stopped,  or  withdrawn,  at  an  early  date,  there  being 
clearly  no  further  necessity  for  their  presence. 

“ In  conclusion  it  is  written  in  the  Book  of  Ceremonies  of 
the  Chou  Dynasty  ‘ that  the  existence  of  anarchy  in  a State 
necessitates  the  adoption  of  the  death  penalty  ’ ; also  in  the 
Canon  of  History  it  is  written  ‘ that  there  is  a time  when 
the  infliction  of  capital  punishment  becomes  a sacred  duty.’ 
It  would  therefore  appear  to  be  clearly  proved  that  these 
Boxers  should  properly  be  exterminated,  and  that  any  further 
continuance  of  procrastination  or  of  evasive  measures,  such  as 
their  enrolment  in  the  army,  mil  be  utterly  unavailing.  The 
foreign  Powers  are  strong,  and  their  indignation  has  reached 
extreme  limits.  Should  they  now  unite  in  measures  of 

1 A lane  four  hundred  yards  north  of  the  glacis  which  now  surrounds  the 
Legation  quarter. 


315 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


retaliation,  indescribable  disasters  await  us.  Instead  of 
allowing  the  foreigners  to  suppress  the  Boxers,  which 
would  mean  much  fighting  and  bloodshed  in  and  around 
Peking,  the  slaughter  of  many  innocent  persons  (‘jade  and 
common  stone  perishing  together  in  one  catastrophe  ’),  let 
us  rather  suppress  the  movement  ourselves,  and  thus  close 
the  mouths  of  our  detractors  and  those  who  criticise  our 
Empire.  Thus  only  will  the  ancestral  shrines  escape 
desecration,  and  the  people  enjoy  untold  benefits. 

“ The  Grand  Secretary,  Jung  Lu,  is  patriotic  and  loyal. 
If  your  Majesties  will  but  grant  him  full  powers,  success 
will  speedily  be  attained.  Diplomatic  difficulties  can  easily 
be  overcome  by  careful  attention  to  the  exigencies  of  the 
moment.  Urging  upon  your  Majesties  the  essential  fact 
that  in  undivided  control  of  authority  lies  our  only  safe- 
guard against  dire  catastrophe,  I now  beg  humbly  to  submit 
this  my  Memorial,  laying  bare  my  innermost  feelings,  and 
ask  that  your  Majesties’  divine  wisdom  may  consider  and 
decide  the  matter.” 


The  Second  Memorial  oj  Yuan  Ch’ang  and  Hsu,  Ching- 

ch’eng,  July  8th. 

“ Ever  since,  on  the  24th  day  of  last  Moon,  the  German 
Minister  von  Ketteler  was  killed  by  the  Boxers,  the  latter 
have  been  besieging  the  Legations,  and  the  Kansu  h troops 
under  Tung  Fu-hsiang  have  been  their  willing  accom- 
plices in  perpetrating  every  kind  of  evil.  Countless  is  the 
number  of  our  people,  residing  near  the  Legations,  who 
have  suffered  death  at  their  hands.  Practically  every  house 
in  the  eastern  quarter  of  the  city,  whether  public  or  private 
property,  has  been  mercilessly  plundered. 

“ The  Boxers  originally  proclaimed  that  their  mission  was 
to  pay  off  old  scores  against  the  Christians  ; they  then 
proceeded  to  include  the  Legations  in  their  attacks.  From 
the  Legations  they  have  extended  their  sphere  of  activity, 
directing  their  operations  against  our  officials  and  the 
common  people.  That  a mutinous  soldiery  and  mobs  of 
rebels  should  be  permitted  to  run  riot  over  our  Capital,  and 


316 


IN  MEMORY  OF  TWO  BRAVE  MEN 


work  their  evil  will  upon  the  people,  is  indeed  a circum- 
stance unparalleled  in  our  history. 

“ When  the  siege  began  it  was  their  boast  that,  within 
twenty -four  hours,  not  a single  Legation  would  remain 
standing,  nay  more,  Tung  Fu-hsiang  has  repeatedly  boasted 
that  they  are  already  nothing  more  than  a heap  of  ashes. 
As  a matter  of  fact,  however,  nearly  a month  lias  passed, 
and  whereas  scarcely  a foreign  soldier  has  been  killed,  the 
entire  Legation  quarter  lies  strewn  with  the  corpses  of  these 
Boxers.  Where  now  the  proud  boast,  with  which  they 
deluded  simple  folk,  that  their  magic  arts  rendered  them 
immune  from  bullet  wounds  ? If,  after  a month’s  effort, 
fifty  thousand  bandits  are  unable  to  capture  a few  Legations 
garrisoned  by  less  than  four  hundred  foreigners,  we  can  form 
a fairly  accurate  estimate  of  their  value  and  prowess.  Who 
would  ever  dream  of  using  the  services  of  such  heroes  to 
check  foreign  aggression  ? 

“ It  may  perhaps  be  suggested  that  genuine  Boxers  would 
show  very  different  results  in  their  country’s  service,  and 
that  those  who  have  been  guilty  of  murder  and  arson  are  not 
really  Boxers  at  all,  but  outsiders  and  charlatans,  having  no 
legitimate  connection  with  the  cult.  But  we  submit  that  if 
the  society  has  been  so  disorganised  as  to  be  divided  into 
real  and  counterfeit  members,  and  if  the  latter  are  permitted 
with  the  tacit  consent  of  the  former,  to  commit  every  kind 
of  atrocity,  it  seems  clear  that  the  genuine  Boxer  himself  is 
a thoroughly  disreputable  person. 

“ Moreover,  the  Throne  has  expressly  forbidden  them  to 
take  up  arms  and  to  continue  their  devastation  with  fire  and 
sword ; they  have  been  ordered  to  disband  and  leave  Peking. 
Nevertheless,  they  ignore  these  orders  and  continue  in  their 
■wicked  ways.  Whether  genuine  or  counterfeit,  these  Boxers 
vie  with  one  another  in  flouting  the  law  of  the  land.  Their 
incorrigible  wickedness  renders  them  one  and  all  deserving 
of  death ; the  leniency  shown  them  has  but  increased  their 
arrogance,  and  the  number  of  these  evil-doers  has  grown  by 
reason  of  the  tolerance  extended  to  them. 

“ In  a previous  Memorial  we  urged  that  the  Grand 
Secretary  Jung  Lu  should  be  given  full  powers,  with 
instructions  to  adopt  such  severe  measures  as  might  be 

317 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


necessary  for  the  suppression  of  this  movement,  but  your 
Majesties  declined  to  follow  our  advice.  To-day  the  danger 
has  grown  infinitely  greater,  and  we  feel  it  therefore  our 
bounden  duty  to  lay  before  your  Sacred  intelligence  our 
crude  and  humble  views  even  though,  in  doing  so,  we  incur 
the  risk  of  death  for  our  temerity.  We  bear  in  mind  the 
words  of  the  Spring  and  Autumn  classic,  ‘ in  time  of  war 
the  persons  of  Envoys  are  inviolate.’  By  the  international 
law  of  European  countries,  foreign  Ambassadors  are  regarded 
as  semi-sacred  personages  : whosoever  treats  them  wrong- 
fully commits  a wrong  against  the  State  which  they 
represent.  If  these  Boxer  bandits  be  permitted  to  destroy 
the  Legations  and  to  slay  the  foreign  Ministers,  the  Powers 
will  undoubtedly  consider  this  a monstrous  outrage,  and  will 
unitedly  make  any  sacrifice  in  order  to  avenge  it.  The 
foreign  troops  at  present  in  Peking  are  but  few  in  number, 
but  there  are  great  armies  to  take  their  place.  That  China 
should  attempt  to  fight  the  entire  world  means,  in  our 
humble  opinion,  not  the  defeat  only,  but  the  complete 
annihilation  of  the  Empire.  For  the  past  sixty  years  China 
has  made  treaties  with  Foreign  Powers,  and  has  permitted 
European  missionaries  to  come  amongst  us  for  the  pro- 
pagation of  their  religion.  It  is  true  that  their  converts  take 
advantage  of  their  position  to  act  unjustly  to  their  fellow- 
countrymen  and  to  insult  them.  It  is  true  that  they  frequently 
rely  upon  missionary  protection  to  secure  their  evil  ends,  but 
it  is  also  true  that  our  local  officials  often  treat  these  matters 
with  apathy  and  injustice.  The  non-Christians  are  therefore 
filled  with  resentment  and  indignation  against  the  Christians, 
a result  very  largely  due  to  lack  of  ability  and  energy  on  the 
part  of  the  Government  officials.  This  is  the  case  at 
present ; we  are  but  reaping  the  harvest  of  past  faults. 
Your  Memorialists  do  not  venture  to  suggest  that  the  cause 
of  this  ill-feeling  against  the  Christians  lies  chiefly  with  the 
common  people,  but  it  cannot  be  denied  that  China  loses 
dignity  in  the  eyes  of  the  world  while  our  Government 
remains  indifferent  to  these  continual  feuds  between 
Christians  and  non-Christians.  It  is  inadmissible  that  the 
local  officials  should  excuse  themselves  for  inaction  on  the 
plea  that  they  cannot  maintain  order.  For  example,  if  two 


318 


IN  MEMORY  OF  TWO  BRAVE  MEN 


neighbours  in  a village  are  on  bad  terms,  and  a elan  fight 
takes  place  between  their  respective  families  and  followers, 
and  if,  as  the  result,  property  is  destroyed  and  lives  lost  in 
the  fray,  reparation  will  be  claimed  by  the  aggrieved  party, 
not  from  the  actual  fighters,  but  from  the  heads  of  the  other 
clan,  with  whom  rests  the  responsibility  for  law  and  order. 
In  matters  of  State  the  same  principle  holds  good. 

“ The  religions  of  Europe  may  be  divided  into  Catholic 
and  Protestant ; the  priests  of  the  former  sect  are  known  as 
“spiritual  fathers”  while  the  latter  are  called  “pastors.” 
These  Boxer  brigands  class  all  foreign  religions  alike,  making 
no  difference  between  sect  and  sect ; but  the  Russians  are 
of  the  Greek  church,  while  the  Japanese  are  Buddhists. 
Neither  of  these  nations  has  hitherto  sent  missions  to  the 
interior  of  China,  a fact  which  these  Boxers  completely 
ignore.  To  them,  the  mere  sight  of  a foreign  costume,  or 
the  hearing  of  words  in  a foreign  tongue,  immediately 
evokes  their  war  cry  of  “ hairy  devils,”  who  must  be 
exterminated.  It  is  clear  that  all  right  principles  of  conduct 
render  such  an  attitude  unjust,  while  our  weakness  as  a 
nation  renders  it  inexpedient ; and  we  would  ask  your 
Majesties  to  remember  that  China  has  also  sent  its  Envoys 
on  foreign  missions.  If  the  Powers,  enraged  by  the  massacre 
of  their  Envoys,  should  retaliate  by  killing  ours,  will  it 
not  be  said  that  China  has  dealt  the  fatal  blow  to  her 
own  Ministers  by  the  hand  of  another  ? Your  Majesty,  the 
Empress  Dowager,  has  just  sent  presents  to  the  foreign 
Legations — fruit,  vegetable,  flour  and  rice — in  order  to 
‘display  your  beneficence  to  the  strangers  from  afar.’1 
Nevertheless  these  Boxer  brigands,  trusting  in  their  arrogant 
Commander  (Tung  Fu-hsiang)  as  a tower  of  strength, 
continue  their  attacks  upon  the  Legations.  If  the  foreigners 
come  to  suspect  the  Throne  of  hypocritical  displays  of 
friendliness  while  secretly  encouraging  this  bombardment, 
who  will  hereafter  believe  any  statement  that  may  be  put 
forward  as  to  your  innocence  and  disapproval  of  all  this 
carnival  of  slaughter,  however  earnestly  you  may  proclaim  it 
to  a doubting  world  ? 


1 Quotation  from  Confucius. 

319 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


“ If,  on  the  other  hand,  the  Legations  successfully  main- 
tain their  resistance  until  peace  is  eventually  restored,  then 
the  foreign  Envoys,  who  have  received  your  Majesty’s  bounty, 
will  naturally  feel  bound,  in  common  gratitude,  to  advise 
their  Governments  that  the  Boxers  alone  were  responsible 
for  the  siege,  which  no  foresight  could  have  prevented,  and 
that  your  Majesties  are  to  be  acquitted  of  all  blame  for  the 
growth  of  this  movement.  By  a wise  course  of  action  at 
this  juncture,  the  suspicions  of  foreign  Powers  may  be  lulled, 
and  a very  great  advantage  gained  at  very  little  trouble 
to  ourselves.  It  will  thus  be  easy  to  restore  harmonious 
relations.  But  if  the  Legations  are  utterly  destroyed  and 
every  foreign  Minister  put  to  the  sword,  by  what  means  can 
the  outside  world  ever  learn  of  your  Majesty’s  present 
thoughtful  generosity  ? It  will  be  quite  vain  to  hope  that, 
without  supporting  evidence,  the  Throne  will  ever  be  able  to 
persuade  the  foreign  Powers  of  its  innocence.  They  are  now 
pouring  in  troops  on  the  plea  of  suppressing  the  rebellion  on 
behalf  of  China.  There  are  many  who  believe  that  this  is 
merely  an  excuse  for  obtaining  a permanent  foothold  on 
Chinese  territory ; only  the  most  credulous  persons  believe 
in  the  sincerity  of  the  professed  motives  of  foreigners.  We, 
your  Memorialists,  have  not  wisdom  sufficient  to  fathom 
their  real  object,  but  we  maintain  that  these  lawless  Boxer 
mobs  should  long  since  have  been  wiped  out  of  existence. 
Why  should  it  be  necessary  to  wait  until  foreign  Powers 
demand  their  extermination,  and,  above  all,  why  wait  until 
those  Powers  take  in  hand  themselves  a matter  with  which 
we  should  have  dealt  ? 

“ Thoroughly  convinced  that  China’s  only  hope  of  pre- 
serving her  integrity  lies  in  the  preservation  of  the  Legations, 
we  now  ask  that  a strong  Decree  be  issued,  censuring  Tung 
Fu-hsiang  and  commanding  the  withdrawal  of  his  troops 
from  Peking ; he  should  under  no  circumstances  be  per- 
mitted to  approach  the  Legation  quarter  any  more.  It 
should  be  clearly  laid  down  that  any  of  these  Boxers  or 
of  their  followers  who  may  continue  the  attack  on  the 
Legations  will  at  once  be  executed.  By  withdrawing  the 
support  of  the  Government  troops  from  the  Boxers,  the 
destruction  of  the  latter  will  be  greatly  facilitated.  At 


320 


IN  MEMORY  OF  TWO  BRAVE  MEN 


the  same  time  we  earnestly  request  that  Jung  Lu  be 
authorised  to  expel  every  Boxer  from  Peking  within  a given 
limit  of  time,  so  as  to  save  the  State  from  a danger  which  is 
‘ scorching  its  very  eyebrows,’  and  to  prevent  any  recurrence 
of  these  troubles. 

“ We  are  aware  that  the  clear  light  of  Heaven  is 
temporarily  obscured  by  this  very  plague  of  locusts,  and  that 
our  plain  speaking  may  very  well  be  our  own  undoing. 
But  since,  in  all  humility,  we  realise  that  China  is  like  a sick 
man  whose  every  breath  may  be  his  last,  our  fear  in  speaking 
weighs  less  heavily  with  us  than  our  sense  of  duty.  There- 
fore, knowing  that  we  face  death  in  so  doing,  we  submit  this 
our  Memorial,  and  humbly  beg  that  your  Majesties  may 
honour  us  by  perusing  it.” 

Extract  from  the  third  and  last  of  the  three  Memorials  by 

Yiian  Cfiang  and  Hsu  Ching-Clieng,  23 rd  July , 1900. 

“ We,  your  Memorialists,  now  humbly  desire  to  point  out 
that  it  is  more  than  a month  since  our  sacred  Capital  was 
given  over  to  anarchy,  a state  of  affairs  which  has  reacted 
throughout  the  entire  Empire.  We  now  stand  confronted 
by  the  prospect  of  a war  with  the  whole  civilised  world,  the 
conclusion  of  which  can  only  be  an  unparalleled  catastrophe. 

“ In  the  reign  of  Hsien-Feng  the  Taiping  and  Mahomedan 
rebels  devastated  more  than  ten  provinces,  and  the  uprising 
was  not  quelled  until  ten  years  had  passed.  In  the  reign  of 
Chia-Ch'ing  the  rebellion  of  the  ‘ White  Lily  ’ sect  laid  waste 
three  or  four  provinces.  It  is  recorded  in  the  history  of 
these  wars  that,  only  after  the  most  heroic  efforts,  and  with 
the  greatest  difficulty,  the  Imperial  armies  succeeded  in 
restoring  order.  But  these  rebellions,  in  comparison  with 
the  present  Boxer  rising,  were  mere  trifling  ailments : the 
State  to-day  stands  threatened  with  mortal  sickness.  For  on 
the  former  occasions  everyone,  from  the  Throne  downwards 
to  the  lowest  of  the  people,  was  fully  aware  that  the  Taipings 
were  rebels ; but  to-day  some  of  the  highest  in  the  land  look 
upon  the  Boxers  as  patriots,  so  that  even  those  who  know 
them  to  be  rebels  are  afraid  to  confess  the  truth.  Our  folly 
is  bringing  down  upon  us  the  ridicule  and  hatred  of  every 

321 


Y 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


foreign  country.  When  this  movement  began,  these  men 
were  ignorant  peasants  unversed  in  military  matters ; they 
drew  after  them  large  numbers  of  criminals  by  proclaiming 
as  their  watchword  ‘ Prop  up  the  Dynasty  and  slay  the 
foreigner.’  But  what  is  the  rational  interpretation  of  this 
watchword  ? If  we  are  to  take  it  as  meaning  that  every 
native  of  China  who  treads  the  soil  of  our  country  and  lives 
on  its  fruits  should  be  imbued  with  feelings  of  deep  gratitude 
for  the  benevolent  and  virtuous  rule  which  the  present 
Dynasty  has  maintained  for  over  two  centuries,  and  would 
gladly  repay  the  bounty  of  the  Throne  by  fighting  for  its  pro- 
tection, we  heartily  endorse  the  sentiment.  But  if  it  means 
that,  at  a great  crisis  in  our  national  history,  it  is  the  mob 
alone  that  has  power  sufficient  to  ‘ prop  up  ’ our  tottering 
fortunes  and  restore  tranquillity,  should  we  not  remember  that 
he  who  can  ‘ prop  up  ’ can  also  throw  down,  and  that  the 
power  which  ‘ props  up  ’ the  Dynasty  may  overthrow  it 
to-morrow?  What  is  this  then  but  treasonable  language, 
and  who  so  greatly  daring  as  to  utter  sentiments  of  this  kind  ? 

“ We,  your  Memorialists,  unworthy  as  we  are,  fully  realise 
that  the  foreigners,  who  make  their  nests  in  the  body  of  our 
State,  constitute  a real  danger.  But  the  way  to  deal  with,  the 
situation  is  to  reform  the  administration  in  the  first  place,  and 
in  the  meanwhile  to  deal  most  cautiously  with  all  questions 
of  foreign  policy.  We  must  bide  our  time  and  select  a 
weak  opponent ; by  this  means  our  strength  might  in  due 
course  be  displayed,  and  old  scores  paid  off. 

“ If  foreign  nations  had  gratuitously  invaded  our  country, 
we  should  be  the  first  to  welcome  as  loyal  patriots  everyone 
who  should  take  up  arms  and  rush  into  the  fray,  however 
feeble  his  efforts.  But  to-day,  when  the  Throne’s  relations 
with  foreign  States  were  perfectly  friendly,  this  sudden  outcry 
of  ‘ Slay  the  foreigner  ’ is  nothing  but  a wanton  provocation 
of  hostilities  on  all  our  frontiers.  Foolishness  of  this  kind  is 
calculated  to  destroy  our  Empire  like  a child’s  toy.  Besides, 
when  they  talk  of  slaying  the  foreigner,  do  they  mean  only 
the  foreigners  in  China,  or  the  inhabitants  of  every  State 
within  the  five  Continents  ? The  slaughter  of  Europeans  in 
China  would  by  no  means  prevent  others  taking  their  places. 
But  if  the  meaning  of  this  watchword  is  that  they  propose  to 

322 


IN  MEMORY  OF  TWO  BRAVE  MEN 


make  a clean  sweep  of  every  non-Chinese  inhabitant  on  the 
face  of  the  earth,  any  fool  can  see  the  utter  impossibility  of 
their  programme.  It  seems  almost  incredible  that  Yii  Hsien, 
Yii  Eu  and  other  Viceroys  should  not  be  capable  of  realising 
such  simple  facts  as  these.  Yii  Lu  in  particular  has  gathered 
around  him  the  Boxer  chiefs,  and  treats  them  as  honoured 
guests.  Thousands  of  the  most  notorious  villains  throng  into 
his  official  residence,  and  are  freely  admitted  on  presenting  a 
card  bearing  the  title  of  * Boxer.’  These  men  sit  by  the  side 
of  the  Viceroy  on  his  judgment-seat,  bringing  the  authority 
of  the  Throne  into  contempt,  and  insulting  the  intelligence  of 
all  educated  men.  Abominable  scoundrels  like  the  Boxer 
chiefs,  Chang  Te-ch’ang  and  Han  Yi-li,  men  formerly 
infamous  throughout  their  province,  and  now  known  in 
Peking  itself  as  a scourge,  have  actually  been  recommended 
for  official  posts  in  a public  Memorial  to  the  Throne  ! Never 
has  there  been  a case  of  a Viceroy  so  flagrantly  hood- 
winking his  Sovereign. 

“In  regard  to  Yii  Lu’s  Memorials  reporting  his  military 
success  at  Tientsin,  we  have  caused  careful  inquiry  to  be 
made  from  many  refugees,  and  they  one  and  all  deny  the 
truth  of  these  reports.  On  the  contrary  they  unanimously 
assert  that  many  thousands  of  our  troops  have  been  slain  by 
the  foreigners,  and  they  even  go  so  far  as  to  say  that  the 
capture  of  the  Taku  Forts  is  entirely  attributable  to  the  fact 
that  Yii  Lu  first  permitted  the  Boxers  to  attack  the  foreign 
Settlements.  Their  indignation  against  Yii  Lu  may  possibly 
lead  them  into  some  slight  exaggeration  in  these  statements, 
but,  in  our  opinion,  the  Viceroy's  bombastic  reports  are  of  a 
piece  with  Tung  Fu-hsiang’s  braggart  lies,  when  he  tells  your 
Majesties  that  he  has  destroyed  the  Legations  and  annihilated 
their  defenders.  Tung  Fu-hsiang  is  nothing  but  a Kansuh 
robber,  who,  after  surrendering  to  the  Imperial  forces  and 
obtaining  some  credit  in  their  ranks,  attained  his  present 
position  by  the  exceptional  favours  of  the  Throne.  He 
should  have  requited  your  Majesty’s  bounty  better  than  by 
associating  himself  with  treasonable  rogues  and  behaving  like 
a common  footpad.  His  present  actions  may  very  well  fore- 
shadow some  dastardly  design  hidden  in  his  wolf-heart. 

“ Yii  Lu  is  one  of  the  highest  officials  in  the  Empire,  and 

323  Y 2 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


very  different  from  military  men  of  the  Tung  Fu-hsiang 
type.  It  is  hard  to  explain  his  blear-eyed  stupidity.  No 
doubt  he  has  been  led  astray  by  the  deceitful  representations 
of  your  Majesty’s  Ministers,  who  have  even  led  the  Throne 
to  depart  from  the  path  of  wisdom  formerly  followed.  It 
is  these  Ministers  who  are  entirely  to  blame. 

“ The  Grand  Secretary,  Hsu  T’ung,  was  born  stupid  ; he 
knows  nothing  of  the  needs  and  dangers  of  our  times. 
Grand  Councillor  Kang  Yi,  an  obstinate  bigot,  herds  with 
traitors  and  fawns  on  rebels ; Ch’i  Hsiu  is  arrogant  and 
obstinate ; while  Chao  Shu-ch’iao,  the  President  of  the 
Board  of  Punishments,  is  crafty-hearted  and  a master  of 
sycophancy. 

“After  the  first  entry  of  the  Boxers  into  Peking,  your 
Majesties  held  a special  audience,  at  which  all  the  Princes 
and  Ministers  were  present,  and  our  advice  was  asked  in 
regard  to  the  adoption  of  a policy  of  encouragement  or 
repression.  Your  Memorialists  replied  that  the  Boxers  were 
anything  but  patriots  and  were  of  no  use  against  foreigners ; 
at  the  same  time  we  earnestly  begged  that  war  should  not 
be  lightly  declared  against  the  whole  world.  It  was  on  this 
occasion  that  Hsu  T’ung,  Kang  Yi,  and  the  rest  of  them 
actually  dared  to  rebuke  us  in  the  presence  of  the  Throne. 
Now,  if  it  were  a fact  that  a hundred  thousand  newly 
sharpened  swords  might  suffice  to  overcome  our  enemies, 
we,  your  Memorialists,  by  no  means  devoid  of  natural  feelings 
of  patriotism,  would  welcome  the  day  when  these  foreigners 
might  once  for  all  be  smitten  hip  and  thigh.  But  if  such 
a result  can  by  no  means  be  achieved  under  existing  con- 
ditions, then  it  is  not  we  who  deserve  the  name  of  traitors, 
but  those  Ministers  who,  by  their  errors,  have  led  the 
State  to  the  brink  of  disaster. 

“ When,  in  the  5th  Moon,  your  Majesties  ordered  Kang 
Yi  and  Chao  Shu-ch’iao  to  proceed  to  Cho  Chou  and  order 
the  Boxers  to  disperse,  the  latter  forced  these  Ministers  to  go 
down  upon  their  knees  and  burn  incense  before  their  altar 
while  they  chanted  their  nonsensical  incantations.  Cliao 
Shu-ch’iao  knew  perfectly  well  the  degrading  folly  of  this 
performance,  and  openly  lamented  his  part  in  it ; but  he 
had  not  courage  sufficient  to  contradict  Kang  Yi,  who 


324 


IN  MEMORY  OF  TWO  BRAVE  MEN 


believed  in  the  Boxers’  magic,  so  that,  upon  his  returning, 
he  joined  Kang  Yi  in  reporting  to  the  Throne  that  the 
Boxers  had  all  dispersed.  But  if  they  have  been  dispersed, 
how  comes  it  now  that  their  numbers  have  been  so  greatly 
increased  ? And  how  does  the  Throne  propose  to  deal 
with  Ministers  who  dare  to  memorialise  in  this  haphazard 
manner  ? 

“ Tientsin  has  already  fallen,  and  the  foreign  troops  draw 
nearer  every  day.  So  far,  no  magical  arts  of  the  Boxers 
have  availed  us  anything,  and  it  is  our  deliberate  opinion 
that,  within  a month,  the  enemy  will  be  knocking  at  the 
gates  of  our  Capital.  We  ask  your  Majesties  to  consider  the 
dire  consequences  of  the  situation,  and  the  possibility  of  the 
desecration  of  the  shrines  of  your  sacred  ancestors.  Our 
minds  are  filled  with  horror  at  the  thought  of  what  may 
occur.  But  in  the  meantime  Hsii  T’ung,  Kang  Yi,  and  the 
rest  of  them  laugh  and  talk  together.  The  ship  is  sinking, 
but  they  remain  splendidly  unconcerned,  just  as  if  they 
believed  in  the  Boxers  as  a tower  of  refuge.  From  such 
men,  the  State  can  no  more  derive  council  than  from  idiots 
and  drunkards.  Even  some  of  the  highest  in  the  land,  your 
Majesty’s  own  Ministers  and  members  of  the  Grand  Council, 
have  bowed  the  knee  before  the  Boxers.  Many  a Prince’s 
palace  and  a ducal  mansion  has  been  converted  into  a shrine 
for  the  Boxer  cult.  These  Boxers  are  fools,  but  they  have 
been  clever  enough  all  the  same  to  befool  Hsii  T’ung,  Kang 
Yi,  and  their  followers.  Hsii  T’ung,  Kang  Yi,  and  the 
rest  of  them  are  fools,  but  they  in  their  turn  have 
contrived  to  befool  the  Princes  and  Nobles  of  the  Imperial 
clan.  All  our  calamities  may  be  directly  traced  to  these 
Ministers,  to  Hsii  T’ung,  Kang  Yi,  and  the  rest  of  them, 
and  unless  your  Majesties  will  order  their  immediate  decapi- 
tation, thereby  vindicating  the  majesty  of  the  law,  it  is 
inevitable  that  every  official  in  and  near  the  Court  must 
accept  the  Boxer  heresies,  and  other  Provincial  Governors, 
following  the  lead  of  Yu  Lu  and  Yii  Hsien,  will  adopt  and 
spread  them. 

“ And  not  only  on  Hsii  T’ung,  Kang  Yi,  and  their  followers 
should  the  Imperial  wrath  fall,  but  also  upon  those  in  high 
places  w'hose  midsummer  madness  has  led  them  to  protect 

325 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


and  encourage  the  Boxers.  Their  close  relationship  to  your 
Majesties,  or  their  position  as  Imperial  clansmen,  should  in 
no  wise  protect  them  from  the  penalty  of  their  guilt.  Thus 
only  can  the  foreigners  be  led  to  recognise  that  this  Boxer 
madness,  this  challenge  to  the  world  in  arms,  was  the  work 
of  a few  misguided  officials,  and  in  no  sense  an  expression 
of  the  intentions  or  wishes  of  the  Throne.  War  will  then 
immediately  give  way  to  peace,  and  the  altars  of  our  gods 
will  remain  inviolate.  And  when  these  things  have  come 
to  pass,  may  your  Majesties  be  pleased  to  order  the  execu- 
tion of  your  Memorialists,  so  that  the  spirits  of  Hsii  T’ung, 
Kang  Yi,  and  their  associates  may  be  appeased.  Smilingly 
should  we  go  to  our  death,  and  enter  the  realms  of  Hades. 
In  a spirit  of  uncontrollable  indignation  and  alarm,  we 
present  this  Memorial  with  tears,  and  beg  that  your  Majesties 
may  deign  to  peruse  it.” 


326 


XIX 

SIDELIGHTS  ON  TZU  HSIS  STATECRAFT 

Yuan  Ch’ang  and  Hsu  Ch’ing-ch’eng  were  not  alone  in 
warning  Her  Majesty  of  the  danger  and  folly  of  her  Boxer 
proclivities.  At  the  beginning  of  the  crisis  Liu  Kun-yi,  the 
aged  Viceroy  of  Nanking,  sorely  distressed  at  the  suicidal 
policy  into  which  she  had  been  led,  wrote  and  despatched 
by  telegram  and  swift  couriers,  a Memorial,  in  which  he 
implored  her  to  put  a stop  to  the  attacks  on  the  Legations. 
Tzu  Hsi’s  reply  to  this  document  clearly  reveals  the 
indecision  which  characterised  her  at  this  period,  her  hopes  of 
revenge  on  the  hated  foreigner  struggling  ever  with  her  fears 
of  impending  disaster.  The  diary  of  Ching  Shan  has  shown 
us  the  woman  under  the  fierce  stress  of  her  conflicting 
emotions  and  swiftly-changing  impulses,  of  those  moods 
which  found  their  alternating  expression  in  the  ebb  and  flow 
of  the  struggle  around  the  Legations  for  more  than  a month 
after  she  had  received  and  answered  the  southern  Viceroy's 
Memorial.  Of  his  unswerving  loyalty  she  had  no  more 
doubt  than  of  that  of  Jung  Lu,  and  his  ripe  wisdom  had 
stood  her  in  good  stead  these  many  years.  Nevertheless,  his 
advice  could  not  turn  her  from  the  path  of  revenge,  from  her 
dreams  of  power  unrestrained.  All  it  could  effect,  aided,  no 
doubt,  by  the  tidings  of  the  Allies’  capture  of  the  Taku  Forts, 
was  to  cause  her  to  prepare  possible  by-paths  and  bolt-holes 
of  escape  and  exoneration.  To  this  end  she  addressed  direct 

327 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


appeals,  a tissue  of  artless  fabrications,  to  the  Sovereigns  and 
chief  rulers  of  the  Great  Powers,  and  proceeded  next  to 
display  her  sympathy  with  the  besieged  Ministers  in  the 
Legations  by  presents  of  fruits  and  vegetables,  to  which  she 
subsequently  referred  with  pride  as  convincing  proof  of  her 
good  faith  and  good  will.  Her  Majesty,  in  fact,  was  induced 
to  hedge,  while  never  abandoning  hope  that  Prince  Tuan  and 
his  Boxers  would  make  good  their  boast  and  drive  the  bar- 
barians into  the  sea. 

The  Viceroy’s  Memorial  is  chiefly  interesting  as  an  example 
of  that  chief  and  unalterable  sentiment  which  actuates  the 
Chinese  literati  and  has  been  one  of  the  strongest  pillars  of 
Manchu  rule,  namely,  that  the  Emperor  is  infallible,  a senti- 
ment based  on  the  fact  that  complete  and  unquestioning- 
loyalty  to  the  Throne  is  the  essential  cornerstone  of  the 
whole  fabric  of  Confucian  morality,  filial  piety,  and  ancestral 
worship.  While  deprecating  the  Imperial  folly,  the  Viceroy 
is  therefore  compelled  to  ascribe  it  to  everyone  but  Her 
Majesty,  and  to  praise  the  Imperial  wisdom  and  benevolence. 

His  Memorial  is  as  follows  : — 

“ The  present  war  is  due  to  bandits  spreading  slaughter 
and  arson  on  the  pretext  of  paying  off  a grudge  against 
Christianity  ; thus  we  are  face  to  face  with  a serious  crisis. 
The  Powers  are  uniting  to  send  troops  and  squadrons  to 
attack  China  on  the  plea  of  protecting  their  subjects  and 
suppressing  this  rebellion.  Our  position  is  critical  and  the 
provinces  are  naturally  bound  to  look  now  to  their  defences. 
I have  already  made  the  necessary  preparations,  so  that  if 
those  hordes  of  foreigners  do  invade  us,  we  shall  resist  them 
with  all  our  might.  I feel  that  our  Sovereigns  are  displaying 
glorious  virtue  and  that  your  Majesties  are  as  bountiful  as  the 
Almighty.  Your  indulgence  to  the  men  from  afar  indicates 
the  boundless  magnanimity  and  good  faith  which  animate  all 
your  actions. 

“ At  present,  the  first  essential  is  to  make  the  Throne’s  em- 
barrassments, which  have  led  up  to  the  present  situation, 
widely  known,  as  well  as  the  quality  of  consistent  kindness 

328 


SIDELIGHTS  ON  TZU  HSI’S  STATECRAFT 

with  which  you  are  imbued.  By  so  doing,  rebels  will  be 
deprived  of  any  pretext  for  further  rioting. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  war,  my  colleagues  and  I issued 
a proclamation  bidding  the  people  go  about  their  avocations 
as  usual,  and  not  to  give  heed  to  suspicious  rumours.  A 
petition  has  now  reached  me  from  Chinese  residents  abroad 
to  urge  effective  protection  for  foreigners  in  China,  so  that 
there  may  be  no  risk  of  revenge  being  taken  on  themselves. 
The  language  used  is  very  strong,  and  we  have  taken 
advantage  of  the  visit  of  the  foreign  Consuls,  who  suggested 
certain  measures  for  the  protection  of  missionaries  and  mer- 
chants, to  give  orders  to  the  Shanghai  Taotai  to  come  to  an 
arrangement  with  them  in  regard  to  the  preservation  of  peace 
in  the  Yangtsze  valley,  and  at  Soochow  and  Hangchow. 
This  arrangement  will  hold  good  so  long  as  they  do  not  invade 
the  region  in  question.  The  Consuls  have  telegraphed  to 
their  respective  Governments,  and  I to  our  Ministers  abroad, 
explaining  fully  this  arrangement.  The  Germans,  owing  to 
the  murder  of  their  Minister,  were  disposed  to  oppose  it,  but 
finally,  under  compulsion  from  their  colleagues,  gave  their 
consent  also. 

“ I respectfully  quote  your  Majesties’  decree  of  the  29th 
of  the  5th  Moon  (June  25th):  ‘The  foreign  Ministers  are 
now  in  a desperately  dangerous  position ; we  are  still  doing 
our  best  to  protect  them.’  The  decree  proceeds  to  direct  us 
to  guard  well  our  respective  provinces  and  to  take  such  steps 
as  policy  may  dictate  at  this  emergency.  Again,  on  the 
3rd  of  the  6th  Moon  (June  29th),  your  decree  to  our 
Ministers  abroad  states  ‘ We  are  now  sending  troops  to 
protect  the  Legations,  but  we  are  weak  and  can  only  do  our 
best.  You  are  to  carry  on  the  business  of  your  missions 
abroad  as  usual.’ 

“ In  other  words,  the  Throne  is  inflicting  stern  and  exemp- 
lary punishment  on  those  foreigners  in  Tientsin  who  provoked 
hostilities,  while  doing  its  utmost  to  protect  those  innocent 
foreign  officials,  merchants  and  missionaries  who  were  not 
responsible  for  those  attacks.  Your  benevolence  and  the 
majesty  of  your  wrath  are  displayed  simultaneously,  mani- 
fested as  brightly  as  the  sun  and  moon. 

“ We  have  again  and  again  implored  you  to  protect  the 

329 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


foreign  Ministers : this  is  the  one  all-important  step  which 
must  on  no  account  be  deferred  a day,  not  only  because  your 
Majesties’  own  anxiety  recognises  its  necessity,  but  because 
the  crisis  now  forces  it  upon  you. 

“ The  Ministers  abroad,  Yang  Ju  and  his  colleagues,  have 
telegraphed  to  the  effect  that  our  first  duty  is  to  protect  the 
lives  of  the  foreign  Ministers  and  of  all  foreigners  in  China. 
I therefore  humbly  ask  you  to  send  competent  troops  to 
protect  the  Legations  in  Peking,  and  by  so  doing  to  protect 
the  lives  of  your  own  Envoys  abroad.  I also  urge  you  to 
instruct  the  provincial  authorities  to  protect  all  foreigners 
within  their  respective  jurisdictions,  and  thereby  to  protect 
our  Chinese  subjects  residing  in  foreign  lands.  My  anxiety 
is  intense.” 

To  this  memorial  Tzii  Hsi  replied,  by  express  courier  and 
telegram,  as  follows  : 

“Your  memorial  has  reached  us.  The  Throne  was 
reluctant  lightly  to  enter  upon  hostilities,  as  we  have  already 
informed  the  several  foreign  Governments  and  the  various 
provincial  authorities.  We  have  also  issued  several  decrees 
ordering  protection  for  the  Ministers  and  foreign  residents 
all  over  China.  Hence  our  ideas  seem  to  be  identical  with 
your  own.1  Happily  all  the  Ministers,  except  Baron  von 
Ketteler,  are  perfectly  well  and  quite  comfortable  ; only  a 
day  or  two  ago  we  sent  them  presents  of  fruits  and  viands,  in 
order  to  show  our  commiseration.  If  the  Powers  now  dare 
to  invade  your  provinces,  you  must  all  protect  your  territories 
and  resist  with  all  your  might.  Even  though  at  the  moment 
peace  may  prevail,  you  must  make  most  strenuous 
preparations  against  possible  emergencies.  In  a word,  we 
will  not  willingly  be  the  aggressors.  You  are  to  inform  our 
various  Legations  abroad  of  our  calm  and  kindly  feelings 
towards  all  foreigners,  so  that  they  may  think  out  some  plan 
of  a peaceful  settlement,  in  the  general  interest.  It  is 
highly  desirable  that  you  give  no  ready  ear  to  vague  rumours 
which  are  calculated  only  to  lead  to  further  lack  of  unity. 
This  decree  is  to  be  conveyed  by  special  courier,  at  six 
hundred  li  (two  hundred  miles)  a day.” 


1 Tzu  Hsi  was  addicted  to  gentle  sarcasm  of  this  kind  in  Decrees. 

330 


SIDELIGHTS  ON  TZU  HSI’S 


STATECRAFT 


A few  days  before  this  Decree,  i.e.,  on  the  1st  of  July, 
Her  Majesty  had  drafted  with  her  own  pen  an  explanatory 
decree  for  the  edification  of  the  foreign  Powers,  recounting 
how  the  Throne  had  been  led  into  its  present  unpleasant 
situation.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that,  ten  days  before,  she 
had  offered  rewards  for  the  heads  of  foreigners  in  Peking 
and  had  sent  orders  to  Yu  Hsien  to  kill  every  foreigner  in 
Shansi,  which  he  did.  Hut  Tzu  II si  had  studied  her  classics 
and  knew  from  her  own  experience  how  easily  dissension 
and  jealousies  coidd  he  created  among  the  barbarians. 


“ Owing  to  a succession  of  most  unfortunate  circumstances, 
rapidly  and  confusedly  following  each  other,  we  are  utterly 
at  a loss  to  account  for  the  situation  which  has  brought 
about  hostilities  between  China  and  the  Powers.  Our 
representatives  abroad  are  separated  from  us  by  wide  seas, 
and  besides  have  no  special  knowledge  of  the  facts,  and  they 
are  therefore  unable  to  explain  to  the  respective  Foreign 
Offices  the  real  state  of  the  Chinese  Government’s  feelings. 
We  therefore  desire  now  to  place  before  you  the  following 
detailed  statement  of  the  facts. 

“ In  the  Provinces  of  Chihli  and  Shautung  there  has 
arisen  a certain  class  of  disorderly  characters  who,  in  their 
respective  villages,  have  been  wont  to  practise  the  use 
of  the  quarter-staff’  and  pugilism,  combining  these  exercises 
with  certain  magic  arts  and  incantations.  Owing  to  the 
failure  of  the  local  Magistrates  to  detect  and  stop  these 
proceedings,  the  result  has  been  that  gradually  a state  of 
unrest  has  shown  itself  throughout  that  region  until,  all  of 
a sudden,  the  Boxer  movement  assumed  serious  proportions. 
They  spread  even  to  Peking,  where  they  were  regarded  as 
possessed  of  supernatural  powers,  so  that  they  gained  vast 
numbers  of  followers  and  universal  sympathy.  Following 
in  their  train  the  disorderly  people  of  the  lower  sort  raised  a 
cry  of  4 Death  to  the  Christians  ! ’ following  upon  which,  in 
the  middle  of  the  5th  Moon,  they  proceeded  to  carry  their 
words  into  deeds,  and  to  slaughter  the  converts.  The 
churches  were  burned,  the  whole  city  was  in  an  uproar,  and 
the  population  passed  completely  out  of  our  control. 

331 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


“ When  the  first  rumours  of  the  coming  disaster  were 
noised  abroad,  the  Legations  asked  our  consent  to  bring  up 
special  guards,  which  consent,  in  view  of  the  special  neces- 
sities of  the  case,  was  readily  given.  In  all  some  five 
hundred  foreign  troops  came  to  Peking,  which  in  itself  shows 
plainly  the  friendly  disposition  of  the  Throne  towards  all 
foreign  nations.  Under  ordinary  circumstances  the  foreign 
Legations  and  their  guards  do  not  come  in  contact  with  the 
local  Chinese  authorities,  and  have  no  relations  with  them, 
friendly  or  otherwise ; but  since  the  arrival  of  these  troops, 
the  soldiers  have  not  confined  themselves  to  the  duty  of 
protecting  the  Legations,  but  have  gone  upon  the  city  walls 
and  have  even  patrolled  the  outlying  parts  of  the  capital, 
with  the  result  that  shots  have  been  exchanged  and  blood 
has  been  shed.  Indeed,  so  great  are  the  liberties  which  they 
have  taken  in  the  course  of  their  walks  abroad,  that  on  one 
occasion  they  actually  endeavoured  to  force  their  way  into 
the  Forbidden  City,  which,  however,  they  failed  to  do.  For 
these  reasons  great  and  widespread  indignation  has  been 
excited  against  them,  and  evil-doers  have  seized  the  oppor- 
tunity to  commit  deeds  of  slaughter  and  arson,  waxing  daily 
bolder.  At  this  stage  the  Powers  endeavoured  to  bring  up 1 
reinforcements  from  Tientsin,  but  these  were  cut  to  pieces  on 
their  journey  from  the  sea,  and  the  attempt  was  perforce 
abandoned.  By  this  time  the  rebels  in  the  two  provinces  had 
become  so  intermingled  with  the  people  that  it  was  impossible 
to  identify  them.  The  Throne  was  by  no  means  averse  to 
give  orders  for  their  suppression,  but  had  we  acted  with 
undue  haste,  the  result  might  have  been  a general  con- 
flagration, and  our  efforts  to  protect  the  Legations  might 
have  ended  in  a dire  calamity.  If  we  had  proceeded  to 
destroy  the  rebels  in  the  two  provinces,  no  single  missionary 
or  native  Christian  would  have  been  left  alive  in  either,  so 
that  we  had  to  proceed  cautiously  in  this  dilemma. 

“ Under  these  circumstances  we  were  compelled  to  suggest 
the  temporary  withdrawal  of  the  Legations  to  Tientsin,  and 
we  were  proceeding  to  make  the  necessary  arrangements  to 
this  end  when  the  German  Minister  was  unfortunately 
murdered  one  morning  on  his  way  to  the  Tsungli  Yamen. 

1 Admiral  Seymour’s  expedition. 

332 


SIDELIGHTS  ON  TZU  HSI’S  STATECRAFT 


This  incident  placed  the  rebel  leaders  in  a desperate  position, 
like  that  of  the  man  who  rides  a tiger  and  who  hesitates 
whether  it  be  more  dangerous  for  him  to  continue  his  ride 
or  to  jump  off.  It  became  then  inexpedient  that  the  pro- 
posed withdrawal  of  the  Legations  to  Tientsin  should 
proceed.  All  we  could  do  we  did,  which  was  to  enforce 
urgent  measures  for  the  due  protection  of  the  Legations  in 
every  emergency.  To  our  dismay,  on  the  16th  ultimo, 
certain  foreign  naval  officers  from  the  squadron  outside 
Taku  had  an  interview  with  the  Commandant  of  the  forts, 
demanding  their  surrender,  and  adding  that,  if  their  demand 
were  refused,  they  would  take  them  by  force  on  the 
following  day.  The  Commandant  was  naturally  unable  to 
betray  the  trust  confided  to  him,  and  the  foreigners 
accordingly  bombarded  the  forts  and  captured  them  after  a 
vigorous  resistance.  A state  of  war  has  thus  been  created, 
but  it  is  none  of  our  doing ; besides,  how  could  China  be  so 
utterly  foolish,  conscious  as  she  is  of  her  weakness,  as  to 
declare  war  on  the  whole  world  at  once  ? How  could  she 
hope  to  succeed  by  using  the  services  of  untrained  bandits 
for  any  such  a purpose  ? This  must  be  obvious  to  the 
Powers. 

“ The  above  is  an  accurate  statement  of  our  situation, 
explaining  the  measures  unavoidably  forced  upon  China  to 
meet  the  situation.  Our  representatives  abroad  must  care- 
fully explain  the  tenor  of  this  decree  to  the  Governments  to 
which  they  are  accredited.  We  are  still  instructing  our 
military  Commanders  to  protect  the  Legations,  and  can  only 
do  our  best.  In  the  meantime  you,  our  Ministers,  must 
carry  on  your  duties  as  usual,  and  not  pose  as  disinterested 
spectators.” 

Supplementing  this  Decree,  the  Empress,  possibly  insti- 
gated by  some  of  the  master-minds  of  the  Grand  Council, 
proceeded  to  prepare  the  way  for  a time-honoured,  and 
invariably  successful,  device  of  Chinese  statecraft,  namely, 
the  creation  of  dissension  and  jealousy  between  the  Powers, 
and  to  this  end  she  addressed  telegrams  to  the  Emperor  of 
Russia,  Queen  Victoria,  the  Emperor  of  Japan,  and  other 
rulers.  It  is  typical  of  the  infantile  naivete  of  Chinese 

333 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


officials  in  such  matters  of  foreign  policy,  that  copies  of  these 
extraordinary  messages,  intended  solely  to  mislead  public 
opinion  abroad,  should  have  been  sent  in  to  the  (still 
besieged)  Legations  with  the  cards  of  Prince  Ch’ing,  and 
the  Ministers  of  the  Tsungli  Yamen.1  It  is  certain  that  these 
artless  telegrams,  as  well  as  the  conciliatory  instructions 
subsequently  sent  to  China’s  representatives  abroad,  were 
but  the  outward  and  visible  signs  of  Tzu  Hsi’s  inward  and 
spiritual  misgivings  caused  by  the  fall  of  the  Taku  Forts,  the 
capture  of  the  native  city  of  Tientsin,  and  the  massing  of 
the  armies  of  the  Allies  for  the  advance  on  her  capital.  If 
possible,  she  would  therefore  make  friends  in  advance  among 
the  humane,  and  invariably  gullible,  sovereigns  of  Europe, 
making  good  use  of  her  knowledge  of  their  little  weaknesses 
in  matters  of  foreign  policy,  and  be  ready  to  pose  in  due 
course  as  the  innocent  victim  of  circumstance  and  fate.  But 
“ in  the  profound  seclusion  of  her  Palace  ” she  continued  to 
hope  against  hope  for  the  Boxers’  promised  victories  and 
the  fall  of  the  Legations  which  she  was  so  carefully 
“ protecting.” 

And  here  let  us  briefly  digress.  Students  of  modern 
Chinese  history,  desirous  of  applying  its  latest  lessons  to 
future  uses,  will  no  doubt  observe,  that  in  advising  the 
Throne  either  for  peace  or  war,  all  Chinese  and  Manchu 
officials  (no  matter  how  good  or  bad  from  our  point  of  view, 
how  brave  or  cowardly,  how  honest  or  corrupt)  agree  and 
unite  in  frankly  confessing  to  their  hatred  of  the  foreigner 
and  all  his  works.  This  sentiment,  loudly  proclaimed  by 
the  simple-minded  braggart  Boxers,  is  politely  re-echoed  by 
the  literati,  and  voiced  with  equal  candour  by  the  picked 
men  of  the  Government,  men  like  Yuan  Shih-k’ai,  Jung  Lu, 
and  Liu  K’un-yi.  Those  who  pose  as  the  friends  of 
foreigners  merely  advocate  dissimulation  as  a matter  of 
expediency.  The  thought  should  give  us  pause,  not  only 
in  accepting  at  their  current  value  the  posturings  and 
1 See  Dr.  Smith’s  “China  in  Convulsion,”  page  S6l. 

334 


SIDELIGHTS  ON  TZU  HSI’S  STATECRAFT 

pronouncements  of  the  monde  diplomatique  at  Peking,  and 
the  reassurances  given  as  to  our  excellent  relations  with  such- 
and-such  officials,  but  it  should  also  lead  us  to  consider  what 
are  the  causes,  in  us  or  in  them,  which  produce  so  constant 
and  so  deep  a hatred  ? If  we  study  the  Memorials  of  high 
Chinese  officials  for  the  past  fifty  years,  the  same  unpleasant 
feature  presents  itself  at  every  turn.  We  may  meet  with 
exceptional  cases,  here  and  there,  like  Yuan  Chang,  who  will 
profess  respect  for  the  European,  but  even  his  respect  will 
be  qualified  and  never  go  to  the  length  of  intimate  friendship. 
Our  perennial  gullibility,  that  faeulty  which  makes  the 
Chinese  classical  “ allurements  ” invariably  successful  with 
the  foreigner,  accounts,  no  doubt,  to  some  extent  for  the 
Chinese  official’s  contempt  for  our  intelligence,  and  for  our 
failure  to  learn  by  experience.  It  is  fairly  certain  that  the 
Boxers  of  to-morrow  will  be  pooh-poohed  (if  not  applauded) 
in  advance  by  our  Chinese  Secretariats,  as  they  were  in 
1900.  But  for  the  Chinese  official’s  unchanging  hostility 
towards  us,  no  such  explanation  offers,  and  it  is  perhaps, 
therefore,  most  satisfactory  to  our  amour  propi'e  to  assume 
that  his  attitude  is  dictated  by  feelings  similar  to  those 
which  inspired  Demetrius  of  the  Ephesians,  ostensibly 
fearful  for  the  cult  of  Diana,  but  in  reality  disturbed  for 
his  own  livelihood. 

To  return.  The  following  are  translations  of  the  telegrams 
sent  under  date  3rd  July,  by  order  of  the  Empress  Dowager, 
to  the  Emperor  of  Russia,  Queen  Victoria,  and  the  Emperor 
of  Japan.  The  text  of  those  which  were  sent  at  the  same 
time  to  the  Presidents  of  the  French  and  American 
Republics,  and  which  were  dated,  curiously  enough,  on  the 
19th  of  June  (the  Taku  Forts  fell  on  the  16th),  have  been 
published  in  Monsieur  Cordier’s  most  accurate  and  pains- 
taking work,  Les  Relations  de  la  Chine,  Vol.  III. 

Telegram  dated  3rd  July  : — 

“ To  the  Emperor  of  Russia  : — Greeting  to  your  Majesty  ! 

335 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


For  over  two  hundred  and  fifty  years  our  neighbouring 
Empires  have  enjoyed  unbroken  relations  of  friendship, 
more  cordial  than  those  existing  between  any  other  Powers. 

“ Recent  ill-feeling  created  between  converts  to  Christianity 
and  the  rest  of  our  people  have  afforded  an  opportunity  to 
evil-disposed  persons  and  rebels  to  create  disturbances,  and 
the  result  has  been  that  the  foreign  Powers  have  been  led  to 
believe  that  the  Throne  itself  is  a party  to  their  proceedings 
and  is  hostile  to  Christianity.  Your  Majesty’s  representative 
at  my  Court  (M.  de  Giers)  has  actually  requested  our 
Foreign  Office  to  suppress  the  rebellion  and  thus  to  allay  the 
suspicions  of  the  Powers.  But  at  the  time  that  he  made 
this  request,  Peking  was  thoroughly  infested  with  rebels, 
who  had  stirred  up  the  people  and  gained  for  themselves  no 
small  prestige.  Not  only  our  soldiery  but  the  mass  of  the 
people  were  burning  for  revenge  against  those  who  practised 
the  foreign  religion,  and  even  certain  Princes  of  our  Imperial 
Clan  joined  in  the  movement,  declaring  that  there  was  no 
room  in  the  Celestial  Kingdom  for  Christianity  and  the 
ancient  religions  of  the  soil.  My  chief  anxiety  has  been  lest 
any  precipitate  action  on  the  part  of  the  Government  might 
lead  to  some  dire  catastrophe  (i.e.,  the  destruction  of  the 
Legations),  and  I feared,  too,  that  the  anti-foreign  movement 
might  break  out  simultaneously  at  the  Treaty  Ports  in  the 
South,  which  would  have  made  the  position  hopeless.  I 
was  doing  my  utmost  to  find  a way  out  of  the  dilemma  when 
the  foreign  Powers,  evidently  failing  to  realise  the  difficulties 
of  our  situation,  precipitated  matters  by  the  bombardment 
and  capture  of  the  Taku  Forts  : now  we  are  confronted  with 
all  the  dire  calamities  of  war,  and  the  confusion  in  our 
Empire  is  greater  than  ever  before.  Amongst  all  the  Powers, 
none  has  enjoyed  such  friendly  relations  with  China  as 
Russia.  On  a former  occasion  I deputed  Li  Hung-chang  to 
proceed  to  your  Majesty’s  capital  as  my  special  Envoy ; he 
drew  up  on  our  behalf  and  concluded  with  your  country  a 
secret  Treaty  of  Alliance,  which  is  duly  recorded  in  the 
Imperial  Archives. 

“ And  now  that  China  has  incurred  the  enmity  of  the  civil- 
ised world  by  stress  of  circumstances  beyond  our  power  to 
control,  I must  perforce  rely  upon  your  country  to  act  as 


336 


SIDELIGHTS  ON  TZtJ  HSI’S  STATECRAFT 

intermediary  and  peacemaker  on  our  behalf.  I now  make 
this  earnest  and  sincere  appeal  to  your  Majesty,  begging 
that  you  may  be  pleased  to  come  forward  as  arbitrator,  and 
thus  to  relieve  the  difficulties  of  our  situation.  We  await 
with  anxiety  your  gracious  reply.” 

On  the  same  day  the  Empress  Dowager  addressed  Her 
Majesty  Queen  Victoria  in  a telegram  which  was  sent  in  the 
Emperor’s  name  and  forwarded  through  the  Chinese  Minister 
in  London.  Its  text  runs  as  follows  : — 

“To  your  Majesty, greeting  ! — In  all  the  dealings  of  Eng- 
land with  the  Empire  of  China,  since  first  relations  were 
established  between  us,  there  has  never  been  any  idea  of 
territorial  aggrandisement  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain,  but 
only  a keen  desire  to  promote  the  interests  of  her  trade. 
Reflecting  on  the  fact  that  our  country  is  now  plunged  into 
a dreadful  condition  of  warfare,  we  bear  in  mind  that  a large 
proportion  of  China’s  trade,  seventy  or  eighty  per  cent.,  is 
done  with  England : moreover,  your  Customs  duties  are  the 
lightest  in  the  world,  and  few  restrictions  are  made  at  your 
sea-ports  in  the  matter  of  foreign  importations  ; for  these 
reasons  our  amicable  relations  with  British  merchants  at  our 
Treaty  Ports  have  continued  unbroken  for  the  last  half 
century,  to  our  mutual  benefit. 

“ But  a sudden  change  has  now  occurred  and  general  sus- 
picion has  been  created  against  us.  We  would  therefore  ask 
you  now  to  consider  that  if,  by  any  conceivable  combination 
of  circumstances,  the  independence  of  our  Empire  should  be 
lost,  and  the  Powers  unite  to  carry  out  their  long  plotted 
schemes  to  possess  themselves  of  our  territory,  the  results 
to  your  country’s  interests  would  be  disastrous  and  fatal 
to  your  trade.  At  this  moment  our  Empire  is  striving 
to  the  utmost  to  raise  an  army  and  funds  sufficient  for  its 
protection  ; in  the  meanwhile  we  rely  upon  your  good  services 
to  act  as  mediator,  and  now  anxiously  await  your  decision.” 

Again,  in  the  name  of  the  Emperor  and  through  the 
Chinese  Minister  at  Tokio,  the  following  message  was 
addressed  to  the  Emperor  of  Japan  : — 

337 


z 


XX 

THE  FLIGHT  FROM  PEKING  AND  THE 
COURT  IN  EXILE 

The  diarist,  Ching  Shan,  has  described  in  detail  the  flight 
of  the  Empress  Dowager  and  Emperor  from  Peking,  before 
dawn,  on  the  morning  of  the  15th  August.  From  an  account 
of  the  Court’s  journey,  subsequently  written  by  the  Grand 
Secretary,  Wang  Wen-shao,  to  friends  in  Chekiang,  and  pub- 
lished in  one  of  the  vernacular  papers  of  Shanghai,  we  obtain 
valuable  corroboration  of  the  diarist’s  accuracy,  together  with 
much  interesting  information. 

Wang  Wen-shao  overtook  their  Majesties  at  Huai-lai  on 
the  18th  August ; for  the  past  three  days  they  had  suffered 
dangers  and  hardships  innumerable.  On  the  evening  of  the 
19th  they  had  stopped  at  Kuanshih  (seventy  li  from  Peking), 
where  they  slept  in  the  Mosque.  There  the  Mahommedan 
trading  firm  of  “ Tung  Kuang  yii  ” (the  well-known  con- 
tractors for  the  hire  of  pack  animals  for  the  northern  caravan 
trade)  had  supplied  them  with  the  best  of  the  poor  food 
available — coarse  flour,  vegetables,  and  millet  porridge — and 
had  provided  mule  litters  for  the  next  stage  of  the  journey. 
As  the  troops  of  the  escort  had  been  ordered  to  remain  at 
some  distance  behind,  so  long  as  there  was  any  risk  of 
pursuit  by  the  Allies’  cavalry,  their  Majesties’  arrival  was 
unannounced,  and  their  identity  unsuspected.  As  they 
descended  from  their  carts,  travel-stained,  weary,  and  dis- 
tressed, they  were  surrounded  by  a large  crowd  of  refugee 

340 


THE  FLIGHT  FROM  PEKING 


idlers  and  villagers,  eager  for  news  from  the  capital.  An 
eye-witness  of  the  scene  has  reported  that,  looking  nervously 
about  him,  the  Emperor  said,  “ We  have  to  thank  the  Boxers 
for  this,”  whereupon  the  Old  Buddha,  undaunted  even  at  the 
height  of  her  misfortunes,  bade  him  be  silent. 

Next  day  they  travelled,  by  mule  litter,  ninety  li  (thirty- 
two  miles),  and  spent  the  night  at  Ch’a-Tao,  just  beyond  the 
Great  Wall.  Here  no  preparations  of  any  kind  had  been 
made  for  their  reception,  and  they  suffered  much  hardship, 
sleeping  on  the  brick  platform  ( k'ang ) without  any  adequate 
bedding.  But  the  Magistrate  of  Yen-Ch’ing  chou  had  been 
able  to  find  a blue  sedan-chair  for  Her  Majesty,  who  had  thus 
travelled  part  of  the  day  in  greater  comfort.  Also  at 
midday,  stopping  to  eat  at  Chii-yung  kuan,  Li  Lien-ying, 
the  chief  eunuch,  had  obtained  a few  tea  cups  from  the 
villagers. 

On  the  16th  they  travelled  from  Ch’a-Tao  to  Iluai-lai,  a 
hard  stage  of  fifty  li.  Some  of  the  officials  and  Chamber- 
lains of  the  Court  now  joined  their  Majesties,  so  that  the  party 
consisted  of  seventeen  carts,  in  addition  to  the  Old  Buddha’s 
palanquin  and  the  Emperor’s  mule  litter.  As  the  cortege 
advanced,  and  the  news  of  their  flight  was  spread  abroad, 
rumours  began  to  be  circulated  that  they  were  pretenders, 
personating  the  Son  of  Heaven  and  the  Old  Buddha,  rumours 
due,  no  doubt,  to  the  fact  that  Her  Majesty  was  still  wearing 
her  hair  in  the  Chinese  manner,  and  that  her  clothes  were  the 
common  ones  in  which  she  had  escaped  from  the  Forbidden 
City.  In  spite  of  these  rumours  the  Magistrate  of  Huai-lai, 
a Hupeh  man  (Wu  Yung),  had  received  no  intimation  of  their 
Majesties’  coming,  and,  when  the  Imperial  party,  accom- 
panied by  an  enormous  crowd,  entered  his  Yamen,  he  had 
no  time  to  put  on  his  official  robes,  but  rushed  down  to 
receive  them  as  he  was.  After  prostrating  himself,  he  wanted 
to  clear  out  the  noisy  and  inquisitive  rabble,  but  the  Old 
Buddha  forbade  him,  saying,  “ Not  so  ; let  them  crowd  around 
us  as  much  as  they  like.  It  amuses  me  to  see  these  honest 

341 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


the  city,  and  eventually  bullets  came  whistling  as  thick  as 
hail.  The  bombardment  reached  its  height  at  about  noon 
on  the  20th,  when  news  was  brought  that  two  gates  of  the 
Imperial  City  had  been  taken  by  storm.  I was  unable  to 
verify  this  report.  It  was  my  turn  for  night  duty  at  the 
Palace,  but  after  the  last  audience,  I was  unable  to  enter  the 
Forbidden  City,  as  all  its  gates  were  barred.  It  was  only  at 
7 a.m.  on  the  21st  inst.  (August  15th)  that  I was  able  to 
gain  admittance  to  the  Forbidden  City,  and  then  I learned 
that  their  Majesties  had  hurriedly  fled.  On  the  previous  day 
five  urgent  audiences  with  the  Grand  Council  had  been  held  ; 
at  the  last  of  these  only  Kang  Yi,  Chao  Shu  ch’iao,  and 
myself  were  present.  Sadly  regarding  us,  the  Old  Buddha 
said,  ‘ 1 see  there  are  only  three  of  you  left.  No  doubt  all 
the  rest  have  fled,  leaving  us,  mother  and  son,  to  our  fate. 
I want  you  all  to  come  with  me  on  my  journey.’  Turning 
to  me  she  then  said,  ‘You  are  too  old.  I would  not  wish 
you  to  share  in  all  this  hardship.  Follow  us  as  best  you 
can  later  on.’  The  Emperor  expressed  his  wishes  in  the 
same  sense. 

“By  this  time  it  was  nearly  midnight,  and  they  still 
hesitated  about  leaving  the  city ; judge  then  of  my  surprise 
to  learn  that,  at  the  first  streak  of  dawn,  their  Majesties  had 
left  the  city  in  indescribable  disorder  and  frantic  haste.  I 
could  not  return  to  my  house  that  day  because  all  the  gates 
of  the  Imperial  City  were  closed,  but  at  10  a.m.  on  the 
following  day,  I made  my  way  out  of  the  Houmen.1  On 
my  way  I came  across  Jung  Lu  ; he  had  fainted  in  his  chair, 
and  had  been  forsaken  by  his  cowardly  bearers.  He  said  : 
‘ This  is  the  end.  You  and  I never  believed  in  these  Boxers  ; 
see  now  to  what  a pass  they  have  brought  the  Old  Buddha. 
If  you  see  Her  Majesty,  tell  her  that  I have  gone  to  rally 
the  troops,  and  that,  if  I live,  I will  join  her  later  on.’ 

“After  leaving  Jung  Lu,  I made  my  way  to  a little  temple 
which  lies  midway  between  the  North  and  the  North-West 
Gates  of  the  city,  and  there  I rested  a while.  It  was  the 
opinion  of  the  Abbot  in  charge  that  the  foreigners  would 
burn  every  temple  of  the  city,  as  all  of  them  had  been  used 
by  the  Boxers  for  their  magic  rites,  and  he  said  that,  in 
1 The  North  Gate  of  the  Imperial  City. 


344 


THE  FLIGHT  FROM  PEKING 


times  of  dire  peril  such  as  this,  it  was  really  inconvenient 
for  him  to  offer  any  hospitality  to  visitors.  Just  at  this 
moment  news  was  brought  us  that  the  foreign  troops  were 
on  the  wall  of  the  city,  between  the  two  gates  nearest  to  us, 
and  that  they  were  firing  down  upon  the  streets ; the  city 
was  already  invested,  but  the  foreigners  were  not  molesting 
civilians,  though  they  were  shooting  all  ‘ braves  ’ and  men  in 
uniform.  As  the  priest  declined  to  receive  me,  I sought 
refuge  at  the  house  of  a man  named  Han,  retainer  in  the 
Imperial  Household,  who  lived  close  by1.  All  my  chair- 
bearers  and  servants  had  fled.  Shortly  after  noon  I heard 
that  one  might  still  leave  Peking  by  the  Hsi-chih  Men  ; so 
leaving  everything — carts,  chairs,  and  animals — where  they 
were,  1 started  off  at  dusk  on  foot  with  such  money  and 
clothing  as  1 had  on  my  person.  The  road  ahead  of  me  was 
blocked  by  a dense  crowd  of  refugees.  I took  the  road  by 
the  Drum  Tower,  skirting  the  lakes  to  the  north  of  the 
Imperial  City.  Towards  evening  a dreadful  thunderstorm 
came  on,  so  I took  refuge  for  the  night  with  the  Clung 
family.  The  bombardment  had  ceased  by  this  time,  but  the 
whole  northern  part  of  the  Imperial  City  appeared  to  be  in 
flames,  which  broke  out  in  fresh  places  all  through  the  night. 
At  three  in  the  morning  we  heard  that  the  West  Gates  were 
opened,  and  that  the  City  Guards  had  fled,  but  that  the 
foreigners  had  not  yet  reached  that  part  of  the  city. 

“ I had  intended  to  travel  by  cart,  but  the  disorganised 
troops  had  by  this  time  seized  every  available  beast  of 
burden.  My  second  son,  however,  was  luckily  able  to  per- 
suade Captain  Liu  to  fetch  one  of  my  carts  out  from  the 
city,  and  this  was  done  after  several  narrow  escapes.  I had 
left  Peking  on  foot,  but  at  the  bridge  close  to  the  North- 
West  Gate  I found  this  cart  awaiting  me,  and  with  it  my 
second  son,  who  was  riding  on  a mule,  and  the  five  servants 
who  remained  to  us  following  on  foot.  When  we  reached 
Hai-Tien  (a  town  which  lies  close  to  the  Summer  Palace) 
every  restaurant  was  closed,  but  we  managed  to  get  a little 
food,  and  then  hurried  on  after  their  Majesties  to  Kuan-shih, 
where  we  passed  the  night.  Next  day,  continuing  our 
journey,  we  learned  that  their  Majesties  were  halting  at 
Huai-lai,  where  we  overtook  them  on  the  24th  day  of  the 


345 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 

Moon.  We  expect  to  reach  T’ai-yiian  fu  about  the  middle 
of  next  week. 

“ The  dangers  of  our  journey  are  indescribable.  Every 
shop  on  the  road  had  been  plundered  by  bands  of  routed 
troops,  who  pretend  to  be  part  of  the  Imperial  escort. 
These  bandits  are  ahead  of  us  at  every  stage  of  the  journey, 
and  they  have  stripped  the  country-side  bare,  so  that  when 
the  Imperial  party  reaches  any  place,  and  the  escort 
endeavour  to  commandeer  supplies,  the  distress  of  the 
inhabitants  and  the  confusion  which  ensues  are  really 
terrible  to  witness.  The  districts  through  which  we  have 
passed  are  literally  devastated.” 

From  Huai-lai  the  Court  moved  on  to  Hsuari-hua  fu,  a 
three  days’  march,  and  there  remained  for  four  days,  resting 
and  preparing  for  the  journey  into  Shansi.  The  Border 
Warden  at  Sha-ho  chen  had  provided  their  Majesties  with 
green  (official)  sedan  chairs,  and  the  usual  etiquette  of  the 
Court  and  Grand  Council  was  being  gradually  restored.  Her 
Majesty’s  spirits  were  excellent,  and  she  took  a keen  interest 
in  everything.  At  Chi-ming  yi,  for  instance,  she  was  with 
difficulty  dissuaded  from  stopping  to  visit  a temple  on  the 
summit  of  an  adjoining  hill,  in  honour  of  which  shrine  the 
Emperor  Kanghsi  had  left  a tablet  carved  with  a memorial 
inscription  in  verse. 

At  Hsuan-hua  fu  there  was  considerable  disorder,  but  the 
Court  enjoyed  increased  comforts  ; thanks  to  the  zeal  and 
energy  of  the  local  Magistrate  (Ch’en  Pen).  Here  the  Old 
Buddha  received  Prince  Ch’ing’s  first  despatch  from  Peking, 
which  gave  a deplorable  account  of  the  situation. 

The  Court  left  Hsi'ian-hua  on  the  25th  August  (its 
numbers  being  increased  by  the  Emperor’s  Consort  with  a 
few  of  her  personal  attendants)  and  spent  the  night  at  a 
garrison  station  called  Tso-Wei.  The  deplorable  state  of 
the  country  was  reflected  in  the  accommodation  they  found 
there  ; for  the  guards  had  fled,  and  the  official  quarters  had 
all  been  plundered  and  burnt,  with  the  exception  of  two 

346 


THE  FLIGHT  FROM  PEKING 


small  rooms,  evil-smelling  and  damp.  There  was  no  food  to 
be  had,  except  bread  made  of  sodden  flour.  One  of  the  two 
available  rooms  was  occupied  by  the  Old  Buddha,  the  other 
by  Kuang  Hsu  and  his  Consort,  while  all  the  officials  of  the 
Court,  high  and  low,  fared  as  best  they  might  in  the  stuffy 
courtyard.  For  once  the  venerable  mother’s  composure 
deserted  her.  “ This  is  abominable,”  she  complained  ; “ the 
place  swarms  with  insects,  and  I cannot  sleep  a wink.  It  is 
disgraceful  that  I should  have  come  to  such  a pass  at  my  time 
of  life.  My  state  is  worse  even  than  that  of  the  Emperor 
Hsiian-Tsung  of  the  Tang  Dynasty,  who  was  forced  to  fly 
from  his  capital,  and  saw  his  favourite  concubine  murdered 
before  his  very  eyes.”  An  unsubstantiated  report  that  the 
Allies  had  plundered  her  palace  treasure  vaults  was  not 
calculated  to  calm  Her  Majesty,  and  for  a while  the  suite 
went  in  fear  of  her  wrath. 

On  August  27th  the  Court  crossed  the  Shansi  border,  and 
spent  the  night  at  T’ien-chen  hsien.  The  local  Magistrate, 
a Manchu,  had  committed  suicide  after  hearing  of  the  fall  of 
Moukden  and  other  Manchurian  cities;  and  the  town  was 
in  a condition  of  ruinous  disorder.  Their  Majesties  supped 
off  a meal  hastily  provided  by  the  Gaol  Warder.  Rut  their 
courage  was  restored  by  the  arrival  of  Ts’en  Ch’un-hsiian,1 
an  official  of  high  intelligence  and  courage,  who  greatly 
pleased  the  Old  Buddha  by  bringing  her  a gift  of  eggs  and 
a girdle  and  pouch  for  her  pipe  and  purse. 

On  the  30th  August  the  Court  lay  at  Ta-t’ung  fu,  in  the 
Yamen  of  the  local  Brigadier-General.  They  stayed  here 
four  days,  enjoying  the  greatly  improved  accommodation 
which  the  General’s  efforts  had  secured  for  them. 

On  September  4th,  they  reached  the  market  town  of  T’ai- 
yiieh,  having  travelled  thirty-five  miles  that  day,  and  here 
again  they  found  damp  rooms  and  poor  fare.  But  Her 
Majesty’s  spirits  had  recovered.  On  the  16th,  while 

1 At  that  time  Governor-designate  of  Shensi.  He  had  come  north  with 
troops  to  defend  the  capital. 


347 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


crossing  the  hill-pass  of  the  “Flighting  Geese,”  Her  Majesty 
ordered  a halt  in  order  to  enjoy  the  view.  “ It  reminds  me 
of  the  Jehol  Country,”  she  said.  Then,  turning  to  the 
Emperor.  “After  all,  it’s  delightful  to  get  away  like  this 
from  Peking  and  to  see  the  world,  isn’t  it?”  “Under 
happier  circumstances,  it  would  be,”  replied  Kuang  Hsii.  At 
this  point  Ts’en  Ch’un-hsiian  brought  Her  Majesty  a large 
bouquet  of  yellow  flowers,  a present  which  touched  her 
deeply : in  return  she  sent  him  a jar  of  butter-milk  tea. 

On  the  7th,  the  only  accommodation  which  the  local 
officials  had  been  able  to  prepare  at  Yiian-p’ing  was  a mud- 
house  belonging  to  one  of  the  common  people,  in  which,  by 
an  oversight,  several  empty  coffins  had  been  left.  Ts’en, 
arriving  ahead  of  the  party,  was  told  of  this,  and  galloped 
to  make  excuses  to  Her  Majesty  and  take  her  orders. 
Happily,  the  “ Motherly  Countenance  ” was  not  moved  to 
wrath,  and  “the  divine  condescension  was  manifested.”  “If 
the  coffins  can  be  moved,  move  them,”  she  said ; “ but  so 
long  as  they  are  not  in  the  main  room,  I do  not  greatly 
mind  their  remaining.”  They  were  all  removed,  however, 
and  the  Old  Buddha  was  protected  from  possibly  evil 
influences. 

On  the  8th  September,  at  Hsin  Chou,  three  Imperial 
(yellow)  chairs  had  been  provided  by  the  local  officials,  so 
that  their  Majesties’  entrance  into  T’ai-yiian  fu,  on  the  10th, 
was  not  unimposing.  The  Court  took  up  its  residence  in 
the  Governor’s  Yamen  (that  same  bloodstained  building 
in  which,  six  weeks  before,  Yu  Hsien  had  massacred  the 
missionaries).  Yu  Hsien,  the  Governor,  met  their  Imperial 
Majesties  outside  the  city  walls,  and  knelt  by  the  roadside  as 
the  Old  Buddha’s  palanquin  came  up.  She  bade  her  bearers 
stop,  and  called  to  him  to  approach.  When  he  had  done  so, 
she  said  : “ At  your  farewell  audience,  in  the  last  Moon  of 
the  last  year,  you  assured  me  that  the  Boxers  were  really 
invulnerable.  Alas  ! You  were  wrong,  and  now  Peking  has 
fallen  ! But  you  did  splendidly  in  carrying  out  my  orders 

348 


THE  FLIGHT  FROM  PEKING 


and  in  ridding  Shansi  of  the  whole  brood  of  foreign  devils. 
Everyone  speaks  well  of  you  for  this,  and  I know,  besides, 
how  high  is  your  reputation  for  good  and  honest  work. 
Nevertheless,  and  because  the  foreign  devils  are  loudly  calling 
for  vengeance  upon  you,  I may  have  to  dismiss  you  from  office, 
as  I had  to  do  with  Li  Ping-heng : but  be  not  disturbed  in 
mind,  for,  if  I do  this,  it  is  only  to  throw  dust  in  the  eyes  of 
the  barbarians,  for  our  own  ends.  VVe  must  just  bide  our 
time,  and  hope  for  better  days.1' 

Yu  Hsien  kowtowed,  as  in  duty  bound,  nine  times,  and 
replied : “ Your  Majesty’s  slave  caught  them  as  in  a net,  and 
allowed  neither  chicken  nor  dog  to  escape  : yet  am  I ready 
to  accept  punishment  and  dismissal  from  my  post.  As  to 
the  Boxers,  they  have  been  defeated  because  they  failed  to 
abide  by  the  laws  of  the  Order,  and  because  they  killed  and 
plundered  innocent  people  who  were  not  Christians.” 

This  conversation  was  clearly  heard  by  several  bystanders, 
one  of  whom  reported  it  in  a letter  to  Shanghai.  When 
Yu  Hsien  had  finished  speaking,  the  Old  Buddha  sighed, 
and  told  her  bearers  to  proceed.  A few  days  later  she 
issued  the  first  of  the  Expiatory  Decrees  by  which  Yii 
Hsien  and  other  Boxer  leaders  were  dismissed  from  office, 
but  not  before  she  had  visited  the  courtyard  where  the 
hapless  missionaries  had  met  their  fate,  and  cross-examined 
Yii  Hsien  on  every  detail  of  that  butchery.  And  it  is 
recorded,  that,  while  she  listened  eagerly  to  this  tale  of 
unspeakable  cowardice  and  cruelty,  the  Heir  Apparent  was 
swaggering  noisily  up  and  down  the  courtyard,  brandishing 
the  huge  sword  given  him  by  Yii  Hsien,  with  which  his 
devil's  work  had  been  done.  No  better  example  could  be 
cited  of  this  remarkable  woman’s  primitive  instincts  and 
elemental  passion  of  vindictiveness. 

Once  more,  during  the  Court’s  residence  at  T’ai-yiian,  did 
the  Old  Buddha  and  Yii  Hsien  meet.  At  this  audience, 
realising  the  determination  of  the  foreigners  to  exact  the 
death  penalty  in  this  case,  and  realising  also  the  Governor’s 

o49 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


popularity  with  the  inhabitants  of  T’ai-yiian,  she  told  him, 
with  unmistakable  significance,  that  the  price  of  coffins  was 
rising,  a plain  but  euphemistic  hint  that  he  would  do  wrell  to 
commit  suicide  before  a worse  fate  overtook  him. 

Her  Majesty  was  much  gratified  at  the  splendid  accom- 
modation provided  for  her  at  T’ai-yiian,  and  particularly 
pleased  to  see  all  the  gold  and  silver  vessels  and  utensils 
that  had  been  made  in  1775  for  Ch’ien  Lung’s  progress  to 
the  sacred  shrines  of  Wu-T’ai  shan  ; they  had  been  polished 
up  for  the  occasion  and  made  a brave  show,  so  that  the 
“ Benevolent  Countenance  ” beamed  with  delight.  “ We 
have  nothing  like  this  in  Peking,”  she  said. 

Jung  Lu  joined  the  Court  on  the  day  after  its  arrival  at 
T’ai-yiian,  and  was  most  affectionately  welcomed  by  the 
Old  Buddha,  to  whom  he  gave  a full  account  of  his  journey 
through  Chihli  and  of  the  widespread  devastation  wrought 
by  the  Boxers.  He  had  previously  sent  in  the  following 
Memorial  which  clearly  reflects  those  qualities  which  had 
endeared  him  to  his  Imperial  Mistress,  and  which  so  honour- 
ably distinguished  him  from  the  sycophants  and  classical 
imbeciles  of  the  Court  : — 

“ At  dawn,  on  the  21st  day  of  the  7th  Moon  (15th  August) 
your  Majesty’s  servant  proceeded  to  the  Gate  of  Reverend 
Peace  (inside  the  Palace),  and  learned  that  your  Majesties’ 
sacred  chariot  had  left  for  the  West.  While  there  I came 
across  Ch’ung  Ch’i,1  the  President  of  the  Board  of  Revenue, 
and  we  were  proposing  to  hurry  after  your  Majesties,  when 
we  learned  that  the  North-Eastern  and  Northern  Gates  of 
the  city  had  fallen.  So  we  left  Peking  by  another  gate,  my 
first  object  being  to  try  and  rally  some  of  the  troops.  But 
after  several  conferences  wdth  Generals  Sung  Ch’ing  and 
Tung  Fu-hsiang,  I was  forced  to  the  conclusion  that  our 
repeated  defeats  had  been  too  severe,  and  that,  in  the 
absence  of  large  reinforcements,  there  was  no  hope  of  our 

1 Tutor  of  the  Heir  Apparent,  father-in-law  of  the  Emperor  T’ung-Chih  ; 
his  daughter,  the  Empress  Chia-Shun  (A-lu-te),  had  committed  suicide  in 
1875  (vide  supra). 


350 


' fci-. 


i ddi  ■>  , Photo,  Bctines.  Pekin? 

iiARBLh  Bridge  in  the  Grounds  ok  the  Lake  Palace 


the  Grounds  of  the  Palace  in  the  Western  Park. 


mozo,  tie  hues, 


THE  FLIGHT  FROM  PEKING 


being  able  to  take  the  field  again.  Our  men  were  in  a state 
of  complete  panic  and  had  lost  all  stomach  for  fighting.  I 
therefore  left  and  came  on  to  Pao-ting  fu,  and  lodged  there 
with  Ch’ung  Ch’i  in  the  “ Water  Lily”  Garden.  All  night 
long  he  and  I discussed  the  situation,  hoping  to  see  some 
way  out  of  the  misfortunes  which  had  overtaken  the  State. 
Ch’ung  Ch’i  could  not  conceal  the  bitterness  of  bis  grief,  and 
on  the  morning  of  the  next  day  he  hanged  himself  in  one 
of  the  outer  courtyards,  leaving  a letter  for  me  in  which 
was  enclosed  bis  valedictory  Memorial  to  your  Majesties, 
together  with  a set  of  verses  written  just  before  his  death. 
These  I now  forward  for  your  Majesty’s  gracious  perusal, 
because  I feel  that  his  suicide  deserves  your  pity,  just  as  bis 
high  sense  of  duty  merits  your  praise.  He  was  indeed  a 
man  of  the  purest  integrity,  and  bad  all  the  will,  though, 
alas,  not  the  power,  to  avert  the  misfortunes  which  have 
befallen  us.  He  had  always  looked  upon  the  magic  arts  of 
the  Boxers  with  profound  contempt,  unworthy  even  of  the 
effort  of  a smile  from  a wise  man.  At  this  critical  juncture, 
the  loss  of  my  trusted  colleague  is  indeed  a heavy  blow,  but 
I am  compelled  to  remember  that  the  position  which  I hold, 
all  unworthily,  as  your  Majesty’s  Commander-in-Chief, 
necessitates  my  bearing  the  burden  of  my  heavy  responsi- 
bilities so  long  as  the  breath  of  life  is  in  my  body. 

“ Such  makeshift  arrangements  as  were  feasible  I made 
for  the  temporary  disposal  of  Ch’ung  Ch  i’s  remains,  and  I 
now  forward  the  present  Memorial  by  special  courier  to  your 
Majesty,  informing  you  of  the  manner  of  his  decease,  because 
I hold  it  to  be  unfitting  that  his  end  should  pass  unnoticed 
and  unhonoured.  Your  Majesty  will,  no  doubt,  determine 
on  the  posthumous  honours  to  be  accorded  to  him. 

“ It  is  now  my  intention  to  proceed,  with  what  speed  I may, 
to  T'ai-yiian  fu,  there  to  pay  my  reverent  duty  to  your 
Majesty  and  to  await  the  punishment  due  for  my  failure  to 
avert  these  calamities.” 

In  reply  to  this  Memorial,  Tzu  Hsi  conferred  high  post- 
humous honours  upon  Ch  ung  Ch’i,  praising  his  loyalty  and 
honesty. 

Jung  Lu  proceeded  on  his  journey,  but  at  a town  on  the 

351 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


Chihli  border  his  wife  took  ill  and  died.  She  had  only 
joined  him  at  Pao-ting  fu.  The  Old  Buddha  welcomed  him 
with  sincere  affection  upon  his  arrival  at  T’ai-yuan  and 
raised  his  secondary  wife,  the  Lady  Liu,  to  the  rank  of  “ Fu 
Jen”  or  legitimate  consort.  (This  lady  had  always  had 
great  influence  with  the  Empress  Dowager,  which  increased 
during  the  exile  of  the  Court,  and  became  most  noticeable 
after  the  return  to  Peking.) 

Tzu  Hsi  asked  Jung  Lu  for  his  advice  as  to  her  future 
policy.  Bluntly,  as  was  his  wont,  he  replied  “ Old  Buddha, 
there  is  only  one  way.  You  must  behead  Prince  Tuan  and 
all  the  rest  of  the  Princes  and  Ministers  who  misled  you  and 
then  you  must  return  to  Peking.” 

An  incident,  vouched  for  by  a high  Manchu  official 
attached  to  the  Court,  illustrates  the  relations  at  this  time 
existing  between  the  Emperor,  the  Empress  Dowager, 
and  Jung  Lu.  When  the  latter  reached  T’ai-yuan  fu, 
Kuang-Hsii  sent  a special  messenger  to  summon  him.  “ I 
am  glad  you  have  come  at  last,”  said  His  Majesty.  “ I desire 
that  you  will  have  Prince  Tuan  executed  without  delay.” 

“ How  can  I do  so  without  the  Empress  Dowagers 
orders  ? ” he  replied.  “ The  days  are  past  when  no  other 
Decree  but  your  Majesty’s  was  needed.”  1 

Jung  Lu’s  position,  but  for  the  high  favour  of  the 
Empress  Dowager,  would  have  been  full  of  danger,  for 
he  was  disliked  by  reactionaries  and  reformers  alike ; 
surrounded  by  extremists,  his  intuitive  common  sense,  his 
doctrine  of  the  “ happy  mean  ” had  made  him  many  enemies. 
Nor  could  he  lay  claim  to  a reputation  for  that  “ purest 
integrity  ” which  he  had  so  greatly  admired  in  his  colleague 
Ch’ung  Ch’i.  At  T’ai-yuan  fu,  he  was  openly  denounced  to 
the  Old  Buddha  for  having  connived  in  the  embezzlements 
of  a certain  Ch’en  Tse-lin,  who  had  been  robbing  the  military 
Treasury  on  a grand  scale.  Jung  Lu  had  ordered  that  his 

1 An  allusion  to  Kuang-Hsii’s  order  for  Jung  Lu’s  summary  execution  in 
September  1898. 


352 


THE  FLIGHT  FROM  PEKING 


defalcations  be  made  good,  but  subsequently  informed  the 
Throne  that  the  money  had  been  captured  by  the  Allies, 
and  the  accusing  Censor  did  not  hesitate  to  say  that  the 
price  of  his  conversion  (brought  to  his  quarters  by  the  hands 
of  a sergeant  named  Yao)  had  been  forty  thousand  taels  of 
silver,  twenty  pounds  of  best  birdnests,  and  four  cases  of 
silk.  The  Empress  Uowager  shelved  the  Memorial,  as  was 
her  wont,  though  no  doubt  she  used  the  information  for  the 
ultimate  benefit  of  her  privy  purse.  Jung  Lu  also  received 
vast  sums  of  money  and  many  valuable  presents  on  his 
birthday,  and  at  the  condolence  ceremonies  for  the  death  of 
his  wife,  so  much  so  that  he  incurred  the  fierce  jealousy 
of  the  chief  eunuch  Li  Lien-ying,  who  was  doing  his  best 
at  this  time  to  re-feather  his  own  nest,  despoiled  by  the 
troops  of  the  Allies. 

At  T’ai-yiian  fu,  so  many  officials  had  joined  the  Court 
that  intrigues  became  rife  ; there  was  much  heartburning 
as  to  precedence  and  status.  Those  who  had  borne  the 
burden  and  heat  of  the  day,  the  dangers  and  the  hardships 
of  the  flight  from  Peking,  claimed  special  recognition  and 
seniority  at  the  hands  of  their  Imperial  Mistress.  Each 
of  these  thought  they  should  be  privileged  above  those  of 
equal  rank  who  had  only  rejoined  the  Court  when  all  danger 
was  past,  and  still  more  so  above  those  who  were  now 
hurrying  up  from  the  provinces  in  search  of  advancement. 

The  chief  topic  of  discussion  at  audience,  and  at  meetings 
of  the  Grand  Council,  was  the  question  of  the  Court’s  return 
to  Peking,  or  of  the  removal  of  the  Capital  to  one  of 
the  chief  cities  of  the  South  or  West.  Chang  Chih-tung 
had  put  in  a Memorial,  strongly  recommending  the  city  of 
Tang- Yang  in  Hupei,  on  account  of  its  central  position. 
One  of  the  arguments  gravely  put  forward  by  the  “ scholarly 
bungler  ” for  this  proposal  was,  that  the  characters  “ Tang- 
Yang  ” (which  mean  “facing  south”)  were  in  themselves  of 
good  augury,  and  an  omen  of  better  days  to  come,  because 
the  Emperor  always  sits  with  his  face  to  the  south.  Chang’s 

353  a a 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


enemies  at  Court  saw  in  this  idea  a veiled  hint  that  the 
Emperor  should  be  restored  to  power. 

But  Jung  Lu  was  now  facile  princeps  in  the  Old  Buddha’s 
counsels,  and  at  audience  his  colleagues  of  the  Grand  Council 
(Lu  Ch’uan-lin  and  Wang  Wen-shao)  followed  his  lead 
implicitly.  He  never  ceased  to  advise  the  Empress  to  return 
forthwith  to  Peking,  and,  when  at  a later  date  she  decided 
on  this  step,  it  was  rather  because  of  her  faith  in  his  sound 
judgment  than  because  of  the  many  Memorials  sent  in  from 
other  high  officials.  During  the  Court’s  stay  at  T’ai-yiian  fu, 
argument  on  this  subject  was  continual,  but  towards  the  end 
of  September  rumours  reached  Her  Majesty  that  the  Allies 
were  sending  a swift  punitive  expedition  to  avenge  the 
murdered  missionaries ; this  decided  her  to  leave  at  once  for 
Hsi-an  fu,  where  she  would  feel  safe  from  further  pursuit.  The 
Court  left  accordingly  on  the  30th  September;  but  as  the 
preservation  of  “ face  ” before  the  world  is  a fundamental 
principle,  with  Empresses  as  with  slave-girls,  in  China,  her 
departure  was  announced  in  the  following  brief  Edict : — 

“ As  Shansi  province  is  suffering  from  famine,  which 
makes  it  very  difficult  to  provide  for  our  needs,  and  as  the 
absence  of  telegraphic  communication  there  causes  all  manner 
of  inconvenient  delays,  we  are  compelled  to  continue  our 
progress  westwards  to  Hsi-an.” 

The  journey  into  Shensi  was  made  with  all  due  provision 
for  the  dignity  and  comfort  of  their  Majesties,  but  the 
Empress  was  overcome  by  grief  en  route  at  the  death  of 
Kang  Yi,  chief  patron  of  the  Boxers,  and  the  most  bigoted 
and  violent  of  all  the  reactionaries  near  the  Throne.  He  fell 
ill  at  a place  called  Hou  Ma,  and  died  in  three  days,  although 
the  Vice-President  of  the  Board  of  Censors,  Ho  Nai-ying, 
obtained  leave  to  remain  behind  and  nurse  him.  The  Old 
Buddha  was  most  reluctant  to  leave  the  invalid,  and  showed 
unusual  emotion.  After  his  death  she  took  a kindly  interest 
in  his  son  (who  followed  the  Court  to  Hsi-an)  and  would 

354 


THE  FLIGHT  FROM  PEKING 

frequently  speak  to  him  of  his  father’s  patriotism  and 
loyalty. 

At  Hsi-an  fu  the  Court  occupied  the  Governor’s  official 
residence,  into  which  Her  Majesty  removed  after  residing  for 
a while  in  the  buildings  formerly  set  apart  for  the  temporary 
accommodation  of  the  Viceroy  of  Kansuh  and  Shensi  on 
visits  of  inspection.  Both  Yamens  had  been  prepared  for 
Their  Majesties’  use  ; the  walls  had  been  painted  Imperial  red, 
and  the  outer  Court  surrounded  with  a palisade,  beyond 
which  were  the  quarters  of  the  Imperial  Guards,  and  the 
makeshift  lodgings  of  the  Metropolitan  Boards  and  the 
officials  of  the  nine  Ministries  on  Palace  duty.  The  arrange- 
ments of  the  Court,  though  restricted  in  the  matter  of  space, 
were  on  much  the  same  lines  as  in  Peking.  The  main  hall 
of  the  “ Travelling  Palace  ” was  left  empty,  the  side  halls 
being  used  as  ante-chambers  for  officials  awaiting  audience. 
Behind  the  main  hall  was  a room  to  which  access  was  given 
by  a door  with  six  panels,  two  of  which  were  left  open, 
showing  the  Throne  in  the  centre  of  the  room,  upholstered 
in  yellow  silk.  It  was  here  that  Court  ceremonies  took 
place.  On  the  left  of  this  room  was  the  apartment  where 
audiences  were  held  daily,  and  behind  this  again  were  the 
Empress  Dowager’s  bedroom  and  private  sitting-room.  The 
Emperor  and  his  Consort  occupied  a small  apartment  com- 
municating with  the  Old  Buddha’s  bedroom,  and  to  the  wes 
of  these  again  were  three  small  rooms,  occupied  by  the  Heir 
Apparent.  The  chief  eunuch  occupied  the  room  next  to 
that  of  the  Old  Buddha  on  the  east  side.  The  general 
arrangements  for  the  comfort  and  convenience  of  the  Court 
were  necessarily  of  a makeshift  and  provisional  character  and 
the  Privy  Purse  was  for  a time  at  a low  ebb,  so  that  Her 
Majesty  was  much  exercised  over  the  receipt  and  safe  custody 
of  the  tribute,  in  money  and  in  kind,  which  came  flowing  in 
from  the  provinces.  So  long  as  the  administration  of  her 
household  was  under  the  supervision  of  Governor  Ts’en,  the 
strictest  economy  was  practised  ; for  instance,  the  amount 

355  a a 2 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


allowed  by  him  for  the  upkeep  of  their  Majesties’  table  was 
two  hundred  taels  (about  £25)  per  day,  which,  as  the  Old 
Buddha  remarked  on  one  occasion,  was  about  one-tenth  of 
the  ordinary  expenditure  under  the  same  heading  at  Peking. 
“ We  are  living  cheaply  now,”  she  said ; to  which  the 
Governor  replied,  “ The  amount  could  still  be  reduced  with 
advantage.” 

Her  Majesty’s  custom,  in  selecting  the  menus  for  the  day, 
was  to  have  a list  of  about  one  hundred  dishes  brought  in 
every  evening  by  the  eunuch  on  duty.  After  the  privations 
of  the  flight  from  Peking,  the  liberal  supply  of  swallows’ 
nests  and  beche-de-mer  which  came  in  from  the  South  was 
very  much  appreciated,  and  her  rough  fare  of  chickens  and 
eggs  gave  way  to  recherche  menus ; but  the  Emperor,  as 
usual,  limited  himself  to  a diet  of  vegetables.  She  gave 
orders  that  no  more  than  half  a dozen  dishes  should  be 
served  at  one  meal,  and  she  took  personal  pains  with  the 
supply  of  milk,  of  which  she  always  consumed  a considerable 
quantity.  Six  cows  were  kept  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of 
the  Imperial  apartments,  for  the  feeding  of  which  Her 
Majesty  was  charged  two  hundred  taels  a month.  Her  health 
was  good  on  the  whole,  but  she  suffered  from  indigestion, 
which  she  attributed  to  the  change  of  climate  and  the 
fatigues  of  her  journey.  For  occasional  attacks  of  insomnia 
she  had  recourse  to  massage,  in  which  several  of  the  eunuchs 
were  well-skilled.  After  the  Court  had  settled  down  at 
Hsi-an  fu,  Her  Majesty  was  again  persuaded  to  permit  the 
presentation  of  plays,  which  she  seemed  generally  to  enjoy 
as  much  as  those  in  Peking.  But  her  mind  was  for  ever 
filled  with  anxiety  as  to  the  progress  of  the  negotiations 
with  the  foreign  Powers  at  the  Capital,  and  all  telegrams 
received  were  brought  to  her  at  once.  The  news  of  the 
desecration  of  her  Summer  Palace  had  filled  her  with  wrath 
and  distress,  especially  when,  in  letters  from  the  eunuch 
Sun  (who  had  remained  in  charge  at  Peking),  she  learned 
that  her  Throne  had  been  thrown  into  the  lake,  and  that  the 

356 


THE  FLIGHT  FROM  PEKING 


soldiers  had  made  “lewd  and  ribald  drawings  and  writings  ” 
even  on  the  walls  of  her  bedroom.  It  was  with  the  greatest 
relief  that  she  heard  of  the  settlement  of  the  terms  of  peace, 
subsequently  recorded  in  the  Protocol  of  7th  of  September, 
and  so  soon  as  these  terms  had  been  irrevocably  arranged, 
she  issued  a Decree  (June,  1901)  fixing  the  date  for  the 
Court’s  return  in  September.  This  Decree,  issued  in  the 
name  of  the  Emperor,  was  as  follows  : 

“ Our  Sacred  Mother’s  advanced  age  renders  it  necessary 
that  we  should  take  the  greatest  care  of  her  health,  so  that 
she  may  attain  to  peaceful  longevity  ; a long  journey  in 
the  heat  being  evidently  undesirable,  we  have  fixed  on  the 
19th  day  of  the  7th  Moon  to  commence  our  return  journey, 
and  are  now  preparing  to  escort  Her  Majesty,  via  Honan.” 

One  of  the  most  notorious  Boxer  leaders,  namely,  Duke 
Rung,  the  younger  brother  of  Prince  Chuang,  had  accom- 
panied the  Court,  with  his  family,  to  Hsi-an.  The  Old 
Buddha,  realising  that  his  presence  would  undoubtedly 
compromise  her,  now  decided  to  send  him  away.  His 
family  fell  from  one  state  of  misery  to  another ; no  assist- 
ance was  rendered  to  them  by  any  officials  on  the  journey, 
and  eventually,  after  much  wandering,  the  Duke  was 
compelled  to  earn  a bare  living  by  serving  as  a subordinate 
in  a small  Yamen,  while  his  wife,  who  was  young  and 
comely,  was  sold  into  slavery.  It  was  clear  that  the  Old 
Buddha  had  now  realised  the  error  of  her  ways  and  the  folly 
that  had  been  committed  in  encouraging  the  Boxers.  After 
the  executions  and  suicides  of  the  proscribed  leaders  of 
the  movement  she  was  heard  on  one  occasion  to  remark : 
“ These  Princes  and  Ministers  were  wont  to  bluster  and 
boast,  relying  upon  their  near  kinship  to  ourselves,  and  we 
foolishly  believed  them  when  they  assured  us  that  the 
foreign  devils  would  never  get  the  better  of  China.  In  their 
folly  they  came  within  an  ace  of  overthrowing  our  Dynasty. 
The  only  one  whose  fate  I regret  is  Chao  Shu-ch’iao.  For 
him  I am  truly  sorry.” 


857 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


The  fate  of  Prince  Chuang’s  brother  showed  clearly  that 
both  officials  and  people  had  realised  the  genuine  change  in 
the  Empress  Dowager’s  feelings  towards  the  Boxers,  for 
there  was  none  so  poor  to  do  him  honour. 

Both  on  the  journey  to  Hsi-an  fu  and  on  the  return  to 
the  Capital,  Her  Majesty  displayed  the  greatest  interest  in 
the  lives  of  the  peasantry  and  the  condition  of  the  people 
generally.  She  subscribed  liberally  to  the  famine  fund  in 
Shansi,  professing  the  greatest  sympathy  for  the  stricken 
people.  She  told  the  Emperor  that  she  had  never  appreciated 
their  sufferings  in  the  seclusion  of  her  Palace. 

During  the  Court’s  stay  at  Hsi-an  fu  the  Emperor  came 
to  take  more  interest  in  State  affairs  than  he  had  done  at 
any  time  since  the  couf)  d'etat , but  although  the  Old  Buddha 
discussed  matters  with  him  freely,  and  took  his  opinion,  he 
had  no  real  voice  in  the  decision  of  any  important  matter. 
His  temper  continued  to  be  uncertain  and  occasionally  violent, 
so  that  many  high  officials  of  the  Court  preferred  always  to 
take  their  business  to  the  Empress  Dowager.  One  important 
appointment  was  made  at  this  time  by  the  Old  Buddha  at 
the  Emperor’s  personal  request,  viz.,  that  of  Sun  Chia-nai 
(ex-imperial  tutor)  to  the  Grand  Secretariat.  This  official 
had  resigned  office  in  January  1900  upon  the  selection 
of  the  Heir  Apparent,  which  he  regarded  as  equivalent  to 
the  deposition  of  the  Emperor.1  Subsequently,  throughout 
the  Boxer  troubles,  he  had  remained  in  his  house  at  Peking, 
which  was  plundered,  and  he  himself  would  undoubtedly 
have  been  killed,  but  for  the  protection  given  him  by  Jung 
Lu.  At  this  time  also,  Lu  Ch’uan-lin  joined  the  Grand 
Council.  When  the  siege  of  the  Legations  began,  he  had  left 
his  post  as  Governor  of  Kiangsu,  and  marched  north  with 
some  three  thousand  men  to  defend  Peking  against  the 
foreigners.  Before  he  reached  the  Capital,  however,  it  had 
fallen,  so  that,  after  disbanding  his  troops,  he  went  for  a few 
weeks  to  his  native  place  in  Chihli  and  thence  proceeded  to 

1 See  biographical  note,  infra  (Appendix). 

358 


THE  FLIGHT  FROM  PEKING 


join  the  Court  at  Ta-T’ung  fu,  where  the  Old  Buddha  received 
him  most  cordially.  His  case  is  particularly  interesting  in 
that  he  was  until  his  death  a member  of  the  Grand  Council.1 
and  that,  like  many  other  high  officials  at  Peking,  his  ideas 
of  the  art  of  government  and  the  relative  position  of 
China  in  the  world,  remained  exactly  as  they  were  before  the 
Boxer  movement.  His  action  in  proceeding  to  Peking  with 
his  troops  from  his  post  in  the  south  is  also  interesting,  as 
showing  the  semi-independent  position  of  provincial  officials, 
and  the  free  hand  which  any  man  of  strong  views  may  claim 
and  enjoy.  The  Viceroys  of  Nanking  and  Wuchang  might 
dare  to  oppose  the  wishes  of  the  Empress  Dowager,  and  to 
exercise  their  own  judgment  as  regards  declaring  war  upon 
foreigners,  but  it  was  equally  open  to  any  of  their  subordin- 
ates to  differ  from  them,  and  to  take  such  steps  as  they  might 
personally  consider  proper,  even  to  the  movement  of  troops. 

An  official,  one  of  the  many  provincial  deputies  charged 
with  the  carrying  of  tribute  to  the  Court  at  Hsi-an,  returning 
thence  to  his  post  at  Soochow,  sent  to  a friend  at  Peking  a 
detailed  description  of  the  life  of  the  Court  in  exile,  from 
which  the  following  extracts  are  taken.  The  document, 
being  at  that  time  confidential  and  not  intended  for 
publication,  throws  some  light  on  the  Court  and  its  doings 
which  is  lacking  in  official  documents  : — 

“ The  Empress  Dowager  is  still  in  sole  charge  of  affairs, 
and  controls  everything  in  and  around  the  Court ; those 
who  exercise  the  most  influence  with  her  are  Jung  Lu 
and  Lu  Ch’uan-lin.  Governor  Ts’en,  has  fallen  into 
disfavour  of  late.  His  Majesty’s  advisers  are  most  anxious 
that  she  should  return  to  Peking.  She  looks  very  young 
and  well ; one  would  not  put  her  age  at  more  than  forty, 
whereas  she  is  really  sixty-four.  The  Emperor  appears  to 
be  generally  depressed,  but  he  has  been  putting  on  flesh 
lately.  The  Heir  Apparent  is  fifteen  years  of  age  ; fat, 
coarse-featured,  and  of  rude  manners.  He  favours  military 
habits  of  deportment  and  dress,  and  to  see  him  when  he  goes 
1 Deceased,  26th  August  19 10. 

359 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


to  the  play,  wearing  a felt  cap  with  gold  braid,  a leather 
jerkin,  and  a red  military  overcoat,  one  would  take  him  for 
a prize-fighter.  He  knows  all  the  young  actors  and  rowdies, 
and  associates  generally  with  the  very  lowest  classes.  He  is 
a good  rider,  however,  and  a very  fair  musician.  If,  at  the 
play-houses,  the  music  goes  wrong,  he  will  frequently  get  up 
in  his  place  and  rebuke  the  performer,  and  at  times  he  even 
jumps  on  to  the  stage,  possesses  himself  of  the  instrument, 
and  plays  the  piece  himself.  All  this  brings  the  boy  into 
disrepute  with  respectable  people,  and  some  of  his  pranks 
have  come  to  the  ears  of  the  Old  Buddha,  who  they  say 
has  had  him  severely  whipped.  His  last  offence  was  to 
commence  an  intrigue  with  one  of  the  ladies-in-waiting 
on  Her  Majesty,  for  which  he  got  into  serious  trouble.  He 
is  much  in  the  company  of  Ui  Lien-ying  (the  chief  eunuch), 
who  leads  him  into  the  wildest  dissipation.1  My  friend  Kao, 
speaking  of  him  the  other  day,  wittily  said,  that  ‘ from  being 
an  expectant  Emperor,  he  would  soon  become  a deposed 
Heir  Apparent  ’ ; which  is  quite  true,  for  he  never  reads,  all 
his  tastes  are  vicious,  and  his  manners  rude  and  overbearing. 
To  give  you  an  instance  of  his  doings:  on  the  18th  of 
the  10th  Moon,  accompanied  by  his  brother  and  by  his 
uncle,  the  Boxer  Duke  Lan,  and  followed  by  a crowd  of 
eunuchs,  he  got  mixed  up  in  a fight  with  some  Kansu  braves 
at  a theatre  in  the  temple  of  the  City  God.  The  eunuchs 
got  the  worst  of  it,  and  some  minor  officials  who  were  in  the 
audience  were  mauled  by  the  crowd.  The  trouble  arose,  in 
the  first  instance,  because  of  the  eunuchs  attempting  to  claim 
the  best  seats  in  the  house,  and  the  sequel  shows  to  what 
lengths  of  villainy  these  fellows  will  descend,  and  how  great 
is  their  influence  with  the  highest  officials.  The  eunuchs 
were  afraid  to  seek  revenge  on  the  Kansu  troops  direct,  but 
they  attained  their  end  by  denouncing  the  manager  of  the 
theatre  to  Governor  Ts’en,  and  by  inducing  him  to  close 
every  theatre  in  Hsi-an.  Besides  which,  the  theatre  manager 
was  put  in  a wooden  collar,  and  thus  ignominiously  paraded 
through  the  streets  of  the  city.  The  Governor  was  induced 
to  take  this  action  on  the  ground  that  Her  Majesty,  sore 
distressed  at  the  famine  in  Shansi  and  the  calamities  which 

1 As  he  had  done  for  Tzti  Hsi’s  son,  the  Emperor  T’ung-Chih. 

360 


THE  FLIGHT  FROM  PEKING 


have  overtaken  China,  was  offended  at  these  exhibitions  of 
unseemly  gaiety  ; and  the  proclamation  which  closed  the 
play-houses,  ordered  also  that  restaurants  and  other  places  of 
public  entertainment  should  suspend  business.  Everybody 
in  the  city  knew  that  this  was  the  work  of  the  eunuchs. 
Eventually  Chi  Lu,  Chamberlain  of  the  Household,  was 
able  to  induce  the  chief  eunuch  to  ask  the  Old  Buddha 
to  give  orders  that  the  theatres  be  reopened.  This  was 
accordingly  done,  but  of  course  the  real  reason  was  not 
given,  and  the  Proclamation  stated  that,  since  the  recent  fall 
of  snow  justified  hopes  of  a prosperous  year  and  good 
harvests,  as  a mark  of  the  people’s  gratitude  to  Providence, 
the  theatres  would  be  reopened  as  usual,  ‘ but  no  more 
disturbances  must  occur.’ 

“ The  chief  eunuch  does  not  seem  to  be  abusing  his 
authority  as  much  as  usual  at  Hsi-an,  most  of  his  time  and 
attention  being  given  to  the  collection  and  safe  keeping 
of  tribute.  If  the  quality  and  quantity  received  is  not  up 
to  his  expectations,  he  will  decline  to  accept  it,  and  thus 
infinite  trouble  is  caused  to  the  officials  of  the  province 
concerned. 

“ A few  days  before  the  Old  Buddha’s  sixty-fifth  birthday 
in  the  10th  Moon,  Governor  Ts’en  proposed  that  the  city 
should  be  decorated,  and  the  usual  costly  gifts  should  be 
presented  to  Her  Majesty,  but  to  this  proposal  Prince 
P’u  T’ung  took  the  strongest  exception  ; ‘ China  is  in 
desperate  straits,’  he  said,  ‘ and  even  the  ancestral  shrines  and 
birthplaces  of  the  Dynasty  are  in  the  hands  of  foreign  troops. 
How  then  could  the  Old  Buddha  possibly  desire  to  celebrate 
her  birthday?  The  thing  is  impossible.’  The  matter  was 
therefore  allowed  to  drop.  But  the  Governor  is  certainly 
most  anxious  to  make  a name  for  himself,  and,  in  spite 
of  his  blustering  professions  of  an  independent  attitude, 
he  does  not  disdain  to  curry  favour  with  the  chief  eunuch 
and  others  who  can  serve  him.  They  say  that  he  has 
recently  sworn  ‘ blood  brotherhood  ’ with  H sin,  the  eunuch 
whose  duty  it  is  to  announce  officials  at  audiences.  No 
doubt  it  is  due  to  this  distinguished  connection  that  he  has 
recently  been  raised  to  the  rank  of  a Board  President, 
and  therefore  entitled  to  ride  in  a sedan  chair  within  the 


361 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


precincts  of  the  Court,  which,  no  doubt,  he  considers  more 
dignified  than  riding  in  a cart.1 

“ Tung  Fu-hsiang  has  returned  to  his  home  in  Kansu,  but 
his  troops  remain  still  at  Hsi-an  under  the  command  of 
General  Teng,  who  so  greatly  distinguished  himself  in  the 
Mahomedan  rebellion. 

“ It  would  seem  that  the  Old  Buddha  still  cherishes  hopes 
of  defeating  the  foreigners,  for  she  is  particularly  delighted 
by  a Memorial  which  has  been  sent  in  lately  by  Hsia  Chen- 
wu,  in  which  he  recommends  a certain  aboriginal  tribesman 
(‘  Man-tzu  ’)  as  a man  of  remarkable  strategic  ability.  He 
offers  to  lose  his  own  head  and  those  of  all  his  family,  should 
this  Heaven-sent  warrior  fail  to  defeat  all  the  troops  of  the 
Allies  in  one  final  engagement,  and  he  begs  that  the 
Emperor  may  permit  this  man  to  display  his  powers  and 
thus  save  the  Empire.” 

1 Amongst  Chinese  officials  no  characteristic  is  more  common  than  their 
jealousy  of  each  other  and  their  promiscuous  habit  of  backbiting  and 
slandering. 


362 


XXI 

HOW  THE  BOXER  LEADERS  DIED 

China’s  officials  may  be  said  to  be  a class  of  individualists, 
incapable,  as  a rule,  of  collective  heroism  or  any  sustained 
effort  of  organised  patriotism ; but  it  is  one  of  the  remarkable 
features  and  results  of  her  system  of  philosophy  that  the 
mandarins,  even  those  who  have  been  known  publicly  to 
display  physical  cowardice  at  critical  moments,  will  usually 
accept  sentence  of  death  at  the  hands  of  their  Sovereign  with 
perfect  equanimity,  and  meet  it  with  calm  philosophic 
resignation.  The  manner  in  which  the  Boxer  leaders  died, 
who  were  proscribed  in  the  course  of  the  negotiations  for  the 
peace  Protocol  at  Peking,  affords  an  interesting  illustration 
of  this  fact  ; incidentally  it  throws  light  also  on  a trait  in  the 
Chinese  character,  which  to  some  extent  explains  the  solidity 
and  permanence  of  its  system  of  government,  based  as  it  is 
on  the  principle  of  absolute  obedience  and  loyalty  to  the 
head  of  the  State  as  one  of  the  cardinal  Confucian  virtues. 

Despite  the  repeated  and  unswerving  demands  of  the 
foreign  Powers  that  the  death  penalty  should  be  inflicted 
upon  the  chief  leaders  and  supporters  of  the  Boxers,  the 
Empress  Dowager  was  naturally  loth  to  yield,  inasmuch  as 
she  herself  had  been  in  full  sympathy  with  the  movement. 
It  was  only  after  many  and  prolonged  meetings  with  her 
chief  advisers,  and  when  she  realised  that  in  this  course  lay 
her  only  hope  of  obtaining  satisfactory  terms  of  peace,  that 

363 


/ 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


she  finally  and  most  reluctantly  consented,  in  February 
1901,  to  the  issue  of  a Decree  (drafted  by  Jung  Lu)  in  which 
she  abandoned  to  their  fate  those  who,  with  her  full  know- 
ledge and  approval,  had  led  the  rising  which  was  to  drive  all 
foreigners  into  the  sea.  With  the  knowledge  in  our 
possession  as  to  Her  Majesty’s  complicity,  and  in  some  cases 
her  initiative,  in  the  anti-foreign  movement,  it  is  impossible 
to  read  this  Decree  without  realising  something  of  the 
ruthlessness  of  the  woman  and  her  cynical  disregard  of 
everything  except  her  own  safety  and  authority.  Even  so, 
however,  Tzti  Hsi  could  not  bring  herself  at  first  to  comply 
with  all  the  demands  of  the  Powers,  evidently  hoping  by 
compromise  and  further  negotiations  to  save  the  lives  of  her 
favourites,  Prince  Tuan,  Duke  Dan  and  Chao  Shu-ch’iao. 
The  Decree,  issued  in  the  Emperor’s  name,  was  as  follows  : — 

“ In  the  summer  of  last  year,  the  Boxer  Rebellion  arose, 
which  brought  in  its  train  hostilities  with  friendly  Powers. 
Prince  Ch’ing  and  Li  Hung-chang  have  now  definitely 
settled  the  preliminary  conditions  of  the  Peace  Protocol. 
Reflecting  on  the  causes  of  this  disaster,  we  cannot  escape 
the  conclusion  that  it  wras  due  to  the  ignorance  and  arro- 
gance of  certain  of  our  Princes  and  Ministers  of  State  who, 
foolishly  believing  in  the  alleged  supernatural  power  of  the 
Boxers,  were  led  to  disobey  the  Throne  and  to  disregard  our 
express  commands  that  these  rebels  should  be  exterminated. 
Not  only  did  they  not  do  this,  but  they  encouraged  and 
assisted  them  to  such  an  extent  that  the  movement  gained 
hosts  of  followers.  The  latter  committed  acts  of  unprovoked 
hostility,  so  that  matters  reached  a pass  where  a general 
cataclysm  became  inevitable.  It  was  by  reason  of  the  folly 
of  these  men  that  General  Tung,  that  obstinate  braggart, 
dared  to  bombard  the  Legations,  thus  bringing  our  Dynasty 
to  the  brink  of  the  greatest  peril,  throwing  the  State  into 
a general  convulsion  of  disorder,  and  plunging  our  people 
into  uttermost  misery.  The  dangers  which  have  been 
incurred  by  Her  Majesty  the  Empress  Dowager,  and  myself 
are  simply  indescribable,  and  our  hearts  are  sore,  aching  with 


364 


HOW  THE  BOXER  LEADERS  DIED 


unappeased  wrath  at  the  remembrance  of  our  sufferings.  Let 
those  who  brought  about  these  calamities  ask  themselves 
what  punishment  can  suffice  to  atone  for  them  ? 

“ Our  former  Decrees  on  this  subject  have  been  far  too 
lenient,  and  we  must  therefore  now  award  further  punish- 
ments to  the  guilty.  Prince  Chuang,  already  cashiered, 
led  the  Boxers  in  their  attack  upon  the  French  Cathedral 
and  the  Legations,  besides  which,  it  was  he  who  issued  a 
Proclamation  in  violation  of  all  our  Treaties.  (This  refers 
to  the  rewards  offered  for  the  heads  of  foreigners.)  He  too 
it  was  who,  acting  as  the  leader  of  the  savage  Boxers,  put  to 
death  many  innocent  persons.  As  a mark  of  clemency  un- 
merited by  these  crimes,  we  grant  him  permission  to  commit 
suicide,  and  hereby  order  that  Ivo  Pao-hua  shall  supervise 
the  execution  of  these  our  commands. 

“ Prince  Tuan,  already  cashiered,  was  the  leader  and 
spokesman  of  the  Imperial  Clan,  to  whom  was  due  the 
declaration  of  war  against  foreigners ; he  trusted  implicitly 
in  Boxer  magic,  and  thus  inexcusably  brought  about  hos- 
tilities. Duke  Lan,  who  assisted  Prince  Chuang  in  drawing 
up  the  proclamation  which  set  a price  on  the  head  of  every 
foreigner,  deserves  also  that  he  be  stripped  of  all  his  dignities 
and  titles.  But  remembering  that  both  these  Princes  are  our 
near  kinsmen,  we  mitigate  their  sentence  to  exile  to  Turkestan, 
where  they  will  be  kept  in  perpetual  confinement.  The 
Governor  of  Shensi,  Yii  Hsien,  already  cashiered,  believed  in 
the  Boxers  at  the  time  when  he  held  the  Governorship  of 
Shantung  ; when  he  subsequently  came  to  Peking,  he  sang 
their  praises  at  our  Court,  with  the  result  that  many  Princes 
and  Ministers  were  led  astray  by  his  words.  As  Governor 
of  Shansi  he  had  put  to  death  many  missionaries  and  native 
converts,  proving  himself  to  be  an  utterly  misguided  and 
bloodthirsty  man.  He  was  undoubtedly  one  of  the  prime 
causes  of  all  our  troubles.  We  have  already  decreed  his 
banishment  to  T urkestan,  and  by  this  time  he  should  already 
have  reached  Kansu.  Orders  are  now  to  be  transmitted  for 
his  immediate  decapitation,  which  will  be  superintended  by 
the  Provincial  Treasurer. 

“ As  to  the  late  Grand  Secretary,  Kang  Yi,  he  also 
believed  in  the  Boxers,  and  went  so  far  as  to  set  a price  on 


365 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


the  lives  of  foreigners  so  that,  had  he  lived,  he  too  would 
have  been  sentenced  to  death,  but  as  matters  stand,  we  order 
that  he  be  posthumously  deprived  of  his  rank  and  summarily 
cashiered. 

“We  have  already  cashiered  Tung  Fu-hsiang.  While 
permitted  to  retain  his  rank  as  a military  official,  he  cannot 
escape  a certain  share  of  responsibility  for  the  siege  of 
the  Legations,  although  his  orders  emanated  from  Princes 
and  Ministers  of  State ; and  because  of  his  ignorance  of 
foreign  affairs,  slack  discipline,  and  general  stupidity,  he 
certainly  deserves  severe  punishment.  But  we  cannot  over- 
look the  services  he  has  rendered  in  the  Kansu  rebellion,  and 
the  good  name  which  he  bears  amongst  our  Chinese  and 
Mahomedan  subjects  in  that  province,  so  that,  as  a mark  of 
our  favour  and  leniency,  we  merely  remove  him  from  his 
post.1 

“ Ying  Nien,  Vice-President  of  the  Censorate,  was  opposed 
to  the  issue  of  the  proclamation  which  offered  rewards  for 
foreigners’  heads,  and  for  this  he  deserves  lenient  treatment, 
but  he  failed  to  insist  strongly  in  his  objections,  and  we  are 
therefore  compelled  to  punish  him.  He  is  hereby  sentenced 
to  be  cashiered  and  imprisoned  pending  decapitation.2 

“ As  regards  the  Grand  Councillor  Chao  Shu-ch’iao,  he 
had  never,  to  our  knowledge,  shown  any  hostility  to  foreigners, 
and  when  we  despatched  him  on  a special  mission  to  confer 
with  the  Boxers,  the  report  which  he  submitted  on  his 
return  showed  no  signs  of  sympathy  with  their  proceedings.3 
Nevertheless,  he  was  undoubtedly  careless,  and  we  therefore, 
acting  in  leniency,  decree  that  he  be  cashiered  and  imprisoned 
pending  decapitation.4 

“ The  Grand  Secretary  Hsu  T’ung  and  Li  Ping-heng,  our 


1 It  was  because  of  Tung  Fu-hsiang’s  great  popularity  in  Kansu  that  Her 
Majesty,  fearing  another  rebellion,  hesitated  to  order  his  execution. 

2 This  sentence  is  equivalent  to  imprisonment  for  life. 

3 See  Ching  Shan’s  Diary,  page  258  ; also  cf.  page  324. 

4 The  Empress  Dowager  was  from  the  outset  most  anxious  to  screen  and 
protect  this  official,  for  whom  she  had  a great  personal  regard.  On  reviewing 
his  case  in  the  light  of  later  information  and  current  public  opinion,  it  would 
appear  that  most  of  his  actions  were  instigated,  if  not  ordered,  by  Kang  Yi, 
and  that  the  decision  of  the  foreign  Ministers  to  insist  upon  his  death  was 
taken  without  any  very  definite  information  as  to  his  share  of  guilt. 

366 


HOW  THE  BOXER  LEADERS  DIED 


Assistant  Commander-in-Chief,  have  both  committed 
suicide,  but  as  their  behaviour  has  been  very  severely 
criticised,  we  order  that  they  be  deprived  of  their  ranks  ; and 
all  posthumous  honours  granted  to  them  are  hereby 
cancelled. 

“ The  Ministers  of  the  friendly  Powers  can  no  longer  fail 
to  recognise  that  the  Boxer  Rebellion  was  indeed  the  work 
of  these  guilty  officials,  and  that  it  was  in  no  way  due  to 
any  action  or  wishes  on  the  part  of  the  Throne.  In  the 
punishment  of  these  offenders  we  have  displayed  no 
leniency,  from  which  all  our  subjects  may  learn  how  grave 
has  been  the  recent  crisis.'' 

As  the  terms  of  this  Decree  still  failed  to  satisfy 
the  foreign  Ministers,  especially  as  regards  the  sentences 
passed  on  Prince  Tuan  and  Duke  Lan,  another  Decree,  a 
week  later,  ordered  that  both  these  Manchu  leaders  should 
be  imprisoned  pending  decapitation,  a sentence  which  was 
eventually  reduced  to  one  of  perpetual  banishment  to 
Turkestan.  Posthumous  decapitation,  a grievous  disgrace 
in  the  eyes  of  Chinese  officials,  was  decreed  as  a further 
punishment  upon  Kang  Yi,  while  Chao  Shu-ch'iao  and  Ying 
Nien  were  ordered  to  commit  suicide.  Finally,  the  Grand 
Councillor  Ch’i  Hsiu,  and  a son  of  the  Grand  Secretary 
Hsu  T’ung  (who  had  closely  followed  in  his  father’s 
footsteps  as  the  most  violent  opponent  of  everything 
foreign),  were  sentenced  to  decapitation,  and  were  duly  ' 
executed  at  Peking. 

In  compliance  with  the  last  demands  of  the  Foreign 
Ministers,  a final  Decree,  the  wording  of  which  points 
clearly  to  reluctant  action  under  compulsion,  restored  the 
ranks  and  honours  of  the  five  officials  who  had  been 
executed  for  advising  Her  Majesty  against  the  Boxers.  To 
revise  this  sentence  without  leaving  them  under  some 
imputation  of  blame  would  have  involved  most  undesirable 
loss  of  “ face,”  and  the  Decree  therefore  observes  : — 

“ When  we  urged  these  officials,  at  a general  audience  of 

367 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


all  our  Ministers,  to  state  their  views  definitely,  so  that  we 
might  judge  fairly  of  the  issues,  they  expressed  themselves 
hesitatingly,  and  our  evil-disposed  Princes  and  advisers  were 
thus  able  to  take  advantage  of  their  apparent  indecision. 
This  was  the  cause  of  their  undoing.  They  were  impeached 
on  all  sides,  and  were  eventually  decapitated.  We  recall  to 
mind  the  fact  that  these  five  officials  always  showed  con- 
siderable ability  in  handling  diplomatic  questions,  and,  as  a 
mark  of  our  favour,  we  therefore  restore  to  them  their 
original  rank.” 


The  Death  of  Chao  Shu-ch’ iao. — This  Grand  Councillor, 
one  of  the  Empress’s  favourite  Ministers,  whom  to  the  last 
she  endeavoured  to  protect  from  execution,  was  originally 
sentenced  only  to  imprisonment  for  life.  He  was  confined 
in  the  prison  of  the  Provincial  Judge  at  Hsi-an,  where  his 
family  were  allowed  to  visit  him.  On  the  day  before  the  issue 
of  the  Decree  which  sentenced  him  to  imprisonment,  the 
Old  Buddha  had  said,  at  a meeting  of  the  Grand  Council, 
“ I do  not  really  believe  that  Chao  sympathised  in  the 
very  least  with  the  Boxers  ; the  error  that  he  made  lay  in 
under-estimating  the  seriousness  of  the  movement.”  This 
was  reported  to  Chao,  who  was  naturally  much  elated,  and 
believed  that  his  life  would  surely  be  spared.  A few  days 
later,  however,  it  was  freely  rumoured  that  the  foreign 
Powers  were  insisting  upon  his  decapitation,  and  the  news 
created  the  greatest  excitement  throughout  the  city,  which 
was  his  native  place.  Some  three  hundred  of  the  chief  men  of 
the  city  having  drawn  up  a monster  petition,  proceeded  with 
it  to  the  office  of  the  Grand  Council,  and  begged,  in  the 
name  of  the  whole  community,  that  his  life  be  spared.  The 
Grand  Councillors  were  afraid  to  take  the  petition  to  Her 
Majesty,  but,  in  reply  to  the  deputation,  the  President  of  the 
Board  of  Punishments  (who  was  related  to  Chao)  declared 
that  his  execution  would  be  an  act  of  monstrous  injustice. 

On  the  first  day  of  the  New  Year,  these  rumours  took 
more  definite  shape,  and  on  that  day  Her  Majesty’s  audience 

368 


HOW  THE  BOXER  LEADERS  DIED 


with  the  Grand  Council  lasted  from  six  to  eleven  in  the 
morning ; but  even  then  no  decision  had  been  come  to  in 
regard  to  complying  with  the  demand  for  Chao’s  execution. 
Throughout  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Drum  Tower  the 
streets  were  packed  with  a huge  crowd,  who  threatened  that 
they  would  certainly  rescue  Chao  if  he  were  taken  out  for 
execution.  So  great  was  the  clamour  that  the  Grand 
Council  feared  a riot,  and  they  determined,  therefore,  to  beg 
Her  Majesty  to  permit  Chao  to  commit  suicide.  This  was 
done,  and  Tzii  Hsi  reluctantly  agreeing,  issued  the  Decree 
at  one  o’clock  on  the  following  morning,  which  fixed  the 
hour  for  reporting  his  death  to  Her  Majesty  at  five  o’clock 
in  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day.  Governor  Ts’en  was 
ordered  to  proceed  to  the  prison,  and  read  the  Decree  to 
Chao,  which  he  did  in  due  form.  After  hearing  it  in  silence 
to  the  end,  Chao  asked  : “ Will  there  be  no  further  Decree  ? ” 
“ No,”  said  Ts’en.  “ Surely,  there  must  be,”  said  Chao.  At 
this  his  wife,  intervening,  said,  “ There  is  no  hope  ; let  us 
die  together  ! ” She  then  gave  him  poison,  of  which  he  took 
a little,  but  up  till  3 p.m.  it  appeared  to  have  had  no  effect 
whatsoever,  for  he  seemed  most  vigorous,  and  discussed  at 
great  length  with  his  family  the  arrangements  to  be  made 
for  his  funeral.  He  was  much  exercised  in  mind  at  the 
effect  which  his  death  would  have  upon  the  health  of  his 
aged  mother.  All  day  long  his  room  was  crowded  by  friends 
and  colleagues  ; the  Governor  had  endeavoured  at  first  to 
prevent  their  coming,  but  had  eventually  yielded,  so  that 
the  number  of  those  present  was  very  large.  Chao,  address- 
ing them,  said : “ I have  been  brought  to  this  pass  entirely 
by  the  fault  of  Kang  Yi.”  The  Governor,  observing  that 
his  voice  sounded  clear  and  firm,  and  that,  at  this  hour,  there 
were  no  signs  of  impending  death  about  him,  ordered  one  of 
the  attendants  to  give  him  some  opium  to  swallow.  At 
5 o’clock,  the  opium  having  apparently  taken  no  effect,  the 
attendants  were  ordered  to  give  him  a liberal  dose  of  arsenic, 
after  which  he  rolled  over  on  to  the  ground,  and  lay  there. 

369  b b 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


groaning  and  beating  his  breast  with  his  hands.  Later, 
complaining  of  extreme  pain,  he  asked  that  friction  might 
be  applied  to  his  chest,  but  so  strong  was  his  constitution, 
and  so  determined  his  will,  that  even  at  11  o’clock  it  was 
evident  that  there  was  still  no  little  life  left  in  him.  The 
Governor  was  much  disturbed  and  distressed,  being  well 
aware  that  the  Old  Buddha  would  require  some  adequate 
explanation  of  this  long  delay  in  the  execution  of  her  orders. 
‘ I was  to  report  his  death  at  5 o’clock,”  said  he,  “ the  man 
will  not  die  : what  is  to  be  done  ? ” The  attendants  suggested 
that  he  should  screw  up  some  pieces  of  thick  paper,  dip 
them  in  strong  spirit,  and  with  them  close  the  breathing 
passages ; by  this  means  he  would  be  speedily  suffocated. 
Ts’en  approved  of  the  suggestion,  and  after  five  wads  of 
paper  had  been  inserted,  death  ensued.  His  wife,  weeping 
bitterly,  thereupon  committed  suicide.  To  the  end,  Chao 
could  not  believe  that  the  Empress  Dowager  would  allow 
his  death,  and  for  this  reason  it  is  probable  that  he  purposely 
took  an  insufficient  dose  of  opium  in  order  to  gain  time  for 
a reprieve. 

The  Death  of  Prince  Chuang. — Prince  Chuang,  with  his 
concubine  and  son,  went  to  Pu  Chou,  in  South  Shansi,  there 
to  await  the  decision  of  the  Empress  Dowager  as  to  his  fate. 
He  lodged  in  an  official  house  of  entertainment.  When  Ko 
Pao-hua,  the  Imperial  Commissioner,  brought  thither  the 
Decree  commanding  him  to  commit  suicide,  it  was  early  in 
the  morning  ; nevertheless,  upon  his  arrival,  crackers  were 
fired,  in  accordance  with  etiquette,  to  greet  him.  The  noise 
greatly  irritated  Prince  Chuang,  who  turned  savagely  upon 
the  attendants,  and  asked  what  they  meant  by  making  such 
a noise  at  such  an  hour.  “ An  Imperial  Commissioner  has 
arrived,”  they  said.  “ Has  he  come  about  me  ? ” asked  the 
Prince.  “ No,”  they  replied,  “ he  is  merely  passing  through 
on  business.  ' When  the  Imperial  Commissioner  was 
ushered  in,  the  Prince  began  to  ply  him  with  questions 
about  the  Court,  to  which  Ko  briefly  replied.  After  talking 

870 


HOW  THE  BOXER  LEADERS  DIED 


for  a little  while  Ko  went  off  to  inspect  the  premises,  at  the 
back  of  which  he  found  an  old  temple,  in  which  he  selected 
an  unoccupied  room  to  be  the  scene  of  Prince  Chuang’s 
suicide.  From  a beam  in  the  roof  lie  hung  a silken  cord, 
and,  after  fastening  it  securely,  he  directed  the  Prefect  and 
the  District  Magistrate  to  send  some  soldiers  to  keep  order. 
Having  made  these  preparations  he  returned  to  the  presence 
of  the  Prince,  and  informing  him  that  lie  had  an  Imperial 
Decree  to  read  to  him,  ordered  him  to  go  down  on  his 
knees  to  hear  it.  The  Prince,  drawing  himself  up  to  his  full 
height,  said,  “ Is  it  my  head  that  you  want  ? ” The  Imperial 
Commissioner  made  no  direct  reply,  but  proceeded  to  read 
the  Decree  to  the  Prince,  who  reverently  knelt.1  When 
the  Commissioner  had  finished,  “So  it  is  suicide,”  said  the 
Prince,  “ I always  expected  they  would  not  be  content  with 
anything  less  than  my  life.  I greatly  fear  that  even  our 

Old  Buddha  will  not  be  allowed  to  last  much  longer.” 

He  next  asked  the  Imperial  Commissioner  to  be  per- 
mitted to  bid  farewell  to  his  family,  which  was  allowed 
him.  At  this  moment,  his  concubine  and  his  son,  having 
learned  of  the  Imperial  Commissioner’s  business,  entered 
the  room.  The  Prince,  addressing  his  son,  said : — 

“ Remember  that  it  is  your  duty  to  do  everything  in 

your  power  for  your  country  ; at  all  costs,  these  foreigners 
must  not  be  allowed  to  possess  themselves  of  the  glorious 
Empire  won  for  us  by  our  ancestors.”2  His  son,  bitterly 
weeping,  could  not  reply,  while  his  concubine  passed  from 
frantic  grief  to  a swoon.  The  Prince,  unmoved,  asked : — 
“ Where  is  the  death  chamber  ? ” The  Imperial  Com- 
missioner replied  : — “ Will  your  Highness  please  to  come  to 
the  empty  room  at  the  back  of  the  house.”  When  the 
Prince,  following  him,  saw  the  silken  cord  hanging  from  the 
beam,  he  turned  and  said: — “Your  Excellency  has  indeed 
made  most  admirable  and  complete  arrangements.”  With 

1 In  accordance  with  prescribed  custom. 

2 He  was  directly  descended  from  Nurhachu,  the  conqueror  of  the  Mings, 

371  b b 2 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


these  words  he  passed  the  cord  around  his  neck,  and  in 
a very  few  minutes  life  was  extinct. 

The  Death  of  Ying  Nien. — Ying  Nien  was  an  arrant 
coward.  On  the  day  of  the  issue  of  the  first  Decree, 
ordering  his  imprisonment  at  Hsi-an,  his  family  deserted  him, 
and  he  remained  all  through  the  night,  weeping,  in  great 
distress  of  mind.  To  his  attendants  he  complained  bitterly 
that  Prince  Ch’ing  had  not  intervened  to  protect  him.  The 
next  day  was  the  New  Year  Festival,  and  as  everybody  was 
busy  with  preparations  for  the  occasion,  little  heed  was  paid 
to  him,  and  he  spent  the  day  weeping.  Towards  midnight 
his  crying  suddenly  ceased,  and  on  the  following  morning  he 
was  found  by  his  servant,  prone  upon  the  ground,  his  face 
covered  with  mud,  quite  dead.  He  had  choked  himself 
by  swallowing  mud,  but  as  the  Decree  ordering  him  to 
commit  suicide  had  not  actually  been  issued,  the  fact  of  his 
death  was  suppressed  for  forty-eight  hours,  after  which 
Governor  Ts’en  was  informed,  and  he  reported  it  to  the  Old 
Buddha. 

The  Decapitation  of  Yu  Hsien. — When  the  Decree, 
commanding  his  decapitation,  reached  Yu  Hsien,  he  had 
already  started  under  escort  for  his  place  of  banishment,  but 
he  was  a sick  man  and  could  only  totter  weakly  along. 
On  learning  the  news,  he  appeared  as  one  dazed,  a very 
different  man  indeed  from  that  fierce  Governor  of  Shansi, 
who  had  displayed  such  bloodthirsty  activity.  On  the  day 
before  his  death  he  was  very  seriously  ill,  and  when  the 
time  came,  he  was  so  weak  that  he  had  to  be  supported 
to  the  execution  ground.  On  the  previous  day  the  leading 
citizens  of  Lan-chou  fu  expressed  their  desire  to  offer  him 
a valedictory  banquet,  but  he  declined  the  honour  with 
thanks,  expressing  his  wish  to  spend  his  last  day  in  quietude. 
He  wrote  a pair  of  scrolls  as  an  expression  of  his  gratitude 
for  the  courtesy  thus  shown  to  him,  and  the  elders  of 
the  city  decided  and  informed  him  that  the  execution 
ground  would  be  decorated  with  red  cloth,  as  for  a festival. 

372 


HOW  THE  BOXER  LEADERS  DIED 


in  his  honour.  Towards  evening,  notices  were  placarded  in 
the  principal  streets,  calling  on  the  people  to  insist  upon  his 
being  reprieved,  but  Yii  Hsien  knew  that  this  was  quite 
useless.  He  composed  a statement  of  his  actions  in  the 
form  of  an  official  proclamation,  maintaining  stoutly  that  his 
death  was  to  he  regarded  as  a glorious  and  patriotic  end,  and 
bidding  the  people  on  no  account  to  interfere  with  the 
execution  of  his  sentence.  Finally  he  wrote,  with  his  own 
hand,  a pair  of  valedictory  scrolls,  the  text  of  which  was 
widely  quoted  after  his  death  all  over  China.  The  first  may 
be  translated  as  follows  : — 

“ The  Minister  dies  for  his  Sovereign  ; wives  and  concubines 
die  for  their  lord.  Who  shall  say  that  this  is  unseemly  ? It 
is  sad  that  my  aged  mother  is  ninety  years  of  age,  and  my 
little  daughter  only  seven.  Who  shall  protect  them  in  their 
old  age  and  tender  youth  ? How  shall  that  filial  piety  he 
fulfilled  which  a man  owes  to  his  parent  ? The  Sovereign 
commanded,  and  the  Minister  obeyed.  I slew  others  ; now, 
in  my  turn,  am  1 slain.  Why  should  I regret  it  ? Only  one 
cause  for  shame  have  I — that  I have  served  my  Sovereign 
all  these  years,  and  have  held  high  rank  in  three  provinces, 
without  displaying  merit  more  conspicuous  than  a grain  of 
sand  in  the  desert  or  a drop  of  water  in  the  ocean.  Alas, 
that  I should  thus  unworthily  requite  the  Imperial  bounty.” 

And  the  second  reads  : — 

“ The  Minister  has  by  his  guilt  incurred  the  sentence  of 
decapitation.  At  this  moment  there  is  no  thought  in  my 
mind  except  the  hope  that  my  death  may  be  as  glorious  as 
my  life  has  been  honest.1  I would  far  rather  die  than  pine 
away  the  rest  of  my  life  in  degrading  imprisonment.  I have 

1 This  was  no  empty  boast.  Yii  Hsien,  cold-blooded  fanatic  that  he  was, 
bore  a most  honourable  name  for  absolute  integrity  and  contempt  for  wealth. 
He  died  in  poverty,  so  miserable,  that  amongst  all  his  clothes  there  was  not 
one  suit  new  enough  to  be  fittingly  used  for  his  burial  robes.  His  name  is 
still  held  in  high  honour  by  the  people  of  Shansi,  who  sing  the  praises  of 
his  Governorship,  and  who  claim  that  his  proud  spirit  it  was  which  protected 
their  Province  from  being  invaded  by  the  foreigners.  They  erected  a shrine 
to  his  memory,  but  it  was  demolished  to  appease  the  foreign  Powers. 

373 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 

ill-requited  Her  Majesty’s  kindness.  Who  shall  now  relieve 
her  grief?  I sincerely  hope  that  you,  the  Statesmen  who 
surround  the  Throne,  may  yet  find  means  to  restore  our 
fallen  fortunes,  and  that  you  will  honourably  fulfil  your 
bounden  duty  in  ministering  to  the  distress  of  their  Imperial 
Majesties.” 

On  the  following  day,  at  one  o’clock  of  the  afternoon, 
Yu  Hsien’s  head  was  severed  from  his  body,  in  the  presence 
of  a great  crowd,  which  greeted  his  end  with  sounds  of 
lamentation. 

The  Death  of  Ch’i  Hsiu. — Ch’i  Hsiu  was  executed,  together 
with  Hsu  Ching-yu,  outside  the  wall  of  the  Tartar  city,  in 
Peking,  early  one  morning  in  February,  1901,  the  execution 
being  witnessed  by  more  than  one  European.  When  in- 
formed that  he  was  to  die,  Ch’i  Hsiu’s  only  question  was  : 
“ By  whose  commands  ? ” and  when  told  that  a Decree  had 
come  from  Hsi-an  fu,  he  said,  “ It  is  by  the  will  of  the 
Empress  Dowager ; I die  happy  then,  so  long  as  it  is  not  by 
order  of  the  foreigners.”  This  Grand  Councillor  had  been 
arrested  several  months  before  by  the  Japanese,  and  Prince 
Ch’ing  had  been  able  to  obtain  his  release  on  the  ground  that 
his  aged  mother  was  very  ill ; but  when  she  subsequently 
died,  he  strongly  advised  Ch’i  Hsiu  “to  make  his  filial 
piety  coincide  with  his  loyalty  by  committing  suicide.” 
Coming  from  Prince  Ch’ing,  the  suggestion  was  one  hardly 
to  be  misunderstood,  but  Ch’i  Hsiu  failed  to  act  upon  it, 
thereby  incurring  a certain  amount  of  criticism. 


374 


XXII 


THE  OLD  BUDDHA  PENITENT 

When  the  wrath  of  the  Powers  had  been  appeased  by  the 
death  and  banishment  of  the  leading  Boxers,  and  when  the 
Empress  Dowager  had  come  to  realise  that  her  future  policy 
must  be  one  of  conciliation  and  reform,  she  proceeded  first 
of  all  to  adjust  the  annals  of  her  reign  for  the  benefit  of 
posterity,  in  the  following  remarkable  Edict  (13th  February, 
1901):— 

“ In  the  summer  of  last  year,  the  Boxers,  after  bringing 
about  a state  of  war,  took  possession  of  our  Capital  and 
dominated  the  very  Throne  itself.  The  Decrees  issued 
at  that  time  were  the  work  of  wicked  Princes  and  Ministers 
of  State,  who,  taking  advantage  of  the  chaotic  condition  of 
affairs,  did  not  hesitate  to  issue  documents  under  the 
Imperial  seal,  which  were  quite  contrary  to  our  wishes.  We 
have  on  more  than  one  previous  occasion  hinted  indirectly 
at  the  extraordinary  difficulty  of  the  position  in  which  we 
were  placed,  and  which  left  us  no  alternative  but  to  act  as 
we  did.  Our  officials  and  subjects  should  have  no  difficulty 
in  reading  between  the  lines  and  appreciating  our  meaning. 

“We  have  now  punished  all  the  guilty,  and  we  hereby 
order  that  the  Grand  Secretariat  shall  submit  for  our  perusal 
all  Decrees  issued  between  the  24th  day  of  the  5th  moon  and 
the  20th  day  of  the  7th  moon  (20th  June  to  14th  August),  so 
that  all  spurious  or  illegal  documents  may  be  withdrawn  and 
cancelled.  Thus  shall  historical  accuracy  be  attained  and 
our  Imperial  utterances  receive  the  respect  to  which  they 
are  properly  entitled.” 


375 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


Having  thus  secured  the  respect  of  posterity,  Tzu  Hsi 
proceeded  to  make  the  “ amende  honorable,”  (with  due 
regard  to  the  Imperial  “ face,”)  for  so  many  of  her  sins  as 
she  was  prepared  to  admit.  In  another  Decree,  in  the 
name  of  the  Emperor,  which  gives  a Munchausen  account 
of  the  Throne’s  part  and  lot  in  the  crisis  of  1900,  and  a 
pathetic  description  of  her  own  and  the  Emperor’s  sufferings 
during  the  flight,  she  makes  solemn  confession  of  error  and 
promise  of  reform.  As  an  example  of  the  manner  in  which 
history  is  made  in  China,  the  Edict  is  of  permanent  interest 
and  value. 


“A  Penitential  Decree 

“ 2 6th  day,  12 th  moon  of  Kuanqhsu’s  2 6th  year 
{Feb.  13  th,  1901). 

“ Last  summer  the  Boxers  sowed  the  seeds  of  rebellion, 
which  led  to  our  being  invoked  in  a war  with  friendly 
Powers.  Thereafter,  our  Capital  being  thrown  into  a state 
of  great  disorder,  we  escorted  the  Empress  Dowager,  our 
mother,  on  a progress  of  inspection  throughout  the  Western 
Provinces.  To  Prince  Ch’ing  and  to  the  Grand  Secretary 
Li  Hung-chang  we  entrusted  full  powers,  and  bade  them 
negotiate  with  the  foreign  Ministers  for  the  cessation  of 
hostilities  and  a Treaty  of  peace.  These  Plenipotentiaries 
having  lately  telegraphed  to  us  the  twelve  principal  clauses 
of  the  proposed  protocol,  we  have  consented  thereto,  but  at 
the  same  time  have  instructed  them  carefully  to  scrutinise 
their  various  provisions  in  the  light  of  China’s  ability  to 
fulfil  them. 

“ It  having  been  accorded  to  us  to  retrieve  our  disastrous 
mistakes,  we  are  in  duty  bound  to  promulgate  this  Peni- 
tential Decree,  and  to  let  every  one  of  our  subjects  know  how 
vast  and  harassing  were  the  perplexities  with  which  the 
Throne  has  been  beset. 

“ There  are  ignorant  persons  who  believe  that  the  recent 
crisis  was  partly  caused  by  our  government’s  support  of  the 
Boxers  ; they  must  have  overlooked  our  reiterated  Decrees 
of  the  5th  and  6th  moons,  that  the  Boxers  should  be  exter- 


376 


THE  OLD  BUDDHA  PENITENT 


minuted,  and  the  Christians  protected.  Unfortunately  these 
rebels  and  their  evil  associates  placed  us  in  a position  from 
which  it  was  impossible  to  escape ; we  exhausted  every 
possible  effort  of  strong  remonstrance,  appalled  at  the  im- 
pending ruin  of  our  Empire.  Events  moved  swiftly  until, 
on  the  21st  of  the  7th  moon,  our  Capital  fell ; on  that  day, 
both  Her  Majesty  the  Empress  Dowager  and  ourselves 
decided  to  commit  suicide  in  the  presence  of  the  tutelary 
deities  of  our  Dynasty  and  the  gods  of  the  soil,  thus  making 
atonement  and  offering  propitiation  to  the  spirits  of  our  nine 
Imperial  ancestors.  But,  at  the  critical  moment  of  dire 
lamentation  and  confusion,  we  were  seized  by  our  Princes 
and  Ministers,  and  forcibly  led  away  from  that  place  where 
bullets  fell  like  rain,  and  where  the  enemies’  guns  gathered 
thick  as  forest  trees.  Hastily,  and  with  soids  perturbed,  we 
started  on  our  Western  tour.  Were  not  all  these  disasters 
caused  by  the  Boxers  ? The  imminent  danger  of  her  sacred 
Majesty,  the  overwhelming  ruin  of  our  ancestors’ inheritance, 
our  prosperous  Capital  turned  to  a howling  wilderness,  its 
ravines  filled  with  the  dead  bodies  of  our  greatest  men  : how 
can  it  possibly  be  said  that  the  Throne  could  protect  the 
rebels  who  brought  such  disasters  upon  us  ? 

“ There  was,  however,  an  explicable  cause  for  the 
Boxer  movement  and  for  its  disastrous  results.”  (The 
Decree  proceeds  here  to  ascribe  blame  to  local  Magistrates 
for  not  administering  even  justice  between  Christians 
and  non- Christians,  and  thus  producing  a state  oj 
discontent  and  unrest,  which  afforded  opportunities  to  the 
Boxers.  The  latter  received  a further  impetus  by  reason  of 
the  inefficiency  of  the  Imperial  troops  sent  to  quell  the  first 
nsing.  Finally,  references  are  made  to  the  evil  advice  and 
ignorance  of  the  highly  placed  clansmen  and  Ministers  of 
State  who  favoured  the  Boxer  cause.  This  Decree  is  in  fact  a 
complete  justification  of  the  views  expressed  in  the  three 
memorials  by  Yiian  Ch'ang  and  Hsii  Ching-cli  eng , for  which 
these  patriotic  officials  laid  down  their  lives.  After 
describing  the  entry  of  the  Boxers  into  Peking,  and  lamenting 
the  position  of  the  Throne  as  resembling  “ a tail  which  is  too 
big  to  wag,”  the  Decree  proceeds)  : — “Nevertheless,  and  while 
the  Legations  were  being  besieged,  we  repeatedly  directed  our 

377 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


Ministers  of  the  Tsungli  Yamen  to  put  a stop  to  hostilities, 
and  at  the  same  time  to  keep  up  communication  with  the 
foreign  Ministers,  assuring  them  of  our  kindly  and  sympa- 
thetic regard.  This  latter  order,  however,  was  not  carried 
out  because  of  the  continuous  artillery  and  rifle  fire  between 
the  besiegers  and  the  besieged,  and  it  was  impossible  for  us, 
under  such  conditions,  to  insist  upon  its  execution. 
Supposing,  by  some  horrible  fatality,  the  Legations  had 
actually  fallen,  how  could  China  have  hoped  to  preserve  her 
integrity  ? To  the  Throne’s  strenuous  efforts  is  really  due 
the  avoidance  of  such  a dreadful  catastrophe,  and  the  gifts 
of  wine,  fruit  and  water-melons  to  the  besieged  Legations, 
were  an  indication  of  Her  Majesty’s  benevolent  intentions. 
It  was  but  natural  and  right  that  the  friendly  Powers  should 
appreciate  these  our  feelings,  and  the  fact  that  at  such  a 
crisis  they  have  respected  the  integrity  of  our  Empire  as  a 
Sovereign  State,  goes  to  prove  that  the  Allies  attribute  no 
longer  any  blame  to  the  Throne.  This,  however,  only  adds 
to  our  wrath  at  the  ignorance  and  violence  of  our  offending 
subjects ; when  we  look  back  upon  the  past,  we  are  filled 
with  shame  and  indignation.  We  are  convinced  that,  in 
these  peace  negotiations,  the  foreign  Powers  will  not 
attempt  to  extract  from  us  more  than  we  are  able  to 
concede.  We  have  ordered  Prince  Ch’ing  and  Li  Hung- 
chang,  negotiating  this  Treaty,  to  continue  patiently  in 
friendly  discussion,  maintaining  all  questions  of  vital 
principle,  while  recognising  the  special  circumstances  which 
attach  to  any  given  case.  Foreign  Powers  are  lovers  of 
justice,  and  they  are  bound  to  consider  what  China  is 
capable  of  doing  if  they  wish  to  see  this  negotiation  brought 
to  a successful  conclusion.  To  this  end  we  expect  that  our 
Plenipotentiaries  will  display  their  virtue  of  patriotism  to 
the  very  best  of  their  ability. 

“ At  the  time  of  the  terror  in  Peking,  our  provincial 
authorities  were  ordered  to  keep  the  peace  in  their  respective 
provinces,  and  to  take  no  part  in  provoking  hostilities.  If 
the  Southern  and  Eastern  parts  of  our  Empire  enjoyed  full 
protection  from  disorders,  the  fact  was  solely  due  to  our 
Decrees,  which  insisted  upon  the  rigid  maintenance  of 
peace.  The  trade  of  foreign  Powers  was  in  no  way  injured. 

378 


THE  OLD  BUDDHA  PENITENT 


our  Viceroys  and  Governors  being  able  to  preserve  normal 
conditions  in  those  parts  of  our  Empire.  As  regards  the 
Southern  provinces,  however,  which  are  always  talking 
loudly  of  strengthening  their  defences,  it  cannot  be  gainsaid 
that,  upon  the  outbreak  of  any  trouble,  they  fall  into  a state 
of  hopeless  confusion.  Caring  nothing  for  the  innumerable 
difficulties  which  beset  our  Throne,  they  stand  idly  by, 
contenting  themselves  with  delivering  oracular  opinions  and 
catch-words,  and  they  even  go  so  far  as  to  reproach  their 
Sovereign,  the  father  of  his  people.  We  would  have 
them  bear  in  mind  that  when  our  Imperial  chariot  departed 
in  haste  from  the  Forbidden  City,  the  moaning  of  the  wind 
and  the  cry  of  the  heron  overhead  seemed  to  our  startled 
ears  as  the  tramp  of  an  advancing  enemy.  As  we  fled 
through  Ch’ang-ping  chou  northward  to  Hsiian-hua,  we 
personally  attended  on  the  wants  of  the  Empress 
Dowager.  We  were  both  clad  in  the  meanest  of  garments, 
and  to  relieve  our  hunger  we  were  scarcely  able  to  obtain  a 
dish  of  beans  or  porridge.  Few  of  our  poorest  subjects 
have  suffered  greater  hardships  of  cold  and  hunger  than 
befell  us  in  this  pitiful  plight.  We  wonder  whether  those 
who  call  themselves  our  faithful  Ministers  and  servants  have 
ever  taken  real  thought  of  their  bounden  duty  towards  their 
afflicted  and  outraged  Sovereigns  ? 

“ To  sum  up  the  matter  in  a word,  is  it  not  the  case  that, 
when  either  our  Statesmen  or  our  people  are  guilty  of  any 
offence,  it  is  upon  our  Imperial  persons  that  the  blame  must 
fall  ? In  recalling  this  fact  to  mind,  we  do  not  desire  to 
rake  up  bygone  offences,  but  rather  because  it  is  our  duty  to 
warn  our  subjects  against  their  repetition.  For  the  past 
twenty  years,  whenever  difficulties  have  arisen  with  foreign 
nations,  it  has  been  our  duty  to  issue  solemn  warnings  and 
reproofs.  But  the  saying  which  is  in  common  use,  that  we 
‘ sleep  on  brushwood  and  taste  gall  ’ has,  by  lapse  of  time, 
become  almost  meaningless ; when  we  talk  of  putting  our 
house  in  order,  and  reforming  our  finances,  the  words  have 
no  real  significance.  The  time  of  danger  once  over,  favouritism 
and  the  neglect  of  public  business  go  on  as  of  old  ; as  of  old, 
money  purchases  rank,  and  the  Throne  continues  to  be 
persistently  misled.  Let  our  officials  ask  themselves  in  the 

379 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


silence  of  the  night  watches  whether,  even  had  there  been 
no  Boxer  rebellion,  China  could  possibly  have  become  a 
great  Power  ? Even  before  these  disasters  occurred  there  was 
great  difficulty  in  maintaining  our  position  as  a nation,  and 
now,  after  this  awful  visitation,  it  must  be  obvious  to  the 
dullest  amongst  us  that  our  weakness  and  poverty  have  been 
greatly  increased.  To  our  Ministers  of  State,  who  have 
received  high  favour  from  the  Throne,  we  would  say  that, 
at  this  time  of  our  nation’s  history,  it  is  essential  to  display 
new  qualities  of  integrity  and  patriotism.  Taxation  should 
now  be  re-arranged  in  such  a manner  as  to  enable  us  to  repay 
the  foreign  indemnities,  while  bearing  in  mind  the  poverty 
of  the  lower  classes  of  the  people.  In  the  selection  of  officials, 
good  character  should  be  considered  the  first  essential,  and 
men  of  talent  should  be  encouraged  to  the  utmost. 

“ The  whole  duty  of  a Minister  of  State  may  be  summed 
up  in  two  words : to  abolish  corrupt  tendencies,  and  to  put 
off  the  abuses  of  former  days.  Justice  and  energy  should 
be  the  principles  guiding  towards  economical  and  military 
efficiency  ; on  this  the  spirit  of  the  nation  and  its  future 
depend  as  upon  its  very  life  blood. 

“For  nearly  thirty  years  our  mother,  the  Empress 
Dowager,  has  laboured  without  ceasing  to  instruct  us  and 
train  us  in  the  right  way,  and  now,  at  one  blow,  all  the 
results  of  her  labour  are  brought  to  nought.  We  cannot 
but  remember  the  abomination  of  desecration  which  has 
overthrown  our  ancestral  shrines  and  the  temples  of  our 
gods.  Looking  to  the  North,  we  think  upon  our  Capital 
ruined  and  profaned,  upon  the  thousands  of  our  highest 
officials  whose  families  have  lost  their  all,  of  the  millions 
of  our  subjects  whose  lives  and  property  have  been  sacrificed 
in  this  cataclysm.  We  can  never  cease  to  reproach  ourselves : 
how  then  should  we  reproach  others  ? Our  object  in  issuing 
this  solemn  warning  is  to  show  that  the  prosperity  or  the 
ruin  of  a State  depends  solely  upon  the  energy  or  apathy 
of  its  rulers  and  people,  and  that  the  weakness  of  an 
Empire  is  the  direct  result  of  rottenness  in  its  administration. 
We  desire  to  reiterate  our  commands  that  friendly  relations 
with  foreign  Powers  are  to  be  encouraged,  that  at  the  same 
time  our  defences  are  to  be  strengthened,  that  freedom  of 


380 


THE  OL1)  BUDDHA  PENITENT 


speech  and  the  employment  of  trustworthy  servants  are  to 
be  encouraged.  We  expect  obedience  to  these  commands, 
and  sincere  patriotism  from  our  subjects.  Earnestly  the 
Empress  Dowager  and  ourselves  pray  that  it  maybe  brought 
home  to  our  Ministers  of  State,  that  only  out  of  suffering 
is  wisdom  developed,  and  that  a sense  of  duty  insists  upon 
unceasing  effort.  Let  this  Decree  be  made  known  through- 
out the  entire  Empire.” 

This  Edict  was  issued  in  February,  coincidently  with  Her 
Majesty’s  acceptance  of  the  conditions  imposed  by  the 
Powers  in  the  peace  negotiations  at  Peking.  From  that 
date  until,  in  June,  the  terms  of  the  Protocol  were  definitely 
settled  by  the  plenipotentiaries,  her  attitude  continued  to  be 
one  of  nervous  apprehension,  while  the  discomfort  of  life  at 
Hsi-an,  as  well  as  the  advice  repeatedly  given  her  by 
Jung  Lu  and  the  provincial  Viceroys,  combined  to  make  her 
look  forward  with  impatience  to  the  day  when  she  might  set 
out  for  her  capital. 

There  remained  only  one  source  of  difficulty,  namely,  the 
presence  of  Prince  Tuan’s  son,  the  Heir  Apparent,  at  her 
Court.  Tzu  Hsi  was  well  aware  that  she  could  hardly  look 
for  cordial  relations  with  the  representatives  of  the  Powers 
at  Peking,  or  for  sympathy  abroad,  so  long  as  this  son  of  the 
Boxer  chief  remained  heir  to  the  Throne.  It  would  clearly 
be  impossible,  in  the  event  of  his  becoming  Emperor,  for 
him  to  consent  to  his  father  remaining  under  sentence  of 
banishment,  and  equally  impossible  to  expect  the  Powers  to 
consent  to  Prince  Tuan’s  rehabilitation  and  return.  Yet  the 
youth  had  been  duly  and  solemnly  appointed  to  succeed  to 
the  Throne,  a thing  not  lightly  to  be  set  aside.  Once  again 
the  Old  Buddha  showed  that  the  sacred  laws  of  succession 
were  less  than  a strong  woman’s  will. 

Politics  apart,  it  was  common  knowledge  that  Tzu  Hsi 
had  for  some  time  repented  of  her  choice  of  Prince  Tuan’s 
ill-mannered,  uncouth  son  as  Heir  Apparent.  More  than 
once  had  she  been  brought  to  shame  by  his  wild,  and  some- 

381 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


times  disgraceful,  conduct.  Even  in  her  presence,  the  lad 
paid  little  heed  to  the  formalities  of  Court  etiquette,  and 
none  at  all  to  the  dignity  of  his  own  rank  and  future  position. 
Tzu  Hsi  was  therefore  probably  not  sorry  of  the  excuse  for 
deposing  him  from  that  high  estate.  In  the  Decree 
cancelling  his  title  to  the  Throne,  she  observed  that  his 
father,  Prince  Tuan,  had  brought  the  Empire  to  the  verge 
of  ruin,  and  that  the  guilt  which  he  had  thus  incurred 
towards  his  august  ancestors  could  never  be  wiped  out.  In 
order  to  save  the  “ face  ” of  the  Heir  Apparent  and  her  own, 
in  a difficult  position,  the  Edict  describes  him  as  being  fully 
convinced  of  the  impossibility  of  his  succeeding  to  the 
Throne  under  existing  conditions,  and  that  he  himself  had 
therefore  petitioned  Her  Majesty  to  cancel  her  previous 
decision.  In  granting  this  request  and  directing  him  to 
remove  himself  forthwith  from  the  Palace  precincts,  the 
Empress  conferred  upon  him  the  rank  of  an  Imperial  Duke 
of  the  lowest  grade,  excusing  him  at  the  same  time  from 
performance  of  any  official  duties  in  that  capacity.  By  this 
decision  she  meant  to  mark  the  contempt  into  which  the 
Heir  Apparent  had  fallen,  for  the  rank  thus  granted  him 
was  a low  one,  and,  without  any  official  duties  or  salary,  he 
was  condemned  to  a life  of  poverty  and  obscurity.  This 
fallen  Heir  to  the  Dragon  Throne  is  a well-known  figure 
to-day  in  the  lowest  haunts  of  the  Chinese  City  at  Peking : 
a drunkard  and  disreputable  character,  living  the  life  of 
a gambler,  notorious  only  as  a swashbuckler  of  romantic 
past  and  picturesque  type, — one  who,  but  for  adverse 
fate  and  the  accursed  foreigner,  would  have  been  Emperor 
of  China  at  this  moment. 

Having  deposed  him,  the  Empress  let  it  be  known  that 
the  selection  of  an  heir  to  the  disconsolate  shade  of  T'ung- 
Chih  would  be  postponed  “ until  a suitable  candidate  should 
be  found,”  an  intimation  generally  understood  to  mean  that 
the  vital  question  of  providing  an  heir  in  legitimate  and 
proper  succession  to  the  Throne  could  not  well  be  determined 

382 


THE  OLD  BUDDHA  PENITENT 


until  China’s  foreign  relations,  as  well  as  her  internal  affairs, 
had  been  placed  upon  a basis  of  greater  security.  It  is 
curious  to  note  how,  in  all  such  utterances,  it  appears  to 
have  been  tacitly  understood  that  the  Emperor  Kuang  Hsu 
was  a “ bad  life. 

Thus,  in  exile,  the  Old  Buddha  wore  philosophically  the 
white  sheet  of  penance  and  burned  the  candle  of  expiation, 
preparatory  to  re-entering  anon  upon  a new  lease  of  power 
in  that  Peking  where,  as  she  well  knew,  the  memory  of  the 
foreigner  is  short  and  his  patience  long.  In  June,  1901,  the 
terms  of  peace  were  settled  ; on  the  7th  September  the 
Peace  Protocol  was  solemnly  signed  by  the  representatives  of 
all  the  Powers,  that  “ monument  of  collective  inefficiency  ” 
which  was  to  sow  the  seeds  of  trouble  to  last  for  many 
years  to  come.  At  Hsi-an  “ in  the  profound  seclusion  of  the 
Palace  ” she  knew  remorse,  not  unstimulated  by  fear ; on 
the  return  journey  to  her  capital  (from  20th  October,  1901, 
to  6th  January,  1902),  while  preparing  her  arts  and  graces  to 
captivate  the  barbarian,  she  was  still  a victim  to  doubt  and 
apprehension.  Meanwhile,  at  Peking,  the  mandarin  world, 
reassured  by  the  attitude  of  the  peace  negotiators  and  their 
terms,  was  fast  shedding  its  garments  of  fear  and  peacocking 
as  of  yore,  in  renewed  assurance  of  its  own  indisputable 
superiority.  Evidence  of  this  spirit  was  to  be  met  with  on 
all  sides,  gradually  coming  to  its  fine  flower  in  the  subsequent 
negotiations  for  the  revision  of  the  commercial  Treaties,  and 
bringing  home  once  more,  to  those  who  study  these  things, 
the  unalterable  truth  of  the  discovery  made  years  ago  by  one 
of  the  earliest  British  representatives  in  China,  namely,  that 
“ this  people  yields  nothing  to  reason  and  everything  to 
fear.” 

One  of  the  most  remarkable  instances  of  this  revival  of 
the  mandarin’s  traditional  arrogance  of  superiority  occurred, 
significantly  enough,  in  connection  with  the  penitential 
mission  of  the  Emperor’s  brother,  Prince  Chun  (now 
Regent),  to  Berlin,  an  episode  which  threatened  for  a 

383 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


moment  to  lead  to  a rupture  between  Germany  and  China. 
By  Article  1 of  the  Peace  Protocol,  Prince  Ch’un  had  been 
specially  designated  for  this  mission  to  convey  in  person  to 
the  German  Emperor  the  regrets  of  the  Chinese  Government 
for  the  murder  of  Baron  von  Ketteler.  He  left  Peking1  for 
the  purpose  on  the  12th  July,  1901,  with  definite  instructions 
as  to  the  manner  in  which  the  Chinese  Government’s  regrets 
were  to  be  expressed.  The  German  Emperor’s  proposals  as 
to  the  form  of  ceremony  to  be  followed  in  this  matter  were 
regarded  by  Prince  Ch’un  as  incompatible  with  his  instruc- 
tions, and  it  will  be  remembered  that,  after  some  hesitation 
on  the  part  of  the  German  Government,  the  Chinese  policy 
of  passive  resistance  eventually  carried  the  day.  The 
following  telegraphic  correspondence  on  the  subject  is  of 
permanent  interest.  Prince  Ch’un  (whose  personal  name  is 
Tsai  Feng)  telegraphed  from  Germany  on  the  26th  Sep- 
tember to  the  Peace  Plenipotentiaries,  Prince  Ch’ing  and  Li 
H ung-chang,  as  follows : — 

“ I have  duly  received  the  Grand  Council’s  message,  and 
note  that  I am  commanded  to  act  as  circumstances  may 
require,  and  that  a middle  course  is  suggested  as  expedient. 
I fully  appreciate  the  intelligent  caution  of  your  policy,  and 
fortunately  had  already  taken  steps  to  act  in  the  sense 
indicated.  On  the  1 4th  of  this  moon  the  German  Emperor 
had  given  orders  to  stop  preparations  for  the  ceremony,  but 
as  I noticed  that  the  Royal  train  had  not  been  withdrawn 
nor  had  his  aide-de-camp  left  my  suite,  I inferred  that  there 
was  a possibility  of  his  yielding  the  points  in  dispute. 
Accordingly,  after  a long  discussion  of  the  situation  with 
Yin  Ch’ang,  I directed  him  to  write  in  German  to  Jeng- 
yintai 1 requesting  his  friendly  intervention  at  the  Foreign 
Office  with  a definite  explanation  that  China  could  not  pos- 
sibly agree  that  the  mission  should  be  received  kneeling,  that 
Germany  had  nothing  to  gain  on  insisting  upon  such  a 
procedure,  and  that  the  only  result  of  a fiasco  would  be  to 
make  both  countries  appear  extremely  ridiculous.  I there- 

1 The  Chinese  rendering  of  a German  name. 

384 


THE  OLD  BUDDHA  PENITENT 


fore  begged  that  the  Emperor  should  accede  to  my  personal 
appeal  and  waive  the  point.  At  the  same  time  1 requested 
the  German  gentleman  who  acts  as  Chinese  Consul  for 
Bavaria  to  address  the  Foreign  Office  to  the  same  effect,  and 
with  a request  that  we  might  enter  upon  discussion  of  the 
point.  Four  days  later  I directed  Lii  Hai-huan  to  return 
to  his  post  at  Berlin  to  make  such  arrangements  as  might 
be  possible,  and  on  the  following  day  I telegraphed  to  him  a 
summary  of  the  Grand  Council’s  views  on  the  matter.  In 
the  afternoon  of  the  20th  I received  the  Consul  for  Bavaria, 
who  informed  me  that  he  had  received  a telegram  from  the 
Foreign  Office  inquiring  when  I proposed  to  start  for  Berlin, 
and  hoping  that  I would  do  so  speedily,  as  the  Emperor  had 
now  consented  to  waive  the  question  of  our  kneeling,  but 
required  that  only  Yin  Ch’ang  should  accompany  me  when 
presenting  the  letter  of  regret,  the  remainder  of  my  suite  to 
remain  in  another  place. 

“ The  same  evening  I received  a message  from  Lii  Hai- 
huan,  stating  that  the  Emperor  would  undoubtedly  receive 
me,  and  that,  since  all  other  difficult  questions  had  been 
settled,  His  Majesty  wished  to  leave  for  the  country  in  a few 
days.  Under  these  circumstances  I did  not  consider  it 
advisable  to  insist  too  strictly  on  minor  details  of  etiquette, 
being  pressed  for  time,  and  I therefore  requested  the  German 
Emperor’s  Chamberlain  to  have  a special  train  prepared  for 
my  journey.  We  reached  Potsdam  at  3 p.m.  on  the  21st1  ; 
I was  met  by  a General  sent  by  the  Emperor  with  his  state 
carriage.  Myself  and  my  suite  were  lodged  in  the  Palace, 
where  every  attention  was  shown  to  us,  and  it  wras  arranged 
that  I should  fulfil  my  mission  on  the  following  day,  after 
depositing  a wreath  on  the  grave  of  the  late  Empress.  On 
the  morning  of  the  following  day  I visited  her  tomb,  and  at 
noon  the  state  carriage  came  to  take  me  to  the  New  Palace, 
where,  after  being  ushered  into  the  Emperor’s  presence,  I 
read  aloud  Their  Majesties’  complimentary  letter.  The 
members  of  my  suite  were  awraiting  in  an  adjoining  apart- 
ment. After  the  ceremony  I wras  escorted  back  to  my 
residence,  and  at  2 p.m.  the  Emperor  came  to  call  upon  me. 
He  was  very  cordial  and  remained  talking  with  me  for  a long 


1 This  is  the  Chinese  date ; the  day  of  the  audience  was  the  4th  September. 

385  c c 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


time.  By  his  orders  a steam  launch  was  provided  for  me,  in 
which  I visited  the  Lake  and  Peacock  Island  ; on  the  following 
day  I saw  a review  of  the  troops,  and  was  presented  to  the 
Empress.  The  Emperor  begged  me  to  remain  longer  in 
Berlin,  suggesting  that  I should  visit  the  arsenals  and  inspect 
the  fleet  under  Prince  Henry  at  Stettin.  I could  scarcely 
decline  these  polite  attentions,  and  after  visiting  the  Empress 
I took  lodging  in  an  hotel  at  Berlin.  Thanks  to  the  glorious 
prestige  of  our  Empire,  matters  have  thus  been  satisfactorily 
settled,  and  the  knowledge  that  my  mission  has  been  satis- 
factorily carried  out  will,  I hope,  bring  comfort  to  Their 
Imperial  Majesties  in  their  anxiety.  I beg  that  you  will 
memorialise  the  Throne  accordingly.  Tsai  Feng.” 

The  Empress  Dowager  was  pleased  to  express  her  approval 
of  the  result  of  this  mission,  which  in  the  eyes  of  the  Chinese 
Government  was  undoubtedly  one  of  those  diplomatic 
triumphs  which  China  appears  to  attain  most  easily  when 
her  material  resources  have  completely  failed.  Reading  the 
above  despatch,  it  is  difficult  to  realise  that  the  Prince’s 
mission  had  for  its  object  the  expiation  of  a brutal  murder 
committed,  with  the  full  approval  of  the  Chinese  Govern- 
ment and  Court,  on  the  representative  of  a friendly  nation. 
The  opinion  is  commonly  believed,  held  by  the  Legations  at 
Peking,  that  the  present  Regent  has  learned  much  since  he 
returned  from  that  penitential  mission  to  the  German  capital. 
During  the  present  year  his  brothers  have  been  engaged  on 
missions  ostensibly  intended  to  acquire  knowledge  for  the 
sorely-needed  reorganisation  of  China’s  army  and  navy, 
missions  which  have  been  received  with  royal  honours  by 
almost  every  civilised  Power ; but  there  are  many  close 
observers  of  the  changing  conditions  at  Peking  who  see  in 
these  missions  merely  a repetition  of  farces  that  have  often 
been  played  before,  and  an  attempt  to  gain  prestige  in  the 
eyes  of  the  Chinese  people  for  the  Regent’s  family  and  the 
Court,  rather  than  any  definite  intention  or  desire  to  reform 
the  official  system. 


386 


Ills  Highness  Prince  Tsai  Hsun. 

Brother  of  the  late  Emperor  and  Present  Regent — recently  head  of  the  Naval  Mission  to  Europe 

and  America. 


XXIII 


THE  RETURN  OF  THE  COURT  TO  FEEING 

The  state  of  mind  of  the  Empress  Dowager  during  the 
flight  from  the  Capital,  and  subsequently  while  the  Court 
remained  in  exile  at  Hsi-an,  was  marked  by  that  same 
quality  of  indecision  and  vacillating  impulse  which  had 
characterised  her  actions  throughout  the  Boxer  crisis  and 
the  siege  of  Peking.  This  may  be  ascribed  partly  to  her 
advancing  age  and  partly  to  the  conflicting  influences  of 
astrologers  and  fortune-tellers,  to  whose  advice  she  attached 
the  greatest  importance  in  all  times  of  peril.  We  have  dealt 
in  another  place  with  her  marked  susceptibility  to  omens 
and  superstitious  beliefs ; its  effect  is  most  noticeable, 
however,  at  this  stage  of  her  life,  and  was  conspicuous  in 
matters  of  small  detail  throughout  the  return  journey  to 
Peking. 

The  influence  of  Jung  Lu  at  Hsi-an,  and  that  of  Li 
Hung-chang  at  Peking,  had  been  systematically  exercised  to 
induce  Her  Majesty  to  return  to  the  Capital ; but  until  the 
Peace  Protocol  conditions  had  been  definitely  arranged,  and 
until  she  had  been  persuaded  to  decree  adequate  punishment 
upon  the  Boxer  leaders,  the  predominant  feeling  in  her  mind 
was  evidently  one  of  suspicion  and  fear,  as  was  shown  when 
she  ordered  the  hurried  flight  from  T’ai-yiian  fu  to  Hsi-an. 
The  influence  of  Li  Hung-chang,  who,  from  the  outset,  had 
realised  the  folly  committed  by  the  Chinese  Government  in 

387  c c 2 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


approving  the  attack  upon  the  Legations,  was  exercised  to 
create  in  the  mind  of  Her  Majesty  a clearer  sense  of  the 
folly  of  that  policy.  At  the  height  of  the  crisis  (21st  July, 
1900),  realising  that  the  foreign  forces  brought  to  bear  upon 
China  were  steadily  defeating  both  Boxers  and  Imperial 
troops,  she  appointed  Li  Hung-chang  to  be  Viceroy  of 
Chihli,  and  directed  that  he  should  proceed  from  Canton 
with  all  haste,  there  being  urgent  need  of  the  services  of  a 
diplomat  versed  in  foreign  affairs.  Her  Majesty  went  so  far 
as  to  suggest  that  he  should  proceed  from  Shanghai  to 
Tientsin  in  a Russian  vessel  which  “he  might  borrow  for 
the  purpose.”  Li  Hung-chang’s  reply,  telegraphed  to 
Yuan  Shih-k’ai  for  transmission  to  the  Throne,  while 
outwardly  respectful,  clearly  implies  that  Her  Majesty  has 
been  to  blame  for  the  disasters  then  occurring.  “ I am 
sincerely  grateful,”  he  says,  “ for  Your  Majesty’s  gratifying 
confidence  in  me,  but  cannot  help  recalling  to  mind  the  folly 
which  has  now  suddenly  destroyed  that  structure  of 
reformed  administration  which,  during  my  twenty  years’ 
term  of  office  as  Viceroy  of  Chihli,  I was  able  to  build  up 
not  unsuccessfully.  I fear  it  will  not  be  possible  for  me  to 
resume  the  duties  of  this  difficult  post  at  a time  of  crisis 
like  the  present,  destitute  as  I am  of  all  proper  and  material 
resources.”  He  proceeds  even  to  criticise  Her  Majesty’s 
suggestion  as  to  his  journey,  observing  that  “ Russia 
possesses  no  vessel  at  Shanghai,  and  would  certainly  refuse 
to  lend  if  she  had  one,  in  view  of  the  state  of  war  now 
existing.”  Finally,  he  excuses  himself  for  deferring  his 
departure,  on  the  ground  that  the  British  Minister  had 
requested  him  not  to  leave  until  the  foreign  Ministers  had 
been  safely  escorted  from  Peking  to  Tientsin.  “ I do  not 
know,”  says  he,  “ if  any  such  arrangements  for  safely 
escorting  them  can  be  made,”  and  therefore  concludes  by 
asking  Yuan  to  inform  the  Throne  that  he  will  start  north- 
wards, journeying  by  land,  “ as  soon  "S  his  health  permits 
it.”  To  this  plain-spoken  message  from  the  great  Viceroy, 

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THE  RETURN  OF  THE  COURT  TO  PEKING 


Tzu  Hsi  replied  in  two  lines  of  equally  characteristic  direct- 
ness : Li  Hung-chang  is  to  obey  our  earlier  Decree,  and  to 

make  all  haste  northwards.  The  crisis  is  serious.  Let  him 
make  no  further  excuses  for  delay.” 

In  spite  of  these  peremptory  orders,  Li  Hung-chang,  who 
had  a very  definite  conception  of  his  own  predicament, 
remained  at  Shanghai,  ostensibly  negotiating,  but  in  reality 
waiting,  to  see  what  would  be  the  outcome  of  the  siege  of 
the  Legations.  He  was  interviewed  by  The  Times  corre- 
spondent at  Shanghai  on  the  23rd  of  July,  and  then  stated 
that  he  would  not  proceed  to  his  post  in  the  north  until 
convinced  by  clear  proofs  that  the  Empress  Dowager  had 
seen  the  folly  of  her  ways,  and  was  prepared  to  adopt  a 
conciliatory  policy  towards  the  outraged  foreign  Powers. 
At  the  end  of  July,  when  it  became  clear  to  him  that  the 
Court  had  determined  on  flight,  he  forwarded  by  special 
courier  a very  remarkable  Memorial,  in  which  he  called  the 
Throne  to  task  in  the  plainest  possible  terms,  and  urged  an 
immediate  change  of  policy.  This  Memorial  reached  the 
Empress  before  her  departure  from  Peking ; certain  extracts 
from  it  are  well  worth  reproduction,  as  showing  Li  Hung- 
chang  at  his  best,  and  displaying  that  quality  of  courageous 
intelligence  which  made  him  for  twenty  years  the  foremost 
official  in  China  and  a world- wide  celebrity  : — 

“It  is  to  be  remembered  that  between  this,  our  Empire 
of  China,  and  the  outer  barbarians,  hostilities  have  frequently 
occurred  since  the  remotest  antiquity,  and  our  national 
history  teaches  that  the  best  way  to  meet  them  is  to  deter- 
mine upon  our  policy  only  after  carefully  ascertaining  their 
strength  as  compared  with  our  own,  Since  the  middle  of 
the  reign  of  Tao-Kuang  the  pressure  of  the  barbarians  on 
our  borders  has  steadily  increased,  and  to-day  we  are  brought 
to  desperate  straits  indeed.  In  1860  they  invaded  the 
Capital  and  burnt  the  Summer  Palace  ; His  Majesty  Hsien- 
Feng  was  forced  to  flee,  and  thus  came  to  his  death.  It  is 
only  natural  that  His  Majesty’s  posterity  should  long  to 


389 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


avenge  him  to  the  end  of  time,  and  that  your  subjects  should 
continue  to  cherish  undying  hopes  of  revenge.  But  since 
that  time,  France  has  taken  from  us  Annam,  the  whole  of 
that  dependency  being  irretrievably  lost ; Japan  has  fought 
us,  and  ousted  us  from  Korea.  Even  worse  disasters  and 
loss  of  territory  were,  however,  to  follow : Germany  seized 
Kiaochao  ; Russia  followed  lty  annexing  Port  Arthur  and 
Talienwan  ; England  demanded  Wei-hei-wei  and  Kowloon, 
together  with  the  extension  of  the  Shanghai  Settlements, 
and  the  opening  of  new  treaty  ports  inland  ; and  France 
made  further  demands  for  Kuang-Chou  wan.  How  could 
we  possibly  maintain  silence  under  such  grievous  and  repeated 
acts  of  aggression  ? Craven  would  be  the  man  who  would 
not  seek  to  improve  our  defences,  and  shameless  would  be 
he  who  did  not  long  for  the  day  of  reckoning.  I myself 
have  enjoyed  no  small  favours  from  the  Throne,  and  much 
is  expected  of  me  by  the  nation.  Needless  for  me  to  say 
how  greatly  I would  rejoice  were  it  possible  for  China  to 
enter  upon  a glorious  and  triumphant  war  ; it  would  be  the 
joy  of  my  closing  days  to  see  the  barbarian  nations  subju- 
gated at  last  in  submissive  allegiance,  respectfully  making 
obeisance  to  the  Dragon  Throne.  Unfortunately,  however, 
I cannot  but  recognise  the  melancholy  fact  that  China  is 
unequal  to  any  such  enterprise,  and  that  our  forces  are  in  no 
way  competent  to  undertake  it.  Looking  at  the  question  as 
one  affecting  chiefly  the  integrity  of  our  Empire,  who  would 
be  so  foolish  as  to  cast  missiles  at  a rat  in  the  vicinity  of  a 
priceless  piece  of  porcelain  ? It  requires  no  augur’s  skill  in 
divination  to  foresee  that  eggs  are  more  easily  to  be  cracked 
than  stones.  Let  us  consider  one  recent  incident  in  proof  of 
this  conclusion.  Recently,  in  the  attack  by  some  tens  of 
thousands  of  Boxers  and  Imperial  troops  upon  the  foreign 
Settlements  at  Tientsin,  there  were  some  two  or  three 
thousand  foreign  soldiers  to  defend  them ; yet,  after  ten 
days  of  desperate  fighting,  only  a few  hundred  foreigners 
had  been  slain,  while  no  less  than  twenty  thousand  Chinese 
were  killed  and  as  many  more  wounded.  Again,  there  are  no 
real  defences  or  fortified  positions  in  the  Legations  at  Peking, 
nor  are  the  foreign  Ministers  and  their  Legation  staff's 
trained  in  the  use  of  arms;  nevertheless,  Tung  Fu-hsiang’s 


390 


THE  RETURN  OF  THE  COURT  TO  PEKING 


hordes  have  been  bombarding  them  for  more  than  a month, 
and  hav  e lost  many  thousands  of  men  in  the  vain  attempt  to 
capture  the  position. 

“ The  fleets  of  the  Allied  Powers  are  now  hurrying  forward 
vast  bodies  of  their  troops  ; the  heaviest  artillery  is  now  being 
brought  swiftly  to  our  shores.  Has  China  the  forces  to  meet 
them  ? Does  she  possess  a single  leader  capable  of  resisting 
this  invasion  ? If  the  foreign  Powers  send  100,000  men, 
they  will  easily  capture  Peking,  and  Your  Majesties  will  then 
find  escape  impossible.  You  will  no  doubt  endeavour  once 
more  to  flee  to  Jehol,  but  on  this  occasion  you  have  no  com- 
mander like  Sheng  Pao  to  hold  back  the  enemies’  forces  from 
pursuit ; or,  perhaps,  you  may  decide  to  hold  another  Peace 
Conference,  like  that  at  Shimonoseki,  in  1895  ? Rut  the  con- 
ditions to-day  existing  are  in  no  way  similar  to  those  of 
that  time,  when  Marquis  Ito  was  willing  to  meet  me  as  your 
Minister  Plenipotentiary.  When  betrayed  by  the  Boxers 
and  abandoned  by  all,  where  will  your  Majesties  find  a single 
Prince,  Councillor,  or  Statesman  able  to  assist  you  effectively  ? 
The  fortunes  of  your  house  are  being  staked  upon  a single 
throw  ; my  blood  runs  cold  at  the  thought  of  events  to  come. 
Under  any  enlightened  Sovereign  these  Boxers,  with  their 
ridiculous  claims  of  supernatural  powers,  would  most  assuredly 
have  been  condemned  to  death  long  since.  Is  it  not  on  record 
that  the  Han  Dynasty  met  its  end  because  of  its  belief  in 
magicians,  and  in  their  power  to  confer  inv  isibility  ? Was 
not  the  Sung  Dynasty  destroyed  because  the  Emperor 
believed  ridiculous  stories  about  supernatural  warriors  clad 
in  miraculous  coats  of  mail  ? 

“ I myself  am  nearly  eighty  years  of  age,  and  my  death 
cannot  be  far  distant ; I have  received  favours  at  the  hands 
of  four  Emperors.  If  now  I hesitate  to  say  the  things  that 
are  in  my  mind,  how  shall  I face  the  spirits  of  the  sacred 
ancestors  of  this  Dynasty  when  we  meet  in  the  halls  of 
Hades  ? I am  compelled  therefore  to  give  utterance  to  this 
my  solemn  prayer,  and  to  beseech  Your  Majesties  to  put 
away  from  you  at  once  these  vile  magic  workers,  and  to  have 
them  summarily  executed. 

“ You  should  take  steps  immediately  to  appoint  a high 
official  who  shall  purge  the  land  of  this  villainous  rabble,  and 


391 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


who  shall  see  to  it  that  the  foreign  Ministers  are  safely 
escorted  to  the  headquarters  of  the  Allied  Armies.  In  spite 
of  the  great  heat,  I have  hurried  northwards  from  Canton 
to  Shanghai,  where  your  Majesties’  Decrees  urging  me  to 
come  to  Peking  have  duly  reached  me.  Any  physical 
weakness,  however  serious,  would  not  have  deterred  me 
from  obeying  this  summons,  but  perusal  of  your  Decrees 
has  led  me  to  the  conclusion  that  Your  Majesties  have  not 
yet  adopted  a policy  of  reason,  but  are  still  in  the  hands  of 
traitors,  regarding  these  Boxers  as  your  dutiful  subjects,  with 
the  result  that  unrest  is  spreading  and  alarm  universal. 
Moreover,  I am  here  in  Shanghai  without  a single  soldier 
under  my  command,  and  even  should  I proceed  with  all 
haste  in  the  endeavour  to  present  myself  at  your  Palace 
gates,  I should  meet  with  innumerable  dangers  by  the  way, 
and  the  end  of  my  journey  would  most  probably  be  that  I 
should  provide  your  rebellious  and  turbulent  subjects  with 
one  more  carcass  to  hack  into  mincemeat.  I shall  therefore 
continue  in  residence  here  for  the  present,  considering  ways 
and  means  for  raising  a military  force  and  for  furnishing 
supplies,  as  well  as  availing  myself  of  the  opportunity  of 
ascertaining  the  enemies’  plans,  and  making  such  diplomatic 
suggestions  as  occur  to  me  to  be  useful.  As  soon  as  my 
plans  are  complete,  I shall  proceed  northwards  with  all 
possible  speed.” 

The  plain-spoken  advice  of  Li  Hung-chang  was  not  with- 
out effect  on  the  Empress  Dowager.  The  Decrees  issued  by 
her  in  the  name  of  the  Emperor  from  Huai-lai  on  the  19th 
and  20th  of  August  are  the  first  indications  given  to  the  out- 
side world  that  she  had  definitely  decided  on  a policy  of 
conciliation  so  as  to  render  possible  her  eventual  return  to  the 
capital — an  event  which,  as  she  foresaw,  would  probably  be 
facilitated  by  the  inevitable  differences  and  jealousies  already 
existing  among  the  Allies. 

In  the  Edict  of  the  19th  of  August,  after  explaining  that 
the  whole  Boxer  crisis  and  the  attack  on  the  Legations  was 
the  result  of  differences  between  Christian  and  non-Christian 
Chinese,  she  querulously  complains  that  the  foreign  Powers, 

392 


THE  RETURN  OF  THE  COURT  TO  PEKING 


although  doubtless  well  meaning  in  their  efforts  to  “ ex- 
terminate the  rebels,”  are  behaving  in  a manner  which 
suggests  aggressive  designs  towards  China,  and  which  shows 
a lamentable  disregard  of  proper  procedure  and  friendliness. 
She  naively  observes  that  the  Chinese  Government  had  been 
at  the  greatest  pains  to  protect  the  lives  and  property  of 
foreigners  in  Peking,  in  spite  of  many  difficulties,  and 
expresses  much  surprise  at  such  an  evil  return  being  made 
for  her  invariable  kindness  and  courtesy.  If  it  were  not  for 
the  unbounded  capacity  of  foreign  diplomats,  fully  proved 
in  the  past,  in  the  matter  of  credulity  where  Chinese  state- 
craft is  concerned,  it  would  be  difficult  to  regard  utterances 
like  these  as  the  work  of  an  intelligent  ruler.  But  Tzu  Hsi 
was,  as  usual,  justified,  for  at  the  very  time  when  these 
Decrees  were  issued,  Russia  was  already  using  very  similar 
arguments,  and  making  excuses  for  the  Chinese  government, 
in  pursuance  of  her  own  policy  at  Peking. 

In  the  conclusion  of  the  Decree  above  referred  to,  Her 
Majesty  orders  Jung  Lu,  Hsii  T’ung  and  Ch’ung  Ch’i 
to  remain  in  Peking  to  act  as  peace  negotiators,  but  she 
admits  that,  in  dealing  with  foreigners  supported  by  troops 
and  flushed  with  success,  it  may  be  difficult  for  them  at  the 
outset  to  determine  on  a satisfactory  line  of  procedure.  She 
leaves  it  to  these  plenipotentiaries,  therefore,  to  determine 
whether  the  best  course  would  be  to  telegraph  to  the 
respective  Foreign  Offices  of  the  countries  concerned,  or  to 
consult  with  the  Consuls-General  at  Shanghai  (sic),  with 
a view  to  obtaining  friendly  intervention  ! It  could  not 
escape  so  shrewd  a person  as  Tzti  Hsi  that  the  atmosphere  of 
Peking  at  this  juncture  was  not  likely  to  be  favourable 
to  her  purposes,  and  that  it  would  be  easier  to  hoodwink  the 
Foreign  Offices  and  the  Consuls  at  Shanghai  than  those  who 
had  just  been  through  the  siege. 

A Decree  of  the  following  day,  also  in  the  name  of  the 
Emperor,  is  couched  in  a very  different  strain — a pathetic 
admission  of  the  Throne’s  guilt,  a plea  for  the  sympathy 

393 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


of*  his  people,  and  an  exhortation  to  return  to  ways  of  wisdom. 
“ Cleanse  your  hearts,  and  remove  all  doubt  and  suspicion 
from  your  minds,  so  as  to  assist  us,  the  Emperor,  in  our 
shortcomings.  We  have  been  utterly  unworthy,  but  the 
time  is  at  hand  when  it  shall  be  for  us  to  prove  that  Heaven 
has  not  left  us  without  sense  of  our  errors  and  deep  remorse.” 
The  whole  document  reads  with  an  unusual  ring  of  sincerity, 
accepting,  in  the  name  of  the  Emperor,  full  blame  for  all 
the  disasters  which  had  overtaken  the  country,  while  remind- 
ing the  official  class  that  the  first  cause  of  these  calamities 
dates  back  to  the  time  when  they  learned  and  adopted  habits 
of  inveterate  sloth  and  luxury.  From  depths  of  contrition, 
the  Edict  admits  fully  the  Throne’s  responsibility,  “ We,  the 
Lord  of  this  Empire,  have  failed  utterly  in  warding  off 
calamities  from  our  people,  and  we  should  not  hesitate 
for  one  moment  to  commit  suicide,  in  order  to  placate 
our  tutelary  deities  and  the  gods  of  the  soil,  but  we 
cannot  forget  that  duty  of  filial  piety  and  service  which 
we  owe  to  our  sacred  and  aged  mother,  the  Empress 
Dowager.” 

The  policy  of  reform  is  now  clearly  enunciated  and 
outlined  as  an  essential  condition  of  the  future  government 
of  the  Empire.  Provincial  and  metropolitan  officials  are 
ordered  to  proceed  at  once  to  join  the  Court,  in  order  that 
the  reform  programme  may  be  speedily  initiated  ; the 
Yangtsze  Viceroys  are  thanked  for  preserving  order  in 
accordance  with  “ treaty  stipulations,”  and  Chinese  converts 
to  Christianity  are  once  more  assured  of  the  Throne’s 
protection  and  good-will. 

These  utterances  of  the  Throne,  which  lost  nothing  in 
their  presentation  to  the  respective  Powers  by  Prince  Ch’ing 
and  his  colleagues,  soon  produced  the  desired  effect,  and 
reassured  the  Throne  and  its  advisers  as  to  their  personal 
safety.  Accordingly,  early  in  September,  we  find  all  the 
Viceroys  and  high  officials  of  the  Provinces  uniting  in  a 
Memorial,  whereby  the  Court  is  urged  to  return  at  once  to 

394 


THE  RETURN  OF  THE  COURT  TO  PEKING 


the  Capital,  advice  which  would  never  have  been  given  had 
there  been  any  question  of*  violent  measures  being  taken  by 
the  Allies  against  the  Empress  Dowager.  At  this  time  the 
question  of  the  future  location  of  the  Chinese  Capital  was 
being  widely  discussed  at  Court,  and  there  was  much 
conflicting  advice  on  the  subject.  The  Viceroys’  Memorial 
was  drafted  by  Yuan  Shih-k’ai  and  forwarded  by  him  to 
Liu  K’un-yi,  at  Nanking,  for  transmission ; it  definitely 
blames  the  Boxers  and  their  leaders  for  the  ruin  which  had 
come  upon  China,  and  rejoices  at  the  thought  that  ‘‘the 
perplexities  which  embarrassed  your  Majesties  in  the  past 
have  now  given  place  to  a clearer  understanding  of  the 
situation.”  Noting  the  possibility  of  the  Court’s  leaving  T’ai- 
yuan  fu  and  making  “ a further  progress  ” westwards  to 
Hsi-an,  the  Memorialists  deplore  the  idea  and  proceed  to 
show  that  such  a step  would  be  unwise  as  well  as  in- 
convenient. As  an  example  of  the  way  in  which  Chinese 
Ministers  of  State  deal  with  questions  of  high  policy  and 
strategy,  the  following  extract  from  this  Memorial  is  not 
without  interest : — 

“ It  is  true  that,  in  times  past,  our  Capital  has  been  shifted 
on  more  than  one  occasion  of  national  danger,  but  in  those 
days  our  enemies  were  not  able  to  push  their  armies  far  into 
the  interior  of  our  country  for  indefinite  periods,  and  were 
compelled  to  withdraw  after  brief  expeditions.  The  position 
of  affairs  to-day,  however,  is  very  different,  so  that  we  can 
obtain  no  reliable  guidance  from  precedents  of  history. 
As  regards  the  province  of  Shensi,  it  has  always  been  a 
centre  of  wars  and  rebellions  ; its  people  are  poverty  stricken, 
and  there  is  no  trade  there.  Seven  centuries  ago,  Hsi-an  was 
an  Imperial  city,  but  is  now  anything  but  prosperous.  Its 
vicinity  to  Kansu  and  the  New  Dominion  territories,  infested 
with  Mahomedan  rebels  and  adjoining  the  Russian  Empire, 
renders  it  most  unsuitable  as  a site  for  your  Majesties’ 
Capital.  Supposing  that  the  Allies,  flushed  with  success, 
should  determine  on  an  advance  westwards,  what  is  there  to 
prevent  them  from  doing  so  ? If  ten  thousand  miles  of 

395 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


ocean  have  not  stopped  them,  are  they  likely  to  be  turned 
back  from  a shorter  expedition  by  land  ? ” 

After  referring  to  the  fact  that  the  cradle  of  the  Dynasty 
and  the  tombs  of  its  ancestors  are  situated  near  Peking,  and 
that  it  is  geographically  best  fitted  to  be  the  centre  of 
Government,  the  Memorialists  remind  the  Throne  that  the 
foreign  Powers  have  promised  to  vacate  Peking,  and  to 
refrain  from  annexing  any  territory  if  the  Court  will  return. 
These  ends,  they  say,  will  not  be  attained  should  the  Court 
persist  in  its  intention  to  proceed  further  westwards,  since 
it  is  now  the  desire  of  the  foreign  Ministers  that  China’s 
rulers  should  return  to  Peking.  In  the  event  of  a permanent 
occupation  of  Peking  by  the  Allies,  the  loss  of  Manchuria 
would  be  inevitable.  The  Memorialists  predict  partition  and 
many  other  disasters,  including  financial  distress,  and  the 
impossibility  of  furnishing  the  Throne  with  supplies  at 
Hsi-an  or  any  other  remote  corner  of  the  Empire.  If  the 
Court’s  decision  to  proceed  to  Hsi-an  is  irrevocable,  at  least 
a Decree  should  now  be  issued,  stating  that  its  sojourn 
there  will  be  a brief  one,  and  that  the  Court  will  return  to 
Peking  upon  the  complete  restoration  of  peaceful  conditions. 
“ The  continued  existence  of  the  Empire  must  depend  upon 
the  Throne’s  decision  upon  this  matter.”  The  Memorial 
concludes  by  imploring  their  Majesties  to  authorise  Prince 
Ch’ing  to  inform  the  foreign  Ministers  that  the  withdrawal 
of  the  allied  armies  will  be  followed  by  a definite  announce- 
ment as  to  the  Court’s  return. 

In  a further  Memorial  from  the  Viceroys  and  Governors, 
it  is  stated  that  the  Russian  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs  had 
suggested  to  the  Chinese  Minister  in  St.  Petersburg,  that 
the  location  of  the  Capital  at  Hsi-an  would  certainly  prove 
undesirable,  in  view  of  the  poverty-stricken  condition  of  the 
province,  and  that  their  Majesties  would  no  doubt,  therefore, 
proceed  to  Lan-chou  fu,  in  Kansu.  Referring  to  this  interest- 
ing fact,  the  Memorialists  observe  : — 

396 


THE  RETURN  OF  THE  COURT  TO  PEKING 


“ Those  who  are  in  favour  of  establishing  the  Capital  at 
Hsi-an  profess  to  claim  that  the  Yellow  River  and  the  T’ung 
Kuan  Pass  constitute  natural  and  impassible  frontiers  against 
attack.  They  forget,  however,  that  foreign  nations  possess 
artillery  of  very  long  range.  At  T’ung  Kuan  the  Yellow 
River  is  less  than  two  miles  wide,  and  their  guns  will  easily 
carry  twice  that  distance.  Your  Majesties  have  nothing  but 
the  native  artillery,  and  a few  inferior  foreign  guns,  and 
would  never  be  able  to  hold  the  position.  The  foreigners 
would  undoubtedly  penetrate  far  into  the  interior,  and 
control  all  the  waterways,  thus  preventing  transport  and 
supplies.  Even  if  one  foreign  Power  were  to  find  it  difficult, 
there  is  no  doubt  that  it  would  be  easy  for  several  of  them 
acting  together. 

“ Moreover,  friendly  Powers  are  entitled,  by  the  law  of 
civilised  nations,  to  send  their  diplomatic  representatives  to 
our  Capital.  If  peace  be  made,  and  the  foreign  Powers 
assent  to  the  proposed  change  of  capital,  they  will  surely 
insist  upon  sending  their  envoys  into  Shensi.  After  their 
recent  experiences,  they  will  require  to  have  foreign  troops 
to  guard  their  Legations,  whose  numbers  must  necessarily 
be  large,  in  proportion  to  the  distance  from  the  coast. 
Foreign  garrisons  would  thus  have  to  be  established  at 
points  in  Honan,  Shansi  and  Chihli,  in  order  to  maintain 
their  line  of  communications,  so  that  China  would  eventually 
be  overrun  by  foreign  troops.  It  is,  therefore,  plainly  out  of 
the  question  that  the  Court  should  leave  Peking.  In  times 
of  peace  it  might  have  been  suggested,  but  to  think  of  it  after 
a disastrous  war  is  impossible.  The  foreigners  are  acting 
in  unison  ; China  is  completely  disorganised.  They  have 
ample  resources  and  reinforcements ; China  has  none.  If 
we  have  thoughts  of  fighting  any  foreign  Power  we  must 
first  form  alliances  with  several  others  ; in  any  case  nothing 
can  be  done  before  an  ample  supply  of  ordnance  and  muni- 
tions of  war  has  been  accumulated.  This  is  no  time  for 
considering  such  possibilities.  We,  your  Memorialists 
venture  to  suggest  that  Your  Majesties  have  failed  to  take 
into  consideration  all  these  facts,  and  in  impressing  them 
upon  you,  we  earnestly  beg  that  you  may  now  come  to  a 
wise  decision.” 


397 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 

Before  coming  to  a decision,  however,  Tzu  Hsi  required 
to  be  fully  assured  that  the  foreign  Powers  would  not  insist 
on  her  abdicating  the  supreme  power  as  one  of  the  conditions 
of  peace.  Convinced  on  that  point,  the  hesitation  which  she 
had  previously  shown  in  regard  to  returning  to  Peking 
dropped  from  her  like  a garment.  It  had  been  freely 
predicted  by  conservative  officials  and  the  literati  that  the 
Old  Buddha  would  never  again  wish  to  see  her  desecrated 
capital  or  to  visit  the  polluted  shrines  of  her  ancestors.  In 
spite  of  her  superstitious  nature,  however,  she  was  far  too 
level-headed  and  far-seeing  a woman  to  attach  supreme 
importance  to  sentimental  considerations,  or  to  allow  them 
to  weigh  heavily  in  the  balance  when  the  question  of  her 
own  rulership  was  at  stake.  The  hesitation  which  she  had 
shown  and  the  attention  which  she  had  paid  to  the  advice  of 
those  who,  like  Chang  Chih-tung,  desired  her  to  establish  a 
new  capital  in  Central  China,  were  primarily  a question  of 
“face.”  She  would  only  return  to  Peking  if  guaranteed  the 
full  dignity  and  power  of  her  former  position.  But  as  the 
peace  negotiations  proceeded,  and  as  it  became  clear  to  her 
that  along  the  well-worn  path  of  international  jealousies  she 
might  return  unpunished,  and  even  welcomed,  to  Peking, 
she  proceeded  to  make  preparations  for  an  early  return. 
Fully  informed  each  day  by  Prince  Ch’ing  of  the  progress 
which  her  plenipotentiaries  were  making  towards  the  com- 
pletion of  the  Peace  Protocol,  and  overjoyed  at  its  terms, 
she  waited  only  until  the  condition  of  the  roads,  always 
more  or  less  impassable  after  the  summer  rains,  had 
sufficiently  improved  to  permit  of  comfortable  travelling. 
During  the  delay  necessitated  by  the  collecting  and 
packing  of  the  enormous  quantity  of  “tribute”  collected 
by  Her  Majesty  and  the  Court  during  their  stay  at  Hsi-an, 
she  received  definite  confirmation  of  the  good  news  that 
her  treasure  vaults  in  the  capital  had  not  been  plundered 
by  the  foreign  troops — good  news  which  increased  her 
anxiety  to  return  as  quickly  as  possible  to  superintend 

398 


THE  RETURN  OF  THE  COURT  TO  PEKING 


its  removal  before  any  pilfering  by  the  eunuchs  should 
take  place. 

It  was  on  the  24th  day  of  the  8th  Moon  (20th  October, 
1001)  that  the  long  procession  started  from  Her  Majesty’s 
temporary  residence  in  the  Governor’s  Yamen ; followed  by 
an  enormous  retinue,  she  commenced  her  journey  by 
sacrificing  to  the  God  of  War,  the  guardian  spirit  of  her 
Dynasty  (and,  it  may  be  added,  patron  of  the  Boxers),  at  a 
small  temple  outside  the  city  gates.  From  this  onward  the 
Court  advanced  northward  by  easy  stages  of  about  twenty- 
five  miles  a day,  resting  first  at  Ho-nan  fu ; thence  on  to 
K’ai-feng,  where  her  sixty-sixth  birthday  was  celebrated  and 
where  she  remained  for  some  weeks.  The  travelling  lodges 
and  other  arrangements  for  her  comfort  and  convenience 
along  the  whole  line  of  her  route  were  in  striking  contrast 
to  the  squalor  and  privation  which  the  Court  had  endured  in 
the  flight  from  Peking. 

It  was  during  her  stay  at  K’ai-feng  that  the  Peace  Protocol 
was  signed  at  Peking.  It  was  also  before  her  departure  from 
that  city,  at  the  end  of  the  9th  Moon,  that  Li  Hung-chang 
died.  His  knowledge  of  foreign  affairs  and  remarkable 
ability  in  negotiations  had  been  of  the  greatest  service  to  his 
Imperial  mistress,  and  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  liberal  terms 
granted  to  China  by  the  victorious  Allies  were  very  largely 
due  to  his  efforts.  Her  Majesty,  while  fully  appreciating  his 
ability,  had  never  treated  him  with  marked  favour,  and  had 
always  refused  to  appoint  him  to  the  Grand  Council,  giving 
as  her  excuse  that  she  could  not  understand  his  dialect. 
Upon  his  death,  however,  she  conferred  upon  him  an  honour 
which  had  never  before  been  granted  to  any  Chinese  subject 
under  the  Dynasty,  namely,  that  of  having  a shrine  built  to 
his  memory  at  the  capital  itself,  in  addition  to  those  erected 
in  the  provinces  where  he  had  borne  office. 

It  was  significant  of  her  impartial  and  intelligent  ruler- 
ship  that,  although  she  had  blamed  him  as  originally 
responsible  for  the  Japanese  War  and  its  disastrous  results, 

399 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


she  had  never  approved  of  the  Emperor’s  hasty  and  vindictive 
action  in  removing  him  from  the  Viceroyalty  of  Chihli. 
Upon  the  signing  of  the  Peace  Protocol  she  conferred 
additional  posthumous  honours  upon  him,  taking  occasion  at 
the  same  time,  in  an  Imperial  Decree,  to  congratulate  and 
thank  Prince  Ch’ing,  Yuan  Shih-k’ai  and  others,  who 
assisted  in  bringing  about  the  settlement  of  peace  terms.  In 
particular  she  praised  the  loyalty  of  Jung  Lu,  “ who  had 
earnestly  advised  the  annihilation  of  the  Boxers,  and  who, 
in  addition  to  other  meritorious  services  on  the  Grand 
Council,  had  been  chiefly  instrumental  in  protecting  the 
Legations.” 

After  a series  of  magnificent  theatrical  entertainments  in 
honour  of  her  birthday,  the  Court  left  K’ai-feng  and  con- 
tinued its  journey  to  the  capital.  On  the  eve  of  her  depar- 
ture Her  Majesty  took  occasion  sternly  and  publicly  to 
rebuke  the  Manchu  Prefect,  Wen  T’i,1  who  had  dared  to 
advise  her  against  returning  to  the  capital,  and  to  predict 
that  the  treacherous  foreigners  would  certainly  seize  her 
sacred  person— a useful  piece  of  play  to  the  gallery. 

At  the  crossing  of  the  Yellow  River,  which  took  place  in 
beautiful  weather,  she  sacrificed  to  the  River  God,  in  expia- 
tion and  thanksgiving.  The  local  officials  had  constructed  a 
magnificent  barge,  in  the  form  of  a dragon,  upon  which  she 
and  the  ladies  of  the  Court  crossed  the  stream.  It  was 
noticed  from  this  point  onwards  that  wherever  foreigners 
happened  to  be  amongst  the  spectators  of  the  Imperial 
cortege,  she  made  a point  of  showing  them  particular 
attention  and  civility,  and  before  her  arrival  in  Peking  she 
issued  a Decree  commanding  that  Europeans  should  not  be 
prevented  from  watching  the  procession  upon  her  arrival, 
and  this  in  spite  of  the  fact  that,  in  accordance  with  the 
usual  custom,  the  Legations  had  issued  notices  forbidding 
their  nationals  to  appear  in  the  streets  during  the  passage  of 

1 Wen  T’i  had  been  a censor  in  1 898,  but  was  cashiered  by  the  Emperor  for 
being  reactionary.  Tzfl  Hsi  restored  him  to  favour  after  the  coup  d'etat. 

400 


THE  RETURN  OF  THE  COURT  TO  PEKING 


the  Imperial  cortege.  Everything  indicated,  in  fact,  that 
Her  Majesty  now  desired  to  conciliate  the  European  Powers 
by  all  possible  means,  and  if  it  be  borne  in  mind  that  it  was 
part  of  her  deliberate  policy  thus  to  ingratiate  herself  with 
foreigners  as  a means  of  furthering  her  own  future  policy, 
her  actions  lose  nothing  of  interest,  while  they  gain  some- 
thing from  the  humorous  point  of  view. 

On  crossing  the  borders  of  the  Province  of  Chihli,  Her 
Majesty  issued  a Decree,  couched  in  almost  effusive  terms 
of  friendliness,  proclaiming  that  the  Emperor  would  receive 
the  foreign  Ministers  in  audience  immediately  upon  his 
return  to  the  Palace,  and  that  the  reception  would  take 
place  in  the  central  Throne  Hall  of  the  sacred  enclosure. 
Chinese,  reading  this  Decree,  and  ignorant  of  the  terms  of 
the  Peace  Protocol  which  provided  for  this  particular  con- 
cession to  the  barbarian,  would  naturally  regard  it  as  a 
spontaneous  mark  of  the  Imperial  clemency  and  goodwill. 
In  the  same  Edict  Her  Majesty  proclaimed  her  intention  of 
receiving  the  Ministers’  wives  in  person,  intimating  that  she 
cherished  most  pleasant  memories  of  past  friendly  inter- 
course with  them.  Here,  again,  we  note  fulfilment  of  a plan, 
deliberately  conceived  and  formed  upon  the  best  classical 
models,  “ for  dealing  with  strong  and  savage  people.” 

At  noon  on  the  6th  of  January,  1902,  the  Imperial  party 
arrived  by  special  train  at  the  temporary  station  which  had 
been  erected  close  to  the  Southern  walls  of  Peking,  and 
adjoining  the  old  terminus  at  Ma-chia  pu.  Large  pavilions, 
handsomely  decorated,  had  been  erected  near  the  station,  in 
which  the  Old  Buddha  and  the  Emperor  were  to  be 
received  ; they  were  furnished  with  a throne  of  gold  lacquer, 
cloisonne  altar  vessels  and  many  valuable  pieces  of  porcelain. 
Several  hundreds  of  the  highest  metropolitan  officials  were 
in  attendance,  and  a special  place  had  been  provided  for 
foreigners.  As  the  long  train  of  over  thirty  carriages  drew 
up  at  the  station,  the  keen  face  of  the  Old  Buddha  was  seen 
anxiously  scanning  her  surroundings  from  one  of  the  windows 

401  D D 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


of  her  car.  With  her  were  the  young  Empress  and  the 
Princess  Imperial,  while  the  chief  eunuch,  Li  Lien-ying,  was 
in  attendance.  Recognising  Her  Majesty,  every  official  fell 
upon  his  knees,  whilst  Chi  Lu,  chief  officer  of  the  House- 
hold, officiously  shouted  to  the  foreigners  to  remove  their 
hats  (which  they  had  already  done).  The  first  to  emerge 
from  the  train  was  the  chief  eunuch,  who  proceeded 
forthwith  to  check  the  long  list  of  provincial  tribute  and 
treasure,  mountainous  loads  of  baggage  which  had  travelled 
with  the  Court  from  the  start  and  under  Her  Majesty’s  close 
personal  supervision.  After  the  eunuch  came  the  Emperor, 
evidently  extremely  nervous,  who,  at  a sign  from  Her 
Majesty,  hurried  into  his  sedan-chair  and  was  swiftly  borne 
away,  without  a word  or  a sign  of  recognition  to  any  of  the 
officials  in  attendance.  After  his  departure,  the  Empress 
came  out  and  stood  upon  the  platform  at  the  end  of  her 
carriage.  “ Quite  a number  of  foreigners  are  here,  I see,” 
she  was  heard  to  observe.  She  saluted  them  in  accordance 
with  the  etiquette  observed  by  Chinese  women — bowing  and 
raising  her  crossed  hands.  Prince  Ch’ing  then  advanced  to 
greet  Her  Majesty,  and  with  him  Wang  Wen-shao  (who 
had  succeeded  Li  Hung-chang  as  Peace  Plenipotentiary), 
They  invited  Her  Majesty  to  enter  her  chair  : “ There  is  no 
hurry,”  she  replied.  She  stood  for  some  five  minutes  in  full 
view  of  the  crowd,  talking  energetically  with  the  bystanders, 
and  looking  extremely  well  and  youthful  for  her  age,  until 
the  chief  eunuch  returned  and  handed  her  the  list  of 
baggage  and  treasure,  which  she  scanned  with  close  attention 
and  then  returned  to  him  with  an  expression  of  satisfaction. 

After  this,  at  the  request  of  the  Viceroy  of  Chihli  (Yuan 
Shih-k’ai),  the  foreign  manager  and  engineer  of  the  railway 
were  presented  to  her,  and  received  her  thanks  for  the 
satisfactory  arrangements  made  throughout  the  journey. 
She  then  entered  her  chair,  a larger  and  finer  conveyance 
than  that  supplied  to  the  Emperor,  and  was  borne  away 
towards  the  Palace  ; by  her  side  ran  one  of  her  favourite 

402 


THE  RETURN  OF  THE  COURT  TO  PEKING 


eunuchs  repeatedly  calling  Her  Majesty’s  attention  to 
objects  of  interest.  Whenever  foreigners  were  in  sight  he 
would  inform  Her  Majesty  of  the  fact,  and  by  one  he  was 
heard  distinctly  to  say : “ Look ! Old  Buddha,  look  quickly  at 
that  foreign  devil,”  whereupon  the  Empress  smiled  and 
bowed  most  affably.  Passing  through  the  Southern  gate  of 
the  Chinese  city,  her  bearers  carried  her  straight  to  the  large 
enceinte  of  the  Tartar  city  wall  at  the  Ch’ienmen,  where 
stands  the  shrine  dedicated  to  the  tutelary  God  of  the 
Manchus.  Here  crowds  of  foreigners  were  in  waiting  on 
the  wall.  Looking  down  on  the  courtyard  towards  the 
shrine,  they  saw  the  Old  Buddha  leave  her  chair  and  fall 
upon  her  knees  to  burn  incense  before  the  image  of  the  God 
of  War,  whilst  several  Taoist  priests  chanted  the  ritual. 
Rising  she  next  looked  up  towards  the  foreigners,  smiling 
and  bowing,  before  she  was  carried  away  through  the  gate 
into  the  precincts  of  the  Forbidden  City.  No  sooner  had 
she  reached  the  inner  palace  (the  Ning  Shou  kung)  at  about 
2 p.m.,  than  she  commanded  the  eunuchs  to  commence 
digging  up  the  treasure  which  had  been  buried  there  at  the 
time  of  her  flight ; she  was  gratified  beyond  measure  to  find 
that  it  had  indeed  remained  untouched. 

Next,  with  an  eye  not  only  upon  her  future  relations 
with  foreigners  but  also  on  public  opinion  throughout 
the  Empire,  she  issued  a Decree  conferring  posthumous 
honours  on  the  “ Pearl  concubine,”  who,  as  it  will  be 
remembered,  was  thrown  down  a well  by  her  orders  on  the 
morning  of  the  Court’s  flight  from  the  Palace.  In  this 
Decree  Her  Majesty  praises  the  virtue  and  admirable 
courage  of  the  dead  woman,  which  “led  her  virtuously  to 
commit  suicide  when  unable  to  catch  up  the  Court  on  its 
departure,”  unwilling  as  she  was  to  witness  the  destruction 
and  pollution  of  the  ancestral  shrines.  Her  trustworthy 
conduct  was  therefore  rewarded  by  the  granting  of  a 
posthumous  title  and  by  promotion  of  one  step  in  rank 
in  the  Imperial  harem.  The  Decree  was  generally 

403  d d 2 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


regarded  as  fulfilling  all  reasonable  requirements  of  atone- 
ment towards  the  deceased,  for  in  China  the  dead  yet  live 
and  move  in  a shadowy,  but  none  the  less  real,  hierarchy. 
Alive,  a “ Pearl  concubine  ” more  or  less  counted  for  little 
when  weighed  against  the  needs  of  the  Old  Buddhas 
policies ; once  dead,  however,  her  spirit  must  needs  be 
conciliated  and  compensated. 

Many  Europeans  who  had  witnessed  the  arrival  of  the 
Empress  Dowager,  remained  at  the  railway  station  to  see 
the  unloading  of  her  long  baggage  train,  a most  interesting 
and  instructive  sight.  First  were  discharged  the  yellow 
chairs  of  the  young  Empress  and  the  Princess  Imperial,  and 
four  green  chairs  with  yellow  borders  for  the  principal 
concubines  ; the  other  ladies  of  the  Court  followed  in  official 
carts,  two  to  each  vehicle.  There  were  about  ninety  of  them 
altogether,  and  the  arrangements  for  their  conveyance  were 
accompanied  by  no  little  noise  and  confusion,  the  loquacity 
of  some  of  the  elder  ladies  being  most  noticeable.  After 
their  departure  the  attention  of  the  eunuchs  and  minor 
officials  was  directed  to  the  huge  pile  of  the  * Empress 
Dowager’s  personal  baggage,  which  included  her  cooking 
utensils  and  household  articles  in  daily  use.  This  operation, 
as  well  as  the  removal  of  a very  large  quantity  of  bullion, 
(every  case  of  which  was  marked  with  the  name  of  the 
province  or  city  that  had  sent  it  as  tribute),  was  for  a time 
superintended  by  the  Grand  Council.  But  as  the  work  was 
enough  to  last  for  several  hours,  it  was  not  long  before,  led 
by  Jung  Lu,  they  entered  their  chairs  and  left  for  the  City. 
It  was  noticed  that  Jung  Lu  seemed  very  infirm,  and  was 
supported  as  he  walked  by  two  attendants  of  almost  gigantic 
stature. 

From  Cheng-ting  fu  to  Pao-ting  fu,  and  thence  to  Peking, 
the  Court  travelled,  for  the  first  time  in  its  history,  by  train. 
The  following  description  of  the  journey  is  reprinted,  by  kind 
permission  of  the  editor  of  The  Times,  from  an  article  pub- 
lished in  that  paper  in  March,  1902.  It  shows  an  interesting 

404 


THE  RETURN  OF  THE  COURT  TO  PEKING 


side  of*  the  Empress  Dowager’s  character,  that  of  the  thrifty 
mistress  of  her  goods  and  chattels,  and  gives  a clear-cut 
impression  of  that  vigorous  personality  which  devoted  the 
same  close  attention  to  details  of  transport  and  domestic 
economy  as  to  niceties  of  Court  ceremonial  or  historical 
precedents  on  vital  questions  of  State ; characteristics  which 
inevitably  suggest  a marked  resemblance  between  the  Old 
Buddha  and  le  petit  Caporal. 

“ Early  on  December  31st  the  Court  arrived  at  Cheng- 
ting  fu,  escorted  by  a large  body  of  cavalry  and  accompanied 
by  an  enormous  suite  of  officials,  eunuchs  and  servants.  The 
baggage  was  carried  by  a train  of  carts,  estimated  by  an  eye- 
witness at  three  thousand.  The  eunuchs  numbered  between 
three  and  four  hundred,  and  of  cooks  and  other  kitchen 
servants  there  were  almost  as  many.  To  provide  accom- 
modation for  such  a mass  of  people  was  impossible,  especially 
as  all  the  best  quarters  in  the  town  had  already  been 
occupied  by  the  high  officials  who,  with  their  retainers,  had 
come  from  the  north  to  welcome  the  Empress  Dowager  on 
her  return.  For  three  days  the  Court  rested  in  Cheng-ting 
fu,  during  which  time  the  scene  was  one  of  indescribable 
confusion ; baggage,  stacked  haphazard,  filled  every  available 
corner,  eunuchs  and  servants  camping  around  and  upon  it, 
stolidly  enduring  much  physical  discomfort  with  the  apathy 
peculiar  to  Asiatics.  Yet,  so  great  was  the  cold  (on  the 
night  of  January  1st  the  thermometer  stood  at  two  degrees 
(Fahrenheit)  below  zero)  that  many  of  these  wayfarers  gave 
way  to  lamentations  and  tears.  Officials  of  the  lower  and 
middle  grades,  unable  to  obtain  a lodging,  were  compelled 
to  pass  these  days  in  such  makeshift  shelter  as  they  could 
find  in  the  vicinity  of  the  railway  station,  where  swarmed  a 
mob  of  undisciplined  soldiery.  On  the  second  night  a fire 
broke  out  in  the  stables  of  the  Imperial  residence,  which, 
though  eventually  checked  before  much  damage  was  done, 
added  greatly  to  the  general  disorder,  and  might  well  have 
had  serious  results  in  the  absence  of  all  organisation  and 
control.  The  definite  announcement  of  the  Court’s  intention 
to  leave  for  Pao-ting  fu  on  the  3rd  of  January  was  received 
with  unmistakable  relief  by  the  hungry  motley  crowd 

405 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


which  represented  the  pomp  and  pride  of  Asia’s  greatest 
Empire. 

“From  the  Yellow  River  to  the  railway  terminus  at 
Cheng-ting  fu — a distance  of  about  two  hundred  and  fifty 
miles— the  • ever-growing  Imperial  procession  had  travelled 
almost  continuously  in  chairs,  litters,  carts,  and  on  horse- 
back, affording  a spectacle  which  recalled  in  many  of  its 
chief  characteristics  those  of  Europe’s  mediaeval  pageantry 
as  described  by  Scott.  Every  Manchu  Prince  had  a retinue 
of  horsemen  varying  from  thirty  to  a hundred  in  number ; 
along  the  frost-bound,  uneven  tracks  which  serve  for  roads 
in  Northern  China,  an  unending  stream  of  laden  waggons 
creaked  and  groaned  through  the  short  winter’s  day,  and 
on,  guided  by  soldier  torch-bearers,  through  bitter  nights  to 
the  appointed  stopping  places.  But  for  the  Empress 
Dowager  and  the  Emperor,  with  the  Chief  Eunuch  and  the 
ladies  of  the  Court,  there  was  easy  journeying  and  a 
way  literally  made  smooth.  Throughout  its  entire  distance 
the  road  over  which  the  Imperial  palanquins  were  borne 
had  been  converted  into  a smooth,  even  surface  of  shining 
clay,  soft  and  noiseless  under  foot ; not  ordy  had  every 
stone  been  removed,  but  as  the  procession  approached 
gangs  of  men  were  employed  in  brushing  the  surface  with 
feather  brooms.  At  intervals  of  about  ten  miles  well- 
appointed  rest-houses  had  been  built,  where  all  manner  of 
food  was  prepared.  The  cost  of  this  King’s  highway,  quite 
useless,  of  course,  for  the  ordinary  traffic  of  the  country,  was 
stated  by  a native  contractor  to  amount  roughly  to  fifty 
Mexican  dollars  for  every  eight  yards — say  £l,000  a mile — 
the  clay  having  to  be  carried  in  some  places  from  a great 
distance.  As  an  example  of  the  lavish  expenditure  of  the 
Court  and  its  officials,  in  a land  where  squalor  is  a pervading 
feature,  this  is  typical. 

“ The  hour  for  leaving  Cheng-ting  fu  was  fixed  by  the 
Empress  Dowager  at  9.30  a.m.  on  January  3rd.  It  is  sig- 
nificant of  the  character  of  this  remarkable  woman,  now  in 
her  sixty-seventh  year,  that  even  in  matters  of  detail  she 
leaves  nothing  to  chance,  nothing  to  others  ; the  long  arm 
of  her  unquestioned  authority  reaches  from  the  Throne 
literally  to  the  servants’  quarters.  Without  creating  any 


406 


THE  RETURN  OF  THE  COURT  TO  PEKING 


impression  of  fussiness,  she  makes  a distinctly  feminine 
personality  felt,  and  the  master-mind  which  has  guided  the 
destinies  of  China  for  the  last  forty  years  by  no  means 
disdains  to  concern  itself  in  minor  questions  of  household 
commissariat  and  transport.  It  is  impossible  not  to  reflect 
what  such  a woman  might  have  been,  what  she  might  have 
done  for  her  people,  had  there  come  into  her  life  some 
accident  or  influence  to  show  her,  in  their  true  light,  the 
corruption,  dishonesty,  and  cold-blooded  cruelty  of  her 
reign. 

“The  departure  of  the  Court  by  a special  train,  long 
since  prepared  for  its  reception  by  the  Belgian  railway 
authorities  and  Sheng  Hsuan-huai,  was  fixed  for  9.30  a.m. 
in  accordance  with  Her  Majesty’s  orders  ; that  Imperial  and 
imperious  lady,  however,  made  her  appearance  at  the  station 
at  seven  o’clock,  accompanied  by  the  young  Empress,  the 
Imperial  concubine,  and  the  ladies-in-waiting.  The  Emperor 
had  preceded  her,  and  upon  her  arrival  knelt  on  the  platform 
to  perform  respectful  obeisance,  in  the  presence  of  an 
interested  crowd.  The  next  two  hours  were  spent  by  the 
Empress,  who  showed  no  signs  of  fatigue,  in  supervision  of 
the  arrangements  for  despatching  the  vast  accumulation  of 
her  personal  baggage,  and  in  holding  informal  audiences  with 
various  high  dignitaries,  military  and  civil,  on  the  platform. 
Amongst  others  she  sent  for  M.  Jadot,  and  spent  some  time 
in  friendly  conversation  with  him,  expressing  great  satisfac- 
tion at  the  excellent  arrangements  made  for  her  comfort,  and 
pleasure  at  exchanging  the  sedan  chair  for  her  luxuriously- 
appointed  drawing-room  car.  She  took  pains  to  impress 
upon  the  engineer-in-chief  the  importance  which  she 
attached  to  keeping  the  Court’s  baggage  and  effects  within 
reach,  evincing  on  this  subject  much  determination  of  a 
good-humoured  kind. 

“ Eventually,  after  the  despatch  of  four  freight  trains,  her 
mind  was  relieved  of  this  anxiety,  but  it  was  to  be  clearly 
understood  that  the  same  personal  supervision  would  be 
exercised  at  Pao-ting  fu,  for  in  no  circumstances  could  the 
impedimenta  be  sent  on  in  advance  to  Peking.  There  is  a 
touch  of  feminine  nature  in  this  incident  which  can  hardly 
fail  to  bring  the  Empress  Dowager  into  some  degree  of 

407 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


kinship  with  her  fellow-women  in  other  lands ; there  is  also 
an  implied  reflection  on  the  honesty  of  persons  in  attend- 
ance on  the  Court  which  is  not  wdthout  significance. 

“ The  scene  upon  the  platform  was  one  of  remarkable 
interest.  In  utter  subversion  of  all  accepted  ideas  in 
regard  to  the  seclusion  and  privacy  in  which  the  Chinese 
Court  is  supposed  to  live,  move,  and  have  its  being, 
there  was  on  this  occasion — and  indeed  throughout  the 
journey — no  sign  of  either  attempt  or  wish  to  guard  Their 
Majesties  from  observation  and  intrusion.  The  crowd, 
quietly  inquisitive,  but  showing  no  inclination  to  demonstra- 
tion of  any  sort,  came  and  went  at  its  pleasure;  Yuan 
Shih-kai’s  braves,  who  to  the  number  of  about  a thousand 
travelled  to  Peking  as  the  Empress  Dowager’s  bodyguard, 
crowded  around  the  Imperial  party,  invading  even  their 
railway  carriages.  While  the  ruler  of  the  Empire  held 
audience  with  some  of  its  highest  officials,  none  of  their 
retainers  were  employed,  as  might  have  been  expected,  in 
keeping  the  people  at  a respectful  distance  ; the  scene,  in  fact, 
bore  striking  testimony  to  that  democratic  side  of  the 
Chinese  character  which  cannot  but  impress  itself  on  every 
foreign  visitor  to  a Viceroy’s  or  magistrate’s  yamen ; in  the 
present  instance,  however,  it  must  have  been,  for  all  concerned, 
a new  and  remarkable  experience. 

“ To  the  native  spectators,  the  ladies  of  the  Court  writh 
their  eunuch  attendants  were  as  much  objects  of  interest 
as  the  foreign  railway  officials  ; the  Imperial  concubine, 
‘ Chin  ’ (or  ‘ Lustrous  ’)  Kuei  fei,  a lively  young  person  of 
pleasing  appearance,  attracting  much  attention.  This  lady, 
gaily  clad  and  with  lavishly  painted  face,  bestowed  upon 
everything  connected  with  the  train  an  amount  of  attention 
which  augurs  well  for  the  future  of  railway  enterprise  in 
China,  running  from  car  to  car  and  chatting  volubly  with 
the  ladies-in-waiting.  All  the  ladies  of  the  Court  wore 
pearls  in  profusion — those  of  the  Empress  being  particularly 
fine — and  all  smoked  cigarettes  in  place  of  the  time-honoured 
water-pipe.  Herein  again,  for  the  optimistically  inclined, 
may  be  found  a harbinger  of  progress.  During  the  Empress 
Dowager’s  audiences,  lasting  sometimes  over  a quarter  of  an 
hour  at  a time,  the  Emperor  stood  close  at  her  side,  invari- 


408 


THE  RETURN  OF  THE  COURT  TO  PEKING 


ably  silent,  generally  listless,  though  his  expression  when 
animated  is  described  as  conveying  an  impression  of  remark- 
able intelligence.  The  young  Empress  has  good  features, 
marred,  in  European  eyes,  by  excessive  use  of  paint ; she, 
too,  appeared  to  be  melancholy,  and  showed  but  little 
interest  in  her  surroundings.  The  Emperor  and  both 
Empresses  were  simply  dressed  in  quiet  coloured  silks. 

“ The  special  train  in  which,  punctually  at  9.30  a.m.,  the 
rulers  of  China  left  for  their  capital  consisted  of  a locomotive 
and  twenty-one  carriages,  arranged  in  the  following  order : — 
Nine  freight  cars  laden  with  servants,  sedan  chairs,  carts,  mules, 
&c. ; a guard’s  van,  for  employes  of  the  railway ; two  first- 
class  carriages  (Imperial  Princes) ; Emperor’s  special  carriage  ; 
first-class  carriage  for  high  officials  in  attendance  (Jung  Lu, 
Yuan  Shih-k’ai,  General  Sung  Ch’ing,  Lu  Ch’uan-lin, 
Governor  Ts’en  of  Shansi,  Ministers  of  the  Household,  and 
others) ; Empress  Dowager’s  special  carriage;  special  carriages 
of  the  young  Empress  and  the  Imperial  concubine ; two 
second-class  carriages,  for  eunuchs  in  attendance ; first-class 
carriage  for  the  Chief  Eunuch,  and  the  ‘ Service  ’ carriage 
of  M.  Jadot. 

“ The  special  carriages  had  been  prepared  at  great  expense 
under  instructions  issued  by  the  Director-General  of  Railways, 
Sheng.  Those  of  the  Empress  Dowager,  the  Emperor,  and 
his  consort,  were  luxuriously  furnished  with  costly  curios  and 
upholstered  in  Imperial  yellow'  silk  ; each  had  its  throne, 
divan,  and  reception  room.  Heavy  wrindowr  curtains  had 
been  thoughtfully  provided  in  the  carriages  intended  for  the 
ladies’  use ; they  wrere  not  required,  however,  as  none  of  the 
party  showred  any  desire  for  privacy  during  the  entire 
journey.  While  travelling,  the  carriage  of  the  Empress 
Dow'ager  w'as  the  general  rendezvous  of  all  the  ladies, 
attended  by  their  eunuchs,  the  Empress  Dowager  spending 
much  of  the  time  in  conversation  with  the  Chief  Eunuch — 
of  somewhat  notorious  character — and  the  Emperor. 

“ The  Empress  Dowager  possesses  in  a marked  degree 
a characteristic  frequently  observed  in  masterful  natures : 
she  is  extremely  superstitious.  The  soothsayers  and  astro- 
logers of  the  Court  at  Peking  enjoy  no  sinecure ; on  the 
other  hand,  more  attention  is  paid  to  their  advice  than  that 

409 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


which  the  average  memorialist  obtains,  and  the  position  of 
necromancer  to  the  Throne  is  not  unprofitable,  On  the 
present  occasion  the  sages-in-ordinary  had  fixed  the  auspicious 
hour  for  the  Sovereign’s  return  to  Peking  at  2 p.m.  on 
January  7th;  M.  Jadot  was  accordingly  requested  to  make 
the  necessary  arrangements  to  this  end,  and  the  Empress 
Dowager  repeatedly  impressed  upon  him  the  importance 
which  she  attached  to  reaching  the  Yung-ting  gate  of  the 
city  at  that  particular  hour.  To  do  this,  as  the  engineer-in- 
chief pointed  out,  would  entail  starting  from  Pao-ting-fu  at 
7 a.m.,  but  the  determined  ruler  of  China  was  not  to  be  put 
off  by  any  such  considerations.  At  G a.m.  this  wonderful 
woman  arrived  at  the  station ; it  was  freezing  hard,  and  the 
sand  storm  was  raging  violently ; soldiers  bearing  lanterns 
and  torches  led  the  way  for  the  chair-bearers,  since  the  day 
had  not  yet  dawned.  The  scene  in  all  its  details  appeals 
powerfully  to  the  imagination.  Once  more  the  baggage 
question  monopolised  the  Empress  Dowager’s  attention ; 
her  last  freight  train,  laden  with  spoils  of  the  southern 
provinces,  preceded  the  Imperial  train  by  only  twenty  min- 
utes. It  will  be  realised  that  the  august  lady’s  requirements 
in  the  matter  of  personal  supervision  of  her  property  added 
responsibility  of  a most  serious  kind  to  the  cares — at  no 
time  light — of  the  railway  staff. 

“ An  incident  occurred  at  Pao-ting  fu  which  throws  a 
strong  side-light  upon  the  Empress  Dowager’s  character. 
The  high  Chinese  officials  above  mentioned,  who  travelled  in 
the  first-class  carriage  between  the  Emperor’s  special  car 
and  that  of  the  Empress,  finding  themselves  somewhat 
pressed  for  space,  consulted  the  railway  officials  and  obtained 
another  first-class  compartment,  which  was  accordingly 
added  to  the  train.  Her  Majesty  immediately  noticing  this, 
called  for  explanations,  which  failed  to  meet  with  her 
approval.  The  extra  carriage  was  removed  forthwith. 
Yuan  Shih  k’ai  and  his  colleagues  being  reluctantly  compelled 
to  resume  their  uncomfortably  crowded  quarters  ; to  these 
Her  Majesty  paid  a visit  of  inspection  before  leaving  the 
station,  making  enquiries  as  to  the  travellers’  comfort,  and 
expressing  complete  satisfaction  at  the  arrangements  gene- 
rally. 


410 


THE  RETURN  OF  THE  COURT  TO  PEKING 


“ At  11.30  a.m.,  punctual  to  the  minute,  the  train  arrived 
at  Feng-T’ai,  where  the  Luhan  line  from  Lu  Ko-ch’iao  meets 
the  Peking-Tien-tsin  Railway  ; here  the  British  authorities 
took  charge.  The  Empress  Dowager  was  much  reassured 
by  the  excellence  of  the  arrangements  and  the  punctuality 
observed  ; nevertheless,  she  continued  to  display  anxiety  as 
to  the  hour  of  reaching  Peking,  frequently  comparing  her 
watch  with  railway  time.  To  M.  Jadot,  who  took  leave  of 
Their  Majesties  at  Feng-T’ai,  she  expressed  again  the  satisfac- 
tion she  had  derived  from  this  her  first  journey  by  rail, 
promising  to  renew  the  experience  before  long  and  to  be 
present  at  the  official  opening  of  communication  between 
Hankow  and  the  capital.  She  presented  five  thousand 
dollars  for  distribution  among  the  European  and  Chinese 
employes  of  the  line,  and  decorated  M.  Jadot  with  the 
order  of  the  Double  Dragon,  Second  Class. 

“ From  Feng-T’ai  the  railway  under  British  control  runs 
directly  to  the  main  south  gate  of  the  Tartar  city  (Cli’ien- 
men),  but  it  bad  been  laid  down  by  the  soothsayers  and 
astrologers  aforesaid  that,  for  good  augury,  and  to  conform 
with  tradition,  the  Imperial  party  must  descend  at  Machiapu 
and  enter  the  Chinese  city  by  the  direct  road  to  the  Palace 
through  the  Yung-ting  Men.  At  midday,  therefore,  leaving 
the  railway,  the  Court  started  in  chairs  for  the  city,  in  the 
midst  of  a pageant  as  magnificent  as  the  resources  of  Chinese 
officialdom  permit.  The  scene  has  been  described  by  Euro- 
pean writers  as  imposing,  but  a Japanese  correspondent  refers 
to  its  mise-en-scene  as  suitable  to  a rustic  theatre  in  his 
own  country.  Be  this  as  it  may,  the  Empress  Dowager, 
reverently  welcomed  by  the  Emperor,  who  had  preceded 
her,  as  usual,  entered  the  city,  from  which  she  had  fled  so 
ignominiously  eighteen  months  before,  at  the  hour  named 
by  her  spiritual  advisers  as  propitious.  Present  appearances 
at  Peking,  as  well  as  the  chastened  tone  of  Imperial  Edicts, 
indicate  that  the  wise  men  were  right  in  their  choice. 

“ It  may  be  added,  in  conclusion,  as  a sign  of  the  times, 
that  the  Empress  Dowager’s  sleeping  compartment,  prepared 
under  the  direction  of  Sheng  Hsiian-huai,  was  furnished  with 
a European  bed.  Per  contra,  it  contained  also  materials  for 
opium  smoking,  of  luxurious  yet  workmanlike  appearance.” 

411 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


Within  a week  or  so  of  the  Court’s  return,  the  representa- 
tives of  the  foreign  Powers  were  duly  received  in  audience 
under  the  conditions  named  in  the  Peace  Protocol.  It  was 
observed  that  the  Old  Buddha  assumed,  as  of  old,  the  highest 
seat  on  the  Throne  dais,  the  Emperor  occupying  a lower  and 
almost  insignificant  position.  At  the  subsequent  reception 
of  the  Minister’s  wives,  in  the  Pavilion  of  Tranquil  Longevity, 
the  wife  of  the  Doyen  of  the  Diplomatic  Corps  presented 
an  address  to  “ welcome  Her  Imperial  Majesty  back  to  her 
beautiful  Capital.”  The  document  was  most  cordially, 
almost  effusively,  worded,  and  showed  that  the  astute  and 
carefully  pre-arranged  measures  taken  by  the  Empress  to 
conciliate  the  foreign  Powers  by  adroit  flattery  and  “ allure- 
ments ” had  already  attained  their  desired  effect.  Already  the 
horrors  of  the  siege,  the  insults  and  the  arrogance  of  1900, 
were  forgotten ; already  the  representatives  of  the  Powers 
were  prepared,  as  of  old,  to  vie  with  each  other  in  attempts  to 
purchase  Chinese  favour  by  working  each  against  the  other. 

In  receiving  the  address  of  the  ladies  of  the  Diplomatic 
Body,  Her  Majesty  created  a marked  impression  by  the 
emotion  with  which  she  referred  to  her  affectionate  regard 
for  Europeans  in  general  and  her  visitors  in  particular.  With 
every  evidence  of  complete  sincerity  she  explained  that  a 
“ Revolution  in  the  Palace  ” had  compelled  her  to  flee  from 
Peking  ; she  deeply  regretted  the  inconvenience  and  hard- 
ships to  which  her  good  friends  of  the  Foreign  Legations  had 
been  so  unfortunately  subjected,  and  she  hoped  for  a renewal 
of  the  old  cordial  relations.  The  foreign  ladies  left  the 
audience  highly  satisfied  with  the  Empress  Dowager  for  her 
condescension,  and  with  themselves  at  being  placed  in  a 
position  to  display  such  magnanimity.  This  audience  was 
the  first  of  many  similar  occasions,  and  reference  to  the 
numerous  works  in  which  the  social  side  of  Her  Majesty’s 
subsequent  relations  with  Europeans  have  been  described 
will  show  that  the  Old  Buddha  had  not  greatly  erred  when 
she  assured  Jung  Lu  of  the  value  of  ancient  classical  methods 

412 


THE  RETURN  OF  THE  COURT  TO  PEKING 


in  dealing  with  barbarians,  and  promised  him  that  all  would 
readily  be  forgiven  and  forgotten  in  the  tactful  exercise  of 
condescending  courtesies. 

Life  settled  down  then  into  the  old  grooves,  and  all  went 
on  as  before  in  the  Capital  of  China,  the  garrisons  of  the 
Allies  soon  becoming  a familiar  feature  in  the  streets  to  which 
gradually  the  traders  and  surviving  Chinese  residents  returned. 
Once  more  began  the  farce  of  foreign  intercourse  with  the 
so-called  Government  of  the  Celestial  Empire,  and  with  it 
were  immediately  renewed  all  the  intrigues  and  international 
jealousies  which  alone  enable  its  rulers  to  maintain  some 
sort  of  equilibrium  in  the  midst  of  conflicting  pressures. 

The  power  behind  the  Throne,  from  this  time  until  his 
death,  was  undoubtedly  Jung  Lu,  but  the  Foreign  Legations, 
still  confused  by  memories  and  echoes  of  the  siege,  and 
suspicious  of  all  information  which  did  not  conform  to  their 
expressed  ideas  of  the  causes  of  the  Boxer  Rising,  failed  to 
realise  the  truth,  and  saw  in  him  a suspect  who  should  by 
rights  have  suffered  punishment  with  his  fellow  conspirators. 
But  the  actual  facts  of  the  case,  and  his  individual  actions 
as  recorded  beyond  dispute  in  the  diary  of  His  Excellency 
Ching  Shan,  and  unmistakably  confirmed  by  other  independ- 
ent witnesses,  wrere  not  then  available  in  the  Chancelleries. 
Accordingly,  when  Jung  Lu  first  paid  his  formal  official  calls 
upon  the  Foreign  Ministers,  he  was  anything  but  gratified 
at  the  reception  accorded  to  him.  In  vain  it  wras  that  he 
assured  one  member  of  the  Diplomatic  body,  with  whom  he 
had  formerly  been  on  fairly  good  terms,  that  as  Heaven  was 
his  witness  he  had  done  nothing  in  1900  except  Ins  utmost 
to  defend  and  save  the  Legations ; his  statements  were 
entirely  disbelieved,  and  so  greatly  was  he  chagrined  at  the 
injustice  done  him,  that  he  begged  the  Empress  Dowager 
in  all  seriousness  to  allow  him  to  retire  from  the  Grand 
Council.  But  Tzu  Hsi,  fully  realising  the  situation,  assured 
him  of  her  complete  confidence,  and  in  a highly  laudatory 
decree  refused  his  request : — 

413 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


“The  Grand  Secretary,  Jung  Lu,”  she  said,  “is  a most 
patriotic  and  loyal  servant  of  the  Throne,  upon  whose  ser- 
vices wTe  have  long  and  confidently  relied.  During  the 
whole  of  the  Boxer  Rebellion  crisis  it  was  he,  and  he 
alone,  who  calmly  and  fearlessly  held  to  the  path  of  firm- 
ness, whilst  all  around  him  was  confusion  and  shouting,  so 
that  without  doubt,  he  was  the  means  of  saving  the  Empire. 
Most  glorious  indeed  is  his  merit.  Although  it  may  be  said 
that  the  situation  has  now  been  practically  saved,  we  have 
by  no  means  recovered  from  the  effects  of  this  grievous 
national  disaster,  and  there  is  urgent  necessity  for  the 
abolition  of  countless  abuses  and  the  introduction  of  a 
programme  of  Reform.  It  is  fitting  that  all  shoidd  assist  us 
to  this  end.  Whilst  we  ourselves,  in  the  seclusion  of  the 
Palace,  labour  unceasingly,  how  is  it  possible  that  the  Grand 
Secretary,  who  has  received  such  high  favour  at  our  hands, 
should  even  think  of  withdrawing  from  the  stress  of  public 
life,  leaving  to  us  incessant  and  harassing  labour?  Would 
not  his  conscience  drive  him  to  remorse  when  reflecting  on 
the  self-denying  duties  of  every  loyal  Statesman  in  the 
service  of  his  Sovereign  ? His  prayer  is  refused.” 

On  two  subsequent  occasions  before  her  death,  the  populace 
and  the  foreign  community  in  Peking  were  afforded  oppor- 
tunities of  witnessing  the  Empress  Dowager’s  return  to  the 
city  from  short  excursions  by  railway,  and  on  each  of  these 
her  affable,  almost  familiar,  attitude  was  a subject  of  general 
comment.  The  first  occasion  was  in  the  following  spring, 
when  she  visited  the  Eastern  Tombs,  and  upon  her  return, 
sacrificing  as  usual  before  the  shrine  of  the  God  of  War  in 
the  enceinte  of  the  Ch’ienmen,  she  talked  volubly  with 
several  of  the  ladies  whom  she  had  met  at  Court.  After 
emerging  from  the  Temple,  she  called  upon  one  of  the 
eunuchs  to  bring  her  opera  glasses,  with  which  she  eagerly 
scanned  the  crowd  looking  down  from  the  wall  of  the  city, 
waving  her  handkerchief  whenever  she  perceived  a familiar 
face.  On  one  occasion  she  even  shouted  up  an  inquiry 
asking  after  the  health  of  the  daughter  of  one  of  the  Foreign 
Ministers.  The  Manchu  Princes  and  Chamberlains  of  the 

414 


THE  RETURN  OF  THE  COURT  TO  PEKING 


Court  were  unable  to  conceal  their  indignation  and  wrath  at 
such  condescension  on  the  part  of  the  Empress  Dowager 
towards  those  whom,  in  spite  of  1900,  they  still  regarded 
(and  regard  to  this  day)  as  outer  barbarians.  So  much 
incensed  were  they  that  they  even  urged  Chi  Lu  to  beg  Her 
Majesty  to  desist,  and  to  re-enter  her  chair,  an  invitation  to 
which  she  paid  not  the  slightest  attention,  being  evidently 
well  pleased  at  the  violation  of  ceremonial  etiquette  which 
she  was  committing.  It  was  noticed  that  the  Emperor,  on 
the  other  hand,  took  no  notice  whatsoever  of  the  foreigners, 
and  seemed  to  be  sunk  in  a deep,  listless  melancholy. 

The  second  occasion  was  after  the  Empress  Dowager’s 
visit  to  the  Western  Tombs  in  April,  1903,  four  days  after 
the  death  of  her  faithful  friend  and  adviser,  Jung  Lu.  On 
this  occasion  Her  Majesty  appeared  to  be  in  very  low  spirits, 
descending  from  the  train  slowly,  and  with  none  of  her 
wonted  vivacity.  She  greeted  Kuei  Hsiang,  her  brother, 
who  was  kneeling  on  the  platform  to  receive  her,  with  one 
curt  sentence,  “ You  have  killed  Jung  Lu  by  recommending 
that  useless  doctor,”  and  passed  on  to  her  chair  without 
another  word.  It  was  on  this  occasion,  receiving  certain 
foreign  ladies  in  the  travelling  Palace  erected  for  her  at 
Pao-ting  fu,  that  the  Old  Buddha  alluded  directly  to  the 
massacres  of  foreign  missionaries  which  had  taken  place  in 
that  city,  “ with  which  she  had,  of  course,  nothing  to  do.” 
No  doubt  by  this  time,  and  by  force  of  repetition,  Tzii  Hsi 
had  persuaded  herself  of  her  complete  innocence  ; but  how- 
ever this  may  be,  she  undoubtedly  won  over  most  of  the 
foreigners  with  whom  she  came  in  contact,  by  the  charm 
and  apparent  sincerity  of  her  manner. 

Before  settling  down  to  the  accustomed  routine  of  life  in 
the  Palace,  the  Empress  Dowager,  whose  penchant  for  per- 
sonal explanation  in  Imperial  Edicts  seemed  to  be  growing 
upon  her,  issued  a Decree  which  gained  for  her  renewed 
sympathy  from  all  classes  of  Chinese  officials.  After  the 
usual  exhortations  to  her  faithful  subjects  to  co-operate 

415 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


loyally  in  her  schemes  for  Reform,  to  put  off  the  old  bad 
ways  and  to  persist  energetically  in  well-doing,  she  gives  a 
graphic  description  of  the  hardships  which  she  and  the 
Emperor  endured  during  her  compulsory  “ tour  to  the 
West.”  After  referring  to  the  unforgettable  shocks  and 
sorrows  of  that  journey,  the  Edict  says : — 

“ I have  now  returned  once  more  to  my  Palace  and  find 
the  ancestral  Temples  reposing  as  of  old  in  dignified  and 
unbroken  serenity.  Beneath  the  deep  awe  which  overcomes 
me  in  the  presence  of  my  glorious  ancestors  my  soul  feels  an 
added  weight  of  grief  and  remorse,  and  I only  hope  that  by 
Heaven’s  continued  favour  I may  yet  live  to  accomplish 
some  meritorious  work.” 

And  again,  in  a later  passage,  after  referring  to  the 
drought  which  had  brought  Shensi  and  Shansi  to  the  verge 
of  famine,  she  says : — 

“The  Empire  has  come  upon  days  of  dire  financial  dis- 
tress, and  my  people  have  been  compelled  to  find  funds  for 
me  from  their  very  life  blood ; ill  would  it  be  for  me  to 
requite  their  loyalty  by  further  levies  of  taxation,  and  the 
Throne  is  therefore  bound  to  curtail  its  ordinary  expenditure 
and  to  make  strict  economy  its  guiding  rule  for  the  future. 
With  the  exception  of  such  repairs  as  are  necessary  to  the 
Temples  and  ancestral  shrines,  I hereby  command  that  no 
expenditure  be  incurred  for  repairs  or  decoration  of  the 
Palaces,  except  in  cases  of  absolute  necessity.” 


XXIV 


HER  MAJESTY’S  NEW  POLICY 

The  crisis  of  1900,  all  the  horror  of  that  abomination  of 
desolation  in  her  Capital  and  the  hardships  of  her  wander- 
ing in  the  wilderness,  had  brought  home  to  the  Empress 
the  inherent  weakness  of  her  country  and  the  stern  necessity 
for  remedial  measures.  Already,  before  the  issue  of  the 
penitential  Decree,  quoted  in  an  earlier  chapter,  she  had 
announced  to  the  world,  with  characteristic  decision,  her 
intention  to  adopt  new  measures  and  to  break  with  those 
hoary  traditions  of  the  past  which,  as  she  had  learned,  were 
the  first  cause  of  the  rottenness  of  the  State.  Her  subse- 
quent policy  became  in  fact  (though  she  was  careful  never 
to  admit  it)  a justification  of  those  very  measures  which  the 
Emperor  had  so  enthusiastically  inaugurated  in  1898,  but 
her  methods  differed  from  his  in  that  she  omitted  no 
precaution  for  conciliating  the  conflicting  interests  about 
the  Throne  and  for  disarming  the  opposition  of  the 
intransigeants  of  the  provinces. 

The  first  intimation  of  Her  Majesty’s  conversion  to  new 
ideals  of  Government  was  given  to  the  world  in  an  Edict 
issued  at  Hsi-an  on  the  28th  January,  1901,  in  the  name  of 
the  Emperor.  This  document,  drafted  with  the  assistance 
of  Jung  Lu,  is  a remarkable  example  of  Tzu  Hsi’s  masculine 
intelligence  and  statecraft,  though  somewhat  marred  by 
those  long-winded  repetitions  in  which  Chinese  Edicts 
abound.  It  was  received  with  enthusiastic  delight  by  the 

417  E E 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


literati  throughout  the  Empire,  even  in  Canton  and  the 
southern  provinces,  where,  at  the  moment,  Her  Majesty  was 
not  personally  popular.  The  vernacular  Press  claimed  it 
as  the  most  striking  Edict  in  Chinese  history.  It  combined 
an  eloquent  appeal  to  the  people  to  accept  the  principle 
of  reform  together  with  a masterful  justification  of 
China  and  her  people  vis-a-vis  the  outside  world. 
It  was  most  skilfully  worded  so  as  to  placate  all  parties 
in  the  State  and  thus  to  enhance  the  reputation  of 
the  Old  Buddha.  The  “Young  China”  party  was  particularly 
enthusiastic,  for  by  this  Decree  Her  Majesty  definitely 
abandoned  the  principle  of  absolute  autocracy  which  had 
been  for  centuries  the  corner-stone  of  the  Chinese  system  of 
government.  It  was  realised  that  so  complete  a departure 
from  the  traditions  of  the  Manchu  Dynasty,  of  the  Imperial 
Clan  and  of  all  her  previous  convictions,  could  not  have  been 
attained  but  for  the  bitter  lessons  of  1900,  and,  admiration 
was  therefore  the  more  keen  for  the  skill  and  courage  with 
which,  on  the  verge  of  old  age,  she  resumed  the  burden  of 
government  in  her  ravaged  capital.  It  was  the  ruling 
passion  bravely  asserted,  and  the  sympathy  of  the  nation 
could  hardly  be  withheld  from  a ruler  who  thus  bore  her 
share  in  the  national  humiliation,  who  so  frankly  accepted 
responsibility  for  past  errors  and  promised  new  and  better 
methods  for  the  future. 

It  was,  of  course,  inevitable,  in  the  light  of  all  experience, 
that  many  of  her  subjects,  as  well  as  most  foreigners,  should 
doubt  her  sincerity,  and  should  regard  this  Edict,  like  many 
others,  as  a case  of  “ when  the  devil  was  sick.”  But  gradu- 
ally, after  the  return  of  the  Court,  as  it  became  clear  to  her 
immediate  retainers  and  high  officials  that  this  self-confident 
woman  was  really  in  earnest,  and  as  she  continued  steadily 
to  impress  her  new  policy  upon  the  reluctant  Clansmen,  her 
popularity  with  the  people  at  large,  and  especially  in  the 
south  (where  it  had  been  much  damaged  by  her  fierce 
suppression  of  the  Cantonese  reformers  of  1898),  was  gradu- 

418 


HER  MAJESTY’S  NEW  POLICY 


ally  restored.  From  this  time  forward  to  the  end  of  her  life, 
whatever  may  have  been  the  good  or  bad  faith  of  her  advisers 
and  chief  officials,  every  act  of  her  career  is  stamped  with 
unmistakable  signs  of  her  sincerity  in  the  cause  of  reform, 
borne  out  by  her  recorded  words  and  deeds. 

From  the  Boxer  movement  she  had  learned  at  a bitter 
cost  the  lesson  she  was  now  putting  into  practice,  but  for  all 
that  she  remained  to  the  end  faithful  in  her  affection  for  the 
memory  of  the  Boxer  leaders  ; to  the  last  she  never  failed 
to  praise  their  loyalty  to  her  person  and  the  patriotic  bravery 
of  their  attempt  to  expel  the  foreigner.  But  she  had  been 
compelled  to  learn  in  the  hard  school  of  experience  the  utter 
hopelessness  of  that  attempt,  and  she  was  forced  to  the  con- 
clusion that,  for  the  future,  and  until  China  should  be  strong 
enough,  all  anti-foreign  proceedings  must  be  suppressed. 

Unflinchingly,  therefore,  she  announced  to  her  people  a 
change  of  front  unparalleled  in  the  history  of  China.  Certain 
it  is  (as  was  fully  proved  in  the  case  of  the  Emperor  in 
1898)  that  no  other  ruler  of  the  Dynasty  could  have  pro- 
claimed such  drastic  changes  without  causing  serious 
dissensions  and  possibly  civil  war.  But  so  masterly  were 
her  methods  of  dealing  with  the  necessities  of  the  situation, 
and  so  forcibly  did  the  style  and  arguments  of  her  Decrees 
appeal  to  the  literati , that  they  carried  very  general  con- 
viction. Even  the  most  bigoted  Confucianists  were  won  by 
her  subtle  suggestions  as  to  what  would  have  been  the 
attitude  of  the  Sage  himself  if  confronted  by  such  problerr  s 
as  the  nation  had  now  to  face. 

The  text  of  the  Decree  recording  her  conversion  is 
interesting : — 

“ Throughout  the  entire  universe  there  exist  certain  fixed 
principles  which  govern  the  conduct  of  men,  but  nowhere  do 
we  find  any  finally  fixed  form  of  government.  It  is  written 
hi  the  Book  of  Changes 1 that  when  any  given  condition  of 

1 Precisely  the  same  quotation  was  used  by  Ch’ung  Hou  in  a despatch  to 

419  E E 2 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


affairs  has  run  its  natural  course,  and  lias  been  succeeded  by 
another,  there  is  no  saying  how  long  this  new  state  may  last ; 
also  in  the  Dialogues  of  Confucius  it  is  written,  that  there  is 
no  difficulty  in  tracing  the  changes  and  reforms  which  each 
Dynasty  - has  made  in  regard  to  the  methods  of  its  pre- 
decessors. Certain  things  remain  ever  unchanged,  namely, 
the  three  fundamental  bonds,  between  Sovereign  and 
subject,  father  and  son,  husband  and  wife  ; also  the  five 
great  moral  obligations.  These  vary  not,  but  are  all  as  the 
sun  and  moon,  enlightening  the  world.  But  in  other  matters 
there  should  be  no  fixed  objection  to  change,  no  hide-bound 
finality  of  ideas  ; to  obtain  music  from  a lute  or  guitar  one 
must  touch  all  the  strings.  Each  Dynasty  in  turn,  since  the 
beginning  of  time,  has  seen  fit  to  introduce  changes  and  has 
abolished  certain  customs  of  its  predecessors  ; our  own 
ancestors  have  set  us  many  an  example  in  modifying  their 
conduct  to  meet  the  exigencies  of  their  day.  The  system 
which  prevailed  at  the  date  when  first  the  Manchus  captured 
Peking  was  very  different  from  that  in  vogue  when  Moukden 
was  the  capital  of  our  Empire. 

“ Looking  at  the  matter  broadly,  we  may  observe  that 
any  system  which  has  lasted  too  long  is  in  danger  of 
becoming  stereotyped,  and  things  that  are  obsolete  should 
be  modified.  The  essential  need  which  confronts  us  is  at  all 
costs  to  strengthen  our  Empire  and  to  improve  the  condition 
of  our  subjects.  Ever  since  our  journey  to  the  West  the 
Empress  Dowager  has  been  over-burdened  with  the  labours 
and  cares  of  the  State.1 

“ Bitterly  have  we  reproached  ourselves  with  the  thought 
that  for  the  past  twenty  years  abuses  have  steadily  been 
increasing,  while  means  of  suppressing  them  have  been  con- 
tinually put  off  until,  at  last,  the  state  of  our  country  has 
become  parlous  indeed.  At  this  moment,  when  peace 
negotiations  are  proceeding,  it  is  a matter  of  urgent  necessity 
that  steps  be  taken  to  reorganise  our  system  of  government 


the  British  Minister  (Mr.  Wade)  in  1861,  under  somewhat  similar  circum- 
stances. Since  that  date  the  most  frequent  criticism  of  foreign  observers  on 
the  subject  has  been  “plus  $a  change,  plus  c’est  la  meme  chose.” 

1 The  literal  translation  of  the  Chinese  is,  “ She  has  eaten  her  meal  at 
sunset,  and  worn  her  clothes  throughout  the  night.” 


420 


HER  MAJESTY’S  NEW  POLTCY 


so  that  hereafter  our  Celestial  Empire  may  recover  its 
ancient  place  of  wealth  and  power.  The  Empress  Dowager 
has  now  decided  that  we  should  correct  our  shortcomings  by 
adopting  the  best  methods  and  systems  which  obtain  in 
foreign  countries,  basing  our  future  conduct  upon  a wise 
recognition  of  past  errors. 

“Ever  since  the  23rd  and  24th  years  of  Kuang  Hsu  (1897 
and  1898)  there  has  been  no  lack  of  plans  for  reform, 
and  suggestions  of  administrative  change,  but  they  have 
all  been  marked  by  vagueness  and  foolish  looseness  of 
thought.  The  crisis  which  was  brought  about  in  1898 
by  the  arch-traitor  K’ang  Yu-wei  was  in  its  possible  conse- 
quences even  more  dangerous  than  the  evil  which  lias  since 
been  brought  about  by  the  unholy  arts  of  the  Boxers.  To 
this  day  K’ang  and  his  associates  continue  to  preach  treason 
and  to  disturb  the  public  mind  by  means  of  their  writings 
from  overseas.  The  object  of  their  writings  is  simply 
anarchy,  nor  do  they  scruple  to  use  catchwords  which, 
while  apparently  appealing  to  the  patriotism  of  our 
people,  are  really  intended  to  create  dissension.  Thus  they 
talk  of  the  “ defence  of  the  Empire  ” and  the  “ protection  of 
the  Chinese  race,”  and  many  of  their  dupes  fail  to  realise 
that  their  main  object  is  not  reform,  but  a revolution 
against  the  Manchu  Dynasty,  and  that  they  hope  to  create 
ill-feeling  between  the  Empress  Dowager  and  the  Emperor. 
With  treacherous  cunning  those  conspirators  took  advantage 
of  our  weak  state  of  health,  and  we  were  therefore  glad 
when  at  our  urgent  request  Her  Majesty  the  Empress 
Dowager  resumed  the  Regency.  With  amazing  rapidity 
she  grasped  all  the  needs  of  the  situation  and  delivered 
us  from  imminent  peril,  visiting  swift  punishment  upon 
those  traitors.  But,  whilst  ridding  the  State  of  these  evil- 
doers it  was  never  Her  Majesty’s  wish  or  intention  to  block 
reform  measures,  whilst  we,  on  our  side,  though  recognising 
the  necessity  for  change  in  certain  directions,  were  never 
guilty  of  any  desire  to  abolish  all  the  ancient  ways  of  our 
ancestors.  Our  loyal  subjects  must  recognise  that  it  has  been 
Her  Majesty’s  invariable  wish,  and  our  own,  to  follow  the 
happy  mean,  we,  as  mother  and  son,  being  in  complete  accord, 
to  steer  a wise  middle  course  between  conflicting  policies. 


421 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


“ We  have  to-day  received  Her  Majesty’s  orders,  and  learn 
that  she  is  now  thoroughly  bent  on  radical  reform.  Never- 
theless, whilst  we  are  convinced  of  the  necessity  of  blending 
in  one  harmonious  form  of  administration  the  best  customs 
and  traditions  of  Chinese  and  European  Governments,  there 
is  to  be  no  talk  of  reaction  or  revolution.  The  chief  defect 
in  our  system  of  administration  is  undoubtedly  too  close  an 
adherence  to  obsolete  methods,  a too  slavish  devotion  to  the 
written  word ; the  result  is  a surfeit  of  commonplace  and 
inefficient  officials,  and  a deplorable  lack  of  men  of  real 
talent.  The  average  commonplace  man  makes  a god  of  the 
written  word,  whilst  every  bureaucrat  in  the  land  regards 
it  as  a talisman  wherewith  to  fill  his  purse,  so  that  we  have 
huge  mountains  of  correspondence  eternally  growing  up 
between  one  government  office  and  another,  the  value  of 
which  is  absolutely  nil  so  far  as  any  good  to  the  country 
is  concerned.  On  the  other  hand  men  of  real  ability  lose 
heart  and  give  up  the  public  service  in  disgust,  prevented 
from  coming  to  the  front  by  the  mass  of  inefficiency  that 
blocks  the  way.  Our  whole  system  of  government  has 
come  to  grief  through  corruption,  and  the  first  steps  of 
progress  in  our  Empire  are  clogged  by  the  fatal  word 
‘ Precedent.’ 

“ Up  to  the  present  the  study  of  European  methods  lias 
gone  no  further  than  a superficial  knowledge  of  the  languages, 
literature  and  mechanical  arts  of  the  West,  but  it  must 
be  evident  that  these  things  are  not  the  essentials  upon 
which  European  civilisation  has  been  founded.  The  essential 
spirit  of  that  civilisation  is  to  be  looked  for  in  the  fact  that 
real  sympathy  and  understanding  exists  between  rulers 
and  people,  that  officials  are  required  to  be  truthful  in  word 
and  courageous  in  action.  The  teachings  handed  down 
to  us  by  our  sacred  ancestors  are  really  the  same  as  those 
upon  which  the  wealth  and  power  of  European  countries 
have  been  based,  but  China  has  hitherto  failed  to  realise  this 
and  has  been  content  to  acquire  the  rudiments  of  European 
languages  or  technicalities,  while  changing  nothing  of  her 
ancient  habit:,  of  inefficiency  and  deep-rooted  corruption. 
Ignoring  our  real  needs  we  have  so  far  taken  from  Europe 
nothing  but  externals  ; how  can  we  possibly  hope  to  advance 

422 


HER  MAJESTY’S  NEW  POLICY 


on  such  lines  ? Any  reforms  to  be  effective  and  permanent 
must  be  made  with  a real  desire  for  efficiency  and  honesty. 

“ We  therefore  hereby  decree  and  command  that  the 
officials  concerned  shall  now  make  close  enquiry  and 
comparison  as  to  the  various  systems  of  government  in  force 
in  European  countries  with  special  reference  to  those  which 
obtain  in  China  to-day,  not  only  as  regards  the  constitution 
of  the  Court  and  central  government,  but  also  concerning 
those  things  which  make  for  the  prosperity  of  our  subjects, 
such  as  the  system  of  examinations  and  education,  the 
administration  of  the  army  and  the  regulation  of  finance. 
They  will  be  required  to  report  as  to  what  changes  are 
advisable  and  what  institutions  should  be  abolished ; what 
methods  we  should  adopt  from  abroad  and  what  existing 
Chinese  institutions  should  be  retained.  The  things  we 
chiefly  need  are  a constant  supply  of  men  of  talent,  a sound 
basis  of  national  finance,  and  an  efficient  army.  Reports 
on  these  matters  must  be  forwarded  within  two  months, 
and  upon  them  we  shall  humbly  address  Her  Majesty, 
and  ask  for  her  decision  before  we  take  any  definite 
action. 

“ Whilst  the  Court  was  in  residence  at  T’ai-yiian  we 
urgently  called  upon  our  subjects  to  assist  us,  and  many 
Memorials  were  received,  but  as  a general  rule  the  adviGe 
they  tendered  was  either  stupid  plagiarism  taken  from 
newspaper  articles  or  else  the  narrow  and  bigoted  views 
of  untravelled  scholars.  They  frequently  sounded  quite 
reasonable,  but  were  in  reality  sheer  nonsense,  their  principal 
characteristic  being  overweening  conceit,  which  effectively 
prevented  any  breadth  of  argument.  Very  few  of  the 
suggestions  advanced  were  practicable,  for  the  reason  that 
in  recommending  any  course  of  action  writers  laid  stress 
upon  its  alleged  advantages  without  realising  its  drawbacks. 
There  are  many  who  talk  glibly  of  reform  and  the  wealth 
and  power  of  foreign  States,  but  deceive  themselves  as  to 
the  real  origin  of  all  knowledge ; on  the  other  hand  your 
bigoted  Confucianist  will  discourse  endlessly  upon  the 
doctrines  of  the  Sages,  without  in  the  least  realising  the 
needs  of  the  present  day.  It  is  now  for  you,  our  officials, 
to  steer  a reasonable  midway  course,  avoiding  both  these 

423 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


defects  in  submitting  your  proposals.  We  desire  that 
your  views  shall  be  elaborated  in  the  fullest  detail  for  our 
consideration  in  determining  upon  a course  of  action. 

“ The  first  essential,  however,  more  important  even  than 
the  devising  of  new  systems,  is  to  secure  men  of  administra- 
tive ability.  Without  talent  no  system  can  be  made  to 
succeed.  If  the  letter  of  our  projected  reforms  be  not 
illuminated  and  guided  by  this  spirit  of  efficiency  in  our 
officials  then  must  all  our  hopes  of  reforming  the  State 
disappear  into  the  limbo  of  lost  ideals.  We  fully  recognise 
that  foolish  adherence  to  the  system  of  promotion  by 
seniority  has  been  one  of  the  main  factors  in  bringing 
about  a condition  of  affairs  that  is  almost  incurable.  If  we 
would  now  be  rid  of  it,  our  first  step  evidently  is  to  think 
no  more  of  selfish  interests,  but  to  consider  the  common- 
wealth only  and  to  secure  efficiency  by  some  new  and 
definite  method,  so  that  competent  persons  only  may  be 
in  charge  of  public  affairs.  But  if  you,  our  officials, 
continue  to  cling  to  your  ancient  ways,  following  the  ruts 
of  procrastination  and  slothful  ease  ; should  you  persist  in 
evading  responsibility,  serving  the  State  with  empty  catch- 
words while  you  batten  on  the  fruits  of  your  misdeeds, 
assuredly  the  punishment  which  the  law  provides  stands 
ready,  and  no  mercy  will  be  shown  you  ! Let  this  Decree 
be  promulgated  throughout  the  land.” 

It  will  be  observed  that  in  this  Decree  the  Emperor  is 
made  to  renounce  and  condemn  the  Reformers  of  1898  and 
all  their  works.  This,  however  sincerely  convinced  Her 
Majesty  might  be  of  the  necessity  for  remedial  measures, 
was  only  natural.  For  it  was  never  one  of  the  weaknesses 
of  this  masterful  woman  to  make  direct  confession  of  error 
for  the  benefit  of  her  own  immediate  entourage  ; not  thus 
is  prestige  maintained  in  the  atmosphere  of  an  Oriental 
Court.  She  was  now  prepared  to  adopt  many  of  the  reforms 
which  Kang  Yu-wei  and  his  friends  had  advocated,  but  for 
all-important  purposes  of  “ face  ” it  must  be  made  quite  clear 
that,  in  her  hands,  they  were  something  radically  different 
and  superior.  In  promulgating  her  new  opinions  she  could 

424 


HER  MAJESTY’S  NEW  POLICY 


not  afford  to  say  anything  which  might  be  construed  as  direct 
justification  of  that  reform  movement  which  she  herself  had 
so  ruthlessly  suppressed.  And  so  the  “ stupid  people  ” must 
clearly  understand  that  her  present  programme  was  by  no 
means  “ revolutionary  ” like  that  of  Iv’ang  Yu-wei  and  his 
fellow-“  conspirators.”  Nevertheless,  her  proposals  for  reform 
went  as  far  as  theirs,  and,  in  some  cases,  even  further,  the  only 
real  difference  being  that  in  this  case  she,  the  Old  Buddha, 
was  a prime  mover,  where  before  she  had  been  an  opponent. 

Looking  back  on  the  six  years  of  her  life  and  rule  which 
followed  the  return  from  exile,  there  can  be  but  little  doubt 
of  the  sincerity  of  her  conversion  to  reform,  although  there 
is  no  reason  to  believe  that  her  sentiments  towards  foreigners 
had  undergone  any  change  for  the  better.  The  lesson  which 
had  been  brought  home  to  her  with  crushing  force  in  the 
rise  and  fall  of  the  Boxer  movement  and  in  the  capture  of 
Peking,  was  that  national  inefficiency  means  national  extinc- 
tion, a lesson  which  not  all  the  statesmen  of  western  lands 
have  fully  learned.  She  had  realised  that  the  material  forces 
of  the  western  world  were  not  to  be  met  and  overthrown  by 
quotations  from  the  classics,  and  that,  if  China  was  to 
continue  to  exist  as  an  independent  State  she  must  follow 
the  example  of  Japan  and  put  her  house  in  order  with 
equipment  and  defences  adapted  from  western  models. 
And  with  Tzu  Hsi  to  realise  was  to  act,  a quality  which, 
more  than  all  others,  distinguished  her  from  the  ruck  of  her 
Manchu  kinsmen  and  officials,  sunk  in  their  lethargic 
fatalism  and  helplessness. 

The  situation  which  confronted  her  at  the  outset  was 
anything  but  simple.  Apart  from  the  time-honoured 
privileges  of  the  Imperial  clans,  whose  arrogant  ignorance 
she  had  come  to  appreciate  at  its  proper  value,  she  must 
needs  be  cautious  in  handling  the  susceptibilities  of  the 
provincial  gentry  and  literati , the  backbone  of  China’s  collec- 
tive intelligence.  At  the  same  time,  as  far  as  the  foreign 
Powers  were  concerned,  she  must  be  careful  to  preserve  to 

425 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


the  full  that  dignity  on  which  her  prestige  with  her  own  people 
depended,  that  “ Vempire  cest  moi  ” attitude  which  had  been 
rudely  shaken  by  the  events  of  1900.  Not  as  the  chastened 
penitent  would  she  appear  in  their  eyes,  but  as  the  innocent 
and  injured  victim  of  circumstances  beyond  her  control. 
There  were,  in  fact,  several  distinct  roles  to  be  played,  and 
none  of  them  were  easy. 

The  Edict  issued  from  Hsi-an  in  February  1901  had  been 
warmly  applauded  by  scholars  throughout  the  Empire  as  a 
literary  feat  of  the  first  order,  but  most  of  the  provincial 
officials  (justified  by  all  tradition  and  experience)  regarded  it 
as  merely  a classical  “ obiter  dictum,”  and  proceeded,  there- 
fore, in  their  old  way,  certain  in  their  minds  that  the  Old 
Buddha  was  only  amusing  herself,  as  was  her  wont,  by 
tlnowing  dust  in  the  eyes  of  the  barbarian,  and  that  she 
would  not  be  displeased  if  her  lieutenants  were  to  proceed 
slowly  in  carrying  them  into  effect.  Unto  the  end,  even  in 
the  face  of  the  earnest  exhortations  of  her  valedictory  Decree, 
there  were  many  provincial  officials  who,  for  reasons  of 
personal  prejudice  and  self-interest,  professed  to  believe  that 
the  Old  Buddha  had  been  merely  playing  a part,  but  we  can 
find  nothing  in  her  official  or  private  record  during  these  six 
years  to  justify  that  belief.  Just  before  her  return  to  Peking 
she  issued  an  Edict  in  which  her  own  convictions  were  very 
clearly  indicated  : — 

“ Ever  since  my  sudden  departure  from  the  capital  a year 
ago,”  she  declared,  “ I have  not  ceased  for  a moment  to  brood 
over  the  causes  of  our  national  misfortunes  and  to  feel  deep 
remorse.  Now,  thanks  to  the  protection  of  our  tutelary 
deities,  I am  about  to  return  to  the  capital.  Whenever  I 
think  of  the  reasons  for  our  undoing  and  the  causes  of  our 
collective  weakness  I sincerely  deplore  the  fact  that  I have 
not  long  ago  introduced  the  necessary  reforms,  but  I am 
now  fully  determined  to  put  in  force  all  possible  measures 
for  the  reform  of  the  State.  Abandoning  our  former 
prejudices,  we  must  proceed  to  adopt  the  best  European 
methods  of  government.  I am  firmly  determined  to  work 

426 


HER  MAJESTY’S  NEW  POLICY 


henceforward  on  practical  lines,  so  as  to  deliver  the  Empire 
from  its  present  rotten  state.  Some  of  the  necessary 
measures  will  naturally  require  longer  periods  of  preparation 
than  others,  but  after  my  return  to  Peking  they  must  one 
and  all  gradually  be  introduced. 

“In  view  of  the  urgent  importance  of  this  matter,  Jung 
Lu  and  his  colleagues  have  urged  me  to  make  a clear  state- 
ment of  my  intentions  and  to  declare  without  possibility  of 
hesitation  or  doubt  the  irrevocable  decision  of  the  Throne,  so 
that  every  official  in  the  land  may  be  stimulated  to  sincere  and 
unremitting  co-operation.  For  this  reason  I issue  the  preset  it 
Decree  solemnly  recording  my  opinion  that  the  condition  of 
the  Empire  permits  of  no  further  evasion  or  delay  in  the 
matter  of  reform.  Therein  lies  our  only  hope  for  the  future. 
Myself  and  the  Emperor,  in  the  interests  of  all  that  we  hold 
dear,  have  no  alternative  but  to  face,  and  steadily  to  pursue, 
this  new  policy ; we  must  make  up  our  minds  what  are  the 
things  to  strive  for,  and  employ  the  right  men  to  help  us  to 
attain  them.  We  are,  as  mother  and  son,  of  one  mind, 
endeavouring  only  to  restore  our  fallen  fortunes.  You,  our 
people,  can  best  serve  by  united  efforts  to  this  end.” 

Tzu  Hsi  had  not  only  realised  the  immense  superiority  of 
the  material  forces  of  the  western  world,  but  she  had  also 
been  convinced  of  the  immense  intellectual  and  political 
forces  which  education  and  increased  means  of  communica- 
tion were  steadily  creating  amongst  her  own  subjects,  forces 
with  which,  as  she  perceived,  the  effete  and  ignorant  Manchus 
would  have  to  reckon  sooner  or  later.  It  is  quite  plain  from 
her  Edicts  on  this  delicate  subject  that  she  realised  clearly 
the  dangers  which  threatened  the  Manchu  rule.  She  saw 
that  their  class  privileges,  the  right  to  tribute,  and  all  the 
other  benefits  of  sovereignty  which  the  founders  of  the 
Dynasty  had  won  by  force  of  arms  and  opportunity,  had  now 
become  an  anachronism,  and  must  in  the  near  future  involve 
the  Manchus  themselves  in  serious  dangers  and  difficulties, 
unless,  by  fusion,  means  could  be  found  to  avert  them. 
Among  the  rules  laid  down  by  the  founders  of  the  Dynasty 

427 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


for  the  maintenance  of  the  pure  Manchu  stock,  was  that 
which  forbade  intermarriage  with  Chinese.  This  law,  though 
frequently  violated  in  the  garrisons  of  the  south,  had 
remained  generally  effective  within  the  Metropolitan  province, 
where  it  had  served  its  purpose  of  maintaining  the  ruling 
class  and  its  caste.  But  the  Empress  had  now  come  to 
understand  that  if  China  was  to  be  preserved  as  a sovereign 
State,  it  must  be  rather  by  means  of  Chinese  energy  and 
intelligence  grafted  on  to  the  Manchu  stock,  than  by  the 
latter’s  separate  initiative.  In  January  1902,  immediately 
after  her  return  to  Peking,  she  gave  effect  to  her  convictions 
on  this  subject  in  a remarkable  Decree  whereby  she  recom- 
mended that,  for  the  future,  Manchus  and  Chinese  should 
intermarry.  “ At  the  time  of  the  founding  of  our  Dynasty,” 
she  says,  “ the  customs  and  languages  of  the  two  races  were 
greatly  different,  and  this  was  in  itself  reason  sufficient  for 
prohibiting  intermarriage.  But  at  the  present  day,  little  or 
no  difference  exists  between  them,  and  the  time  has  come, 
therefore,  to  relax  this  law  for  the  benefit  of  the  Empire  as 
a whole,  and  in  accordance  with  the  wishes  of  our  people.” 
In  the  same  Edict  Her  Majesty  deprecated  the  Chinese 
custom,  which  the  Manchus  had  never  adopted,  of  foot- 
binding, and  urged  that  the  educated  classes  should  unite  to 
oppose  a custom  so  injurious  to  health  and  inhuman  in 
practice.  There  was,  however,  to  be  no  compulsion  in  this 
matter.  In  one  respect  only  did  she  desire  to  adhere  to  the 
exclusive  Manchu  traditions,  namely,  as  regards  the  selection 
of  secondary  wives  for  the  Imperial  harem,  who  must  con- 
tinue to  be  chosen  exclusively  from  Manchu  families ; she 
did  not  desire  “ to  incur  any  risk  of  confusion  or  dissension 
in  the  Palace,  nor  to  fall  into  the  error  committed  by  the 
Ming  Dynasty,  in  the  indiscriminate  selection  of  concubines, 
a matter  affecting  the  direct  and  legitimate  succession  to  the 
Throne.”  Nor  would  she  expose  her  kinsmen  to  the  risk  of 
conspiracy  against  the  Dynasty  which  would  certainly  occur 
if  the  daughters  of  the  great  Chinese  houses  were  admitted 

428 


HER  MAJESTY’S  NEW  POLICY 


to  the  Palace.  The  law  had  been  laid  down  once  and  for 
all  by  Nurhachu,  and  it  was  binding  on  every  occupant  of 
the  Dragon  Throne,  namely,  “ no  Manchu  eunuchs,  no 
Chinese  concubines.” 

Her  next  step,  in  a decree  which  frankly  deplored  the 
hopeless  ignorance  of  her  kinsmen,  was  to  authorise  the 
Imperial  clansmen  and  nobles  to  send  their  sons  to  be 
educated  abroad,  so  that  perchance  the  lump  of  their  ineffici- 
ency might  yet  be  leavened.  Eligible  youths,  between  the 
ages  of  fifteen  and  twenty-five,  and  of  good  physique,  were 
to  be  selected  and  their  expenses  would  be  defrayed  by  the 
Government. 

This  much  for  the  Manchus  ; but  in  regard  to  the  whole 
question  of  education,  which  she  declared  to  be  the  very 
root  of  all  China’s  difficulties,  she  perceived,  after  pro- 
longed consultations  with  Yuan  Shih-k’ai  and  Chang  Chih- 
tung,  that  so  long  as  the  classical  system  continued,  with  its 
strong  hold  of  tradition  upon  the  masses,  it  must  constitute 
the  chief  obstacle  to  any  effective  reform  of  the  body  politic. 
After  much  careful  deliberation  she  decided  that  unless  the 
whole  system  of  classical  examinations  were  abolished,  root 
and  branch,  no  tinkering  with  western  learning  could  be  of 
any  practical  use.  The  ancient  system  of  arguing  in  a circle, 
which  for  over  two  centuries  had  characterised  the  ideal 
essay  and  hypnotised  the  ideal  official,  must  undoubtedly 
triumph  over  all  other  educational  methods,  so  long  as  it 
remained  part  of  the  official  curriculum.  Her  Majesty  took 
pains  to  point  out  by  Edict  that  colleges  had  undoubtedly 
existed  in  the  days  of  that  model  ruler,  the  Regent  Duke 
Chou,  more  than  two  thousand  five  hundred  years  ago, 
on  lines  not  greatly  different  from  those  of  the  foreign 
Universities  of  the  present  day  ; she  proved  also  that  the 
classical  essay  system  was,  so  to  speak,  quite  a recent  inno- 
vation, having  been  introduced  for  the  first  time  under  the 
Ming  Dynasty,  about  a.d.  1390.  Eventually,  in  1904,  upon 
the  advice  of  Yuan  Shih-k’ai,  approved  by  Chang  Chih-tung, 

429 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


a Decree  was  issued  finally  abolishing  the  old  system  of 
examinations  and  making  graduation  at  one  of  the  modern 
colleges  the  only  recognised  path  to  official  employment. 
At  the  same  time,  realising  that  the  training  of  students 
in  Japan,  which  had  been  proceeding  on  a very  large  scale, 
had  produced  a body  of  revolutionary  scholars  most 
undesirable  in  the  eyes  of  the  Government,  she  gave  orders 
that  arrangements  should  be  made  for  sending  more  students 
in  future  to  Europe  and  America. 

This  epoch-making  announcement  was  followed  by  several 
other  important  Decrees,  notably  that  which  ordered  the 
complete  abolition  of  the  opium  traffic  within  a period  of 
ten  years,  a Decree,  which,  embodying  a sincere  and  powerful 
consensus  of  public  opinion,  has  produced  most  unexpected 
results,  marvellously  creditable  to  the  moral  sense  and 
recuperative  energies  of  the  Chinese  race.  The  contrast  is 
most  striking  between  the  widespread  reform  effected  under 
this  Edict,  and  the  almost  complete  failure  of  those  which 
set  forth  to  reform  the  Metropolitan  administration ; these, 
thanks  to  the  steady  passive  resistance  of  the  mandarin  in 
possession,  resulted  merely  in  perpetuating  the  old  abuses 
under  new  names.  The  one  new  Ministry  created  at  that 
time,  and  saluted  by  foreigners  as  a sign  of  genuine  progress, 
was  that  of  Posts  and  Communications  (Yu-Ch’uan  pu). 
which  has  been  a byword  for  corrupt  practices  since  its 
establishment,  and  a laughing  stock  among  the  Chinese 
themselves  for  inefficiency  and  extravagance. 

After  dealing  with  education,  the  Old  Buddha  turned  her 
attention  to  a question  which  had  frequently  figured  in 
recent  Memorials  of  progressive  officials,  namely,  the 
abolition  of  torture  and  other  abuses  prevalent  in  the  so- 
called  judicial  system  of  the  Empire.  She  realised  that  if 
China  were  ever  to  obtain  the  consent  of  the  western 
Powers  to  the  abolition  of  the  foreigner’s  rights  of  extra- 
territoriality, she  must  devise  and  enforce  civil  and  criminal 
codes  similar  to  those  of  civilised  countries.  Her  Edict  on 

430 


HER  MAJESTY’S  NEW  POLICY 


this  subject,  though  in  form  excellent,  seems  to  lack  some- 
thing of  the  conviction  which  marks  her  other  Decrees  of  this 
period ; it  is  very  different,  for  instance,  from  those  dealing 
with  the  abolition  of  opium  and  the  reform  of  education. 
Its  principles  were  obviously  contrary  to  all  her  previous 
ideas  and  practice,  and  it  is  only  fair  to  say  that  its  result,  in 
spite  of  much  drafting  of  codes,  has  been  little  or  none,  as 
far  as  the  barbarous  practices  of  the  provincial  Yamens  are 
concerned.  She  decreed  that,  pending  the  introduction  of 
the  criminal  code,  decapitation  should  be  the  extreme 
penalty  of  the  law ; dismemberment  and  mutilation  were 
to  be  abolished  as  barbarous ; branding,  flogging,  and  the 
vicarious  punishment  of  relatives  were  to  cease.  These 
savage  penalties,  she  observed,  were  originally  introduced 
into  China  under  the  Ming  Dynasty,  and  had  only  been 
adopted  by  the  Manchus,  with  other  Chinese  customs,  against 
their  own  more  merciful  instincts. 

Finally,  in  deference  to  the  unmistakable  and  growing 
tendencies  of  public  opinion  in  the  south,  Tzti  Hsi  took  the 
first  steps  towards  the  introduction  of  constitutional  govern- 
ment by  sending  an  Imperial  Commission  (under  Duke  Tsai 
Tse)  to  study  the  various  systems  in  force  in  foreign  countries, 
and  their  results.  The  return  of  this  Mission  was  followed 
in  the  autumn  of  1906  by  the  issue  of  the  famous  Decree 
in  which  she  definitely  announced  her  intention  to  grant  a 
constitution,  which  should  come  into  effect  sooner  or  later, 
according  to  circumstances  and  the  amount  of  energy  or 
procrastination  displayed  by  the  officials  and  people  in  pre- 
paring themselves  for  the  change.  As  an  example  of  subtle 
argument  calculated  to  appeal  to  the  Chinese  mind,  the 
document  is  a masterpiece  in  its  way.  It  says : — 

“ Ever  since  the  foundation  of  the  Dynasty  one  wise 
sovereign  after  another  has  handed  down  sage  counsels  to 
posterity ; it  has  always  been  their  guiding  principle  that 
methods  of  Government  should  be  modified  and  adapted  to 
meet  the  exigencies  of  the  moment  and  changing  conditions. 

431 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


China’s  great  and  increasing  danger  to-day  is  largely  due  to 
her  unwise  adherence  to  antiquated  methods  ; if  we  do  not 
amend  our  educational  and  political  systems,  we  shall  be 
violating  the  spirit  which  animated  our  Imperial  ancestors, 
and  shall  disappoint  the  best  hopes  of  our  people.  Our 
Imperial  Commissioners  have  reported  to  us  that  the  pros 
perity  and  power  of  foreign  nations  are  largely  due  to  prin- 
ciples of  constitutional  government  based  on  the  will  of  the 
people,  which  assures  bonds  of  union  and  sympathy  between 
the  Sovereign  and  his  subjects.  It  is  therefore  our  duty  to 
consider  by  what  means  such  a Constitution  may  be  granted 
as  shall  retain  the  sovereign  power  in  the  hands  of  the  Throne, 
and  at  the  same  time  give  effect  to  the  wishes  of  the  people 
in  matters  of  administration.  Our  State  being  at  present 
unprepared,  and  our  people  uneducated,  any  undue  haste  is 
inadvisable,  and  would  lead  to  no  practical  results.  We 
must  first  reform  the  official  system,  following  this  by  the 
introduction  of  new  laws,  new  methods  of  education,  finance 
and  military  organisations,  together  with  a police  system,  so 
that  officials  and  people  may  come  to  realise  what  executive 
government  means  as  a foundation  and  preparation  for  the 
granting  of  a Constitution.” 

It  was  not  to  be  expected  that  even  Tzu  Hsi  could  frame 
so  radical  and  comprehensive  a programme  of  change  without 
incurring  the  strongest  opposition  and  criticism  of  those  to 
whom  the  established  order  meant  loaves  and  fishes  : at 
Peking,  however,  owing  to  the  absence  of  an  outspoken 
press,  the  opposition  ran  beneath  the  surface,  exercised  in 
the  time-honoured  form  of  dogged  adherence  to  the  ancient 
methods  by  the  officials  and  bureaucrats  on  whose  goodwill  all 
reform  ultimately  depends.  Against  anyone  less  masterful  and 
less  popular  than  Tzu  Hsi  the  Clansmen  would  undoubtedly 
have  concerted  other  and  more  forcible  measures,  but  they 
knew  their  Old  Buddha  and  went  in  wholesome  fear  of  her 
wrath.  It  was  only  her  exceptional  position  and  authority 
that  enabled  her  to  introduce  the  machinery  for  the 
establishment  of  constitutional  government,  based  on  the 
Japanese  model,  and  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  even  at 

432 


HER  MAJESTY’S  NEW  POLICY 


this  moment  many  conservative  Manchus  do  not  regard  that 
measure  seriously. 

But  despite  the  promise  of  constitutional  government, 
public  opinion  in  the  south,  never  restrained  in  its  utter- 
ances by  the  free-lances  of  the  vernacular  press  of  Hong- 
kong and  Shanghai,  was  outspoken  in  condemnation  of  Her 
Majesty’s  new  policy,  criticising  her  policy  in  general  on 
the  ground  of  her  undignified  truckling  to  Europeans. 
Lacking  alike  her  masculine  intelligence  and  courageous 
recognition  of  hard  facts,  making  no  allowance  for  the 
difficulties  with  which  she  was  encompassed,  and  animated 
in  many  instances  by  a very  real  hatred  of  the  Manchu  rule, 
they  attacked  her  in  unmeasured  terms  of  abuse  ; while  the 
foreign  press  of  the  Treaty  Ports,  naturally  suspicious  of  her 
motives  and  mindful  of  her  share  in  the  anti-foreign  rising, 
was  also  generally  unsympathetic,  if  not  hostile.  In  both 
cases  knowledge  of  the  woman’s  virility  and  vitality  was 
lacking.  Her  critics  failed  to  realise  that,  like  most  mortals, 
the  Empress  was  a mixture  of  good  and  bad,  of  wisdom  and 
error,  largely  swayed  by  circumstances  and  the  human 
equations  around  her,  as  well  as  by  an  essentially  feminine 
quality  of  mutability ; but  withal,  and  above  all,  a born 
leader  of  men  and  a politician  of  the  very  first  order. 

The  following  extracts  from  articles  published  in  the 
Shanghai  press  at  that  time,  throw  an  instructive  light  on 
the  spirit  of  Young  China  (like  that  of  the  Babu  of  India) 
as  displayed  in  its  anti-Manchu  proclivities  and  bigoted 
chauvinism.  One  critic,  taking  for  his  text  the  entertain- 
ments given  by  Her  Majesty  to  the  Foreign  Legations, 
wrote  : — 

“ There  can  be  no  objection  to  giving  a banquet  to  anyone 
who  is  likely  to  be  grateful  and  show  some  return  for  hos- 
pitalitjr,  but  what  possible  good  purpose  can  be  served  by 
feasting  those  who  treat  you  with  suspicion  ? We  Chinese 
are  wont  to  despise  our  ignorant  rustics  when  they  display 
servility  to  foreigners,  but  what  is  to  be  said  when  one  in  the 

433  f F 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


exalted  position  of  the  Empress  Dowager  demeans  herself  by 
being  on  terms  of  affectionate  intimacy  with  the  wives  of 
Foreign  Ministers,  and  even  with  women  belonging  to  the 
commercial  and  lower  classes  ? Nowadays  foreign  food  is 
served  at  the  Palace  in  a dining-room  decked  out  in 
European  style : the  guests  at  these  entertainments  thank 
their  Imperial  hostess  on  taking  leave,  and  the  very  next  day 
their  Legations  will  furiously  rage  against  China  at  our 
Foreign  Office.  Therefore,  as  for  moderating  their  barbarous 
ways,  her  food  and  her  wines  are  simply  wasted.  As  a matter 
of  fact,  these  guests  of  hers  do  not  scruple  to  compare  her 
banquets  of  to-day  with  the  melons  and  vegetables  which  she 
sent  to  the  Legations  during  the  siege,  a comparison  by  no 
means  flattering  to  Her  Majesty.  The  thing  is  becoming  a 
scandal.  When  Russia  poured  out  entertainments  in  honour 
of  Li  Hung-chang  she  got  something  for  her  money ; can  it 
be  that  Her  Majesty  is  looking  to  similar  results  in  the 
present  case  for  herself  ? ” 

Another  critic,  nearer  the  truth  as  we  know,  doubted 
whether  the  Empress  Dowager  was  in  reality  enamoured  of 
foreign  ways,  and  whether  she  was  not  simulating  good 
relations,  while  preparing  some  deep-laid  scheme  of  future 
revenge. 

“ It  is  scarcely  credible,”  he  observed,  “ that,  at  her 
time  of  life,  she  should  be  able  to  change  all  her  habits  and 
form  ties  so  completely  alien  to  her  education  and  nature. 
Would  not  the  foreigners  naturally  ask  themselves  whether 
she  was  likely  to  cherish  any  real  affection  for  people  who  had 
plundered  her  palace  and  had  forced  her  to  hand  over  to  the 
executioners  her  most  faithful  and  trusted  officials  ? ” 

This  writer  had  difficulty,  however,  in  believing  that  she 
contemplated  another  Boxer  movement  and  frankly  con- 
fessed himself  perplexed. 

“ As  Her  Majesty’s  chief  occupation  at  the  present  time 
would  appear  to  be  to  accumulate  money  at  all  costs  rather 
than  to  reorganise  and  strengthen  the  resources  of  the 

434 


HER  MAJESTY’S  NEW  POLICY 


Empire,  her  ultimate  object  may  well  be  to  secure  that 
whatever  happens,  her  old  age  shall  be  comfortably  provided 
for.” 

Nevertheless,  unheeding  of  criticism  and  strong  in  the 
wisdom  of  her  own  convictions,  Tzu  Hsi  continued  steadily 
on  the  lines  which  she  had  laid  down  as  necessary  for  the 
future  safety  of  the  Empire.  It  was  not  to  be  expected  that 
even  her  strong  personality  could  overcome  in  a day  the 
entrenched  forces  of  native  prejudice  and  conservatism 
within  and  without  the  palace.  At  the  time  of  her  death 
many  of  the  chief  strongholds  of  the  ancient  system  ( e.g ., 
the  power  of  the  eunuchs  and  the  organised  corruption  of 
officials)  remained  practically  uncriticised  and  untouched  ; 
but  at  her  passing  she  had  marked  out  a rough  course  by 
which,  if  faithfully  followed,  the  ship  of  State  might  yet  be 
safely  steered  through  the  rocks  and  shallows  of  the  dangerous 
seas  ahead. 


435 


F F 2 


XXV 


THE  VALEDICTORY  MEMORIAL  OF  JUNG  LU 

The  death  of  Jung  Lu  was  a great  grief  to  the  Empress 
Dowager.  In  the  course  of  her  long  life  there  was  hardly 
any  crisis  or  important  event  of  her  reign  wherein  she  had 
not  been  greatly  assisted  by  this  devoted  follower.  Upon 
hearing  of  his  death  she  issued  a Decree  from  the  Travel- 
ling Palace  at  Pao-ting-fu,  praising  the  patriotism  and 
clear-sighted  intelligence  of  the  deceased,  who,  since  the 
beginning  of  his  career  as  an  honorary  licentiate  had  risen 
to  be  Controller  of  the  Imperial  Household,  Tartar  General 
and  Viceroy,  in  all  of  which  capacities  he  had  rendered 
signal  service.  At  the  time  of  his  death  he  had  attained  to 
the  highest  honours  open  to  a subject  in  China,  namely,  the 
position  of  Grand  Secretary  and  Grand  Councillor.  In  this 
Decree  Her  Majesty  laid  particular  stress  on  his  endeavours 
to  promote  a good  understanding  with  the  foreign  Powers 
in  1900.  Further,  in  token  of  her  affectionate  regard,  she 
bestowed  upon  him  a coverlet  with  charms  worked  thereon 
from  the  Dharani  Sutra  in  Sanscrit  and  Thibetan,  to  be  used 
as  a pall  for  his  burial,  and  she  commanded  Prince  Kung  to 
proceed  to  the  residence  of  the  deceased,  with  ten  officers  of 
the  Imperial  Guard,  to  perform  a sacrifice  on  her  behalf  to 
the  soul  of  the  departed  statesman.  She  granted  him  the 
posthumous  designation  of  “ learned  and  loyal,”  together 
with  the  highest  hereditary  rank  open  to  one  who  had  not 

436 


VALEDICTORY  MEMORIAL  OF  JUNG  LU 


been  a victorious  military  commander  or  a member  of  tbe 
Imperial  Clan.  His  ancestral  tablet  was  given  a place  at  the 
Shrine  of  Good  and  Virtuous  Officials,  and  three  thousand 
taels  (£350)  were  issued  from  the  privy  purse  towards  his 
funeral  expenses. 

Jung  Lu’s  valedictory  Memorial  has  never  been  published 
in  China,  hut  those  in  attendance  on  Her  Majesty  reported 
that  it  affected  her  very  deeply.  On  the  day  after  it  reached 
her,  she  issued  the  following  Decree : — 

“ The  deceased  Grand  Secretary,  Jung  Lu,  was  our  senior 
Grand  Councillor  at  a time  of  critical  danger  to  the  State, 
and  his  sage  counsel  and  eminent  services  to  the  Throne 
have  never  been  sufficiently  appreciated  either  in  China  or 
abroad.  He  was  absolutely  indispensable  to  us,  and  we 
depended  entirely  upon  his  advice.  Two  months  ago,  owing 
to  his  ill-health,  we  were  compelled  to  grant  him  leave  ot 
absence,  but,  unfortunately,  all  remedies  have  proved  un- 
availing, and  he  has  passed  away.  VVe  have  perused  his 
valedictory  Memorial,  full  of  a deep  and  touching  earnest- 
ness in  regard  to  the  future  of  our  Empire  and  the  condition 
of  the  Chinese  people  ; and  in  recalling  all  the  incidents  of 
his  distinguished  career  the  violence  of  our  grief  can  only 
find  expression  in  tears.  Following  upon  the  posthumous 
honours  already  conferred  upon  him,  we  hereby  decree  that  a 
second  Imperial  sacrifice  shall  be  offered  to  his  spirit  on  the 
day  before  his  remains  are  removed  for  burial,  and,  further- 
more, that  the  record  of  his  life  be  transmitted  to  the 
Historiographers’  Department  for  inclusion  in  the  annals  of 
our  Dynasty.  All  faults  that  may  have  been  recorded 
against  him  shall  be  expunged,  so  that  the  depth  of  our 
sincere  affection  for  this  faithful  servant  may  be  made 
manifest.” 

Jung  Lu  was  sixty-seven  years  of  age  at  the  date  of  his 
death  (April  11th,  1903),  and  it  is  probable  that  had  it  not 
been  for  the  severe  hardships  and  mental  strain  which  he 
endured  during  the  Boxer  crisis,  he  would  have  lived  much 
longer  to  serve  his  Imperial  mistress.  By  his  death  Prince 

437 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


Ch  mg  and  his  corrupt  following  rose  to  increased  power 
(Prince  Ch’ing  being  the  only  available  Manchu  of  rank 
sufficient  to  succeed  Jung  Lu  as  head  of  the  Grand  Council), 
and  they  have  retained  it,  in  the  subterranean  labyrinths  of 
Palace  intrigues,  ever  since. 

Jung  Lu  was  essentially  a middle-course  man,  striving 
earnestly  for  that  “ happy  mean  ” which  the  Empress 
Dowager  professed  to  desire.  Had  he  lived,  it  is  safe  to  say 
that  he  would  not  have  approved  of  the  haste  with  which 
she  proceeded  to  sanction  the  undigested  programme  for 
constitutional  government,  and  with  his  advice  against  it  the 
Old  Buddha  would  probably  not  have  persisted  in  the  idea. 
He  had  repeatedly  urged  her,  before  the  return  of  the  Court, 
to  make  it  quite  clear  in  her  Edicts  that  a reform  policy  was 
necessary  for  the  preservation  of  the  Empire,  but,  like  the 
late  Prince  I to,  he  was  all  for  a slow  and  cautious  procedure, 
and  present-day  observers  of  events  connected  with  the 
constitutional  government  programme  can  hardly  doubt  the 
wisdom  of  his  advice. 

The  following  is  a translation  of  his,  hitherto  unpublished, 
valedictory  Memorial,  a document  which  throws  valuable 
light  on  the  coup  d'etat  and  the  relations  between  Tzu  Hsi 
and  the  Emperor  at  that  time.  In  other  respects  it  confirms 
many  conclusions  wherein  Jung  Lu’s  authoritative  testimony 
was  lacking  to  complete  an  otherwise  satisfactory  chain  of 
evidence. 

“ I,  your  slave,  Jung  Lu,  a Grand  Councillor  and  Grand 
Secretary  of  the  Wen  Hua  Throne  Hall,  having  grievously 
failed  to  requite  the  favours  of  your  Majesties,  now  that  my 
breath  is  almost  spent,  respectfully  upon  my  knees  do  present 
this  my  valedictory  Memorial,  and  beg  that  your  Majesties 
may  be  pleased  to  cast  your  divine  glance  upon  it. 

“I,  all  unworthy,  have  received  no  small  bounty  at  the 
hands  of  your  Majesty  the  Empress  Dowager,  and  had 
hoped  that  Heaven  might  grant  me  length  of  days,  wherein 
to  display  my  utmost  endeavour  in  your  Majesty’s  service. 

438 


VALEDICTORY  MEMORIAL  OF  JUNG  LU 


Respectfully  I recall  the  fact  that  I began  my  career  of 
service  as  an  Imperial  guardsman,  and  was  on  duty  with 
H.M.  Hsien-Feng  in  his  excursion  to  the  hunting  park  at 
Mulan  (Jeliol)  in  the  tenth  year  of  his  reign.  At  that  time 
the  situation  of  the  Empire  was  one  of  great  danger ; 
within  there  was  the  grave  peril  of  the  rebellion,  while  from 
without  the  English  and  French  barbarians  had  captured 
our  sacred  capital.  We  witnessed  the  violation  of  the 
Imperial  shrines  and  saw  the  sacred  chariot  of  His  Majesty 
leave  Peking,  in  accordance  with  the  principle  laid  down  by 
Mencius  that  a sovereign  should  leave  his  capital  when  it  is 
threatened  by  invasion  of  barbarians. 

“ After  the  Court’s  arrival  at  Jehol,  I had  the  honour  of 
attending  on  your  Majesty  the  Empress  Dowager  as 
Chamberlain,  and  when  His  Majesty  Hsien-Feng  lay  on  his 
deathbed,  I had  the  honour  to  warn  your  Majesty  and  the 
Empress  Consort  that  the  Princes  Cheng  and  Yi  were 
conspiring  against  the  State.  After  the  death  of  His 
Majesty,  those  wicked  Princes  usurped  the  Regency  and  for 
many  days  your  Majesty  was  in  danger  so  great  that  it  may 
not  be  spoken  of  by  any  loyal  subject.  Happily,  your 
Majesty,  acting  on  your  own  firm  initiative  and  by  the 
favour  of  Heaven,  dealt  with  those  abominable  traitors  in 
the  twinkling  of  an  eye  and  rescued  the  State  from  its  dire 
peril.  For  years  thereafter  you  carried  on  the  Regency, 
rebellions  were  suppressed  and  peace  reigned  within  the  four 
seas. 

“ Your  slave  received  many  marks  of  the  Imperial  favour 
and  rose  to  be  Minister  of  the  Household ; I was  thus 
constantly  in  attendance  on  your  Majesty.  When  the 
late  Emperor  T’ung-Chih  mounted  the  dragon  and 
ascended  on  high,  it  was  to  me  that  your  Majesty  confided 
the  duty  of  bringing  the  present  Emperor  Kuang-Hsii  to 
the  Palace.  Favours  vast  as  the  universe  have  I received, 
and  for  these  I have  made  no  return. 

“ While  acting  as  Captain  General  of  the  Peking 
Gendarmerie,  I incurred  your  Majesty’s  displeasure  ; there- 
after for  seven  years  I aw'aited,  without  incurring,  the  fitting 
penalty  for  my  offence.  Later,  when  His  Majesty  came  to 
his  majority  and  you  were  pleased  to  hand  over  to  him  the 

439 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


reins  of  government,  you  conferred  on  me  the  post  of 
Tartar  General  at  Hsi-an.  Subsequently  I was  recalled  to 
my  former  position  at  the  capital.  In  the  24th  year  of 
Kuang-Hsti  (1898)  your  Majesties  determined  on  the 
introduction  of  European  methods  of  government  and 
the  Emperor  summoned  me  to  audience  and  conferred  on 
me  the  post  of  Viceroy  of  Chihli  at  Tientsin  where  I was 
ordered  to  select  and  introduce  reforms  based  on  foreign 
methods  in  order  to  remedy  the  weakness  of  China’s 
administration.  But  who  could  then  have  believed  that  the 
damnable  treasons  of  K’ang  Yu-wei  should  be  the  means  of 
thwarting  your  Majesties’  great  plans  ? His  Majesty  the 
Emperor,  by  giving  ear  to  the  lying  inventions  of  that 
traitor  and  his  associates,  if  only  for  a little  while, 
undoubtedly  allowed  his  filial  piety  to  suffer  temporary 
decline.  This  was  particularly  the  case  when  he  wrote  with 
his  own  Imperial  hand  a Decree  stating  that  his  reform 
proposals  were  being  blocked  by  your  Majesty  and  that,  as 
you  were  opposed  to  the  spirit  of  progress,  your  interference 
in  State  affairs  was  a danger  to  the  nation.  Towards  me 
also  His  Majesty  displayed  his  divine  wrath,  so  that  once 
more  had  your  slave  deserved  the  penalty  of  ‘ axes  and 
halberds.’  But  when  I sought  your  Majesty  in  secret 
audience  and  laid  before  you  the  details  of  the  plot,  once 
more  did  your  Majesty,  without  a moment’s  hesitation 
respond  to  our  prayer  and  resume  the  control  of  affairs, 
swiftly  visiting  upon  evildoers  of  that  treacherous  crew  the 
might  of  your  august  displeasure. 

“ In  the  26th  year  of  Kuang-Hsu,  certain  Princes 
and  Ministers,  statesmen  deficient  in  virtue,  gained  your 
Majesty’s  ear,  and  even  your  divine  wisdom  was  misled  to 
believe  in  the  unholy  arts  and  magic  of  the  Boxers  until 
the  ancestral  shrines  were  the  centre  of  cataclysmic  disaster 
and  the  destinies  of  the  Empire  trembled  in  the  balance. 
Again  and  again  I besought  your  Majesty  to  put  an  end  to 
these  traitors,  but  could  not  gain  your  consent.  I incurred 
at  that  time  your  censure  on  more  than  one  occasion,  and 
for  forty  days  waited  in  my  house  fully  expectant  of  doom. 
But  even  so  your  Majesty  repeatedly  sought  my  advice,  and 
though  it  was  not  always  followed,  I was  able  to  avert  the 

440 


VALEDICTORY  MEMORIAL  OF  JUNG  LU 


crowning  misfortune  which  would  have  resulted  from  the 
killing  of  the  foreign  Ministers.  For  this  service  your 
Majesty  has  since  deigned  frequently  to  express  gratitude. 

“ When  your  Majesties  left  the  city  on  your  tour  of 
inspection  to  Hsi-an,  you  decided  upon  punishing  those  evil- 
minded  Princes  and  Ministers,  and  thereafter  to  introduce  a 
policy  of  gradual  and  effective  reform  in  every  branch  of  the 
administration.  Already,  during  the  past  two  years,  con- 
siderable progress  has  been  made.  By  your  return  to  the 
capital  the  sun  has  been  restored  to  our  firmament,  and 
even  the  barbarians  of  the  east  and  west  have  acclaimed 
your  Majesty’s  benevolence  and  impartial  solicitude  for  all, 
Chinese  and  foreigners  alike. 

“For  the  past  year  I have  been  continually  ill,  but  until 
two  months  ago  was  able  to  continue  in  the  performance  of 
my  arduous  duties.  Since  then  I have  been  compelled  to 
apply  for  sick-leave  and  have  sought  permission  to  resign  my 
offices,  but  your  Majesty  sent  eunuchs  to  me  with  gracious 
messages  and  presents  of  ginseng1  and  commanded  that  I 
should  make  all  haste  to  recover  and  resume  my  duties. 

“ But  even  the  beneficent  protection  of  your  Majesty  has 
failed  to  avert  from  me  the  last  ravages  of  illness.  Repeated 
attacks  of  asthma,  with  increasing  difficulty  in  breathing, 
have  now  brought  me  to  the  last  stage  of  weakness  and  the 
very  point  of  death.  With  my  last  breath  I now  entreat 
your  Majesty  vigorously  to  continue  in  the  introduction  of 
reforms,  so  that  gradually  our  Middle  Kingdom  may  attain 
to  a condition  as  prosperous  as  that  of  the  great  States  of 
Europe  and  Japan.  During  my  tenure  of  the  office  of 
Grand  Councillor  I have  seen  many  men  appointed  to 
offices  for  which  they  were  by  no  means  fitted ; herein  lies 
a source  of  weakness,  but  above  all  it  is  necessary  that  a 
radical  change  should  be  made  in  the  selection  of  District 
Magistrates  and  in  the  methods  by  which  taxation  is  levied 
and  collected.  It  were  well  if  the  good  example  of  economy 
which  your  Majesty  is  setting  were  more  generally  fol- 

1 Ginseng,  the  specific  remedy  of  the  Chinese  pharmacopoeia  for  debility, 
supposed  to  possess  certain  magical  qualities  when  grown  in  shapes  resem- 
bling the  human  form  or  parts  thereof.  The  best  kind,  supplied  as  tribute 
to  the  Throne,  grows  wild  in  Manchuria  and  Corea. 


441 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


lowed.  In  the  seclusion  of  the  Palace  it  is  impossible  for 
your  Majesty  to  know  the  truth  as  to  the  condition  of  your 
subjects,  and  were  it  not  for  the  prohibitive  cost  of  trans- 
porting your  enormous  retinues,  I should  advise  that  the 
Throne  should  make  regular  tours  of  inspection  in  various 
parts  of  the  Empire.  His  Majesty  Ch’ien-Lung  made 
several  such  tours,  and  among  the  wise  sovereigns  of  ancient 
times  the  custom  was  regularly  observed.  At  this  moment 
my  mind  is  becoming  confused  ; I can  say  no  more.  Humbly 
do  I pray  that  your  Majesty’s  fame  may  continue  to  grow, 
and  that  all  my  good  wishes  on  your  Majesty’s  behalf  may 
be  fulfilled.  Then,  even  though  I die,  yet  shall  I live. 

“ I have  dictated  this,  my  valedictory  Memorial,  to  my 
adopted  son,  Liang  Ku’ei,  for  transmission  to  your  Majesty, 
in  temporary  residence  at  Pao-ting  fu.  Though  conscious  of 
its  numerous  shortcomings,  for  which  I beg  forgiveness,  I 
reverently  entreat  your  Majesty  to  peruse  it.  Prostrate 
before  the  Throne,  with  my  dying  breath,  I,  Jung  Lu,  now 
conclude  my  Memorial. 

“ ( Dated  the  10 th  April,  1903.)” 


442 


XXVI 


HER  MAJESTY’S  LAST  DAYS. 

In  the  summer  of  1908  Tzu  Hsi’s  generally  robust  health 
showed  signs  of  failing,  a fact  which  is  recorded  in  her 
valedictory  Decree,  and  one  of  no  small  importance  in  con- 
sidering the  coincident  fact  of  the  illness  of  the  Emperor. 
Of  the  causes  and  manner  of  the  latter’s  death,  nothing  will 
ever  be  definitely  known ; they  lie  buried  with  many 
another  secret  of  the  Forbidden  City,  in  the  hearts  of 
Li  Lien-ying  and  his  immediate  satellites.  Even  among 
the  higher  officials,  Manchu  and  Chinese,  of  the  capital, 
opinions  differ,  and  many  conflicting  theories  are  current  to 
account  for  the  remarkable  coincidence  of  the  death  of 
Tzu  Hsi  and  her  unhappy  nephew  on  successive  days. 
For  those  who  seek  it  there  is  no  lack  of  circum- 
stantial evidence  to  justify  the  conclusion  that  the  long- 
threatened  Emperor  was  “ removed  ” by  the  reactionaries, 
headed  by  the  chief  eunuch,  who  had  only  too  good  cause 
to  fea\'  his  unfettered  authority  on  the  Throne.  At  the  same 
time  it  is  conceivably  possible  that  many  of  the  plots  and 
proceedings  of  the  Summer  Palace  at  that  time  might  have 
been  unknown  to  Tzu  Hsi,  and  that  she  was  purposely  kept  in 
ignorance  by  those  who  foresaw  the  possibility  of  her  early 
death  and  took  their  precautions  accordingly,  after  the 
Oriental  manner.  Indeed,  in  the  light  of  much  trustworthy 
evidence  of  eye-witnesses,  this  seems  a rational  explanation 

448 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


of  events  to  which  any  solution  by  theories  of  coincidence 
is  evidently  difficult.  Most  of  the  following  account  of  Her 
Majesty’s  last  days  is  derived  from  the  statements  of  two 
high  officials,  one  Manchu  and  the  other  Chinese,  who 
were  at  that  time  on  duty  with  the  Court.  Their  testimony 
and  their  conclusions  coincide,  on  the  whole,  with  those  of 
the  best-informed  and  most  reliable  Chinese  newspapers, 
whose  news  from  the  capital  is  also  generally  from  official 
sources.  We  accept  them,  naturally,  with  all  reserve,  yet 
with  an  inclination  to  give  the  Empress  Dowager,  on  this 
occasion,  the  benefit  of  their  good  opinions  and  our  own 
doubts.  The  simultaneous  deaths  may  possibly  have  been 
due  to  natural  causes,  but  it  is  to  be  observed  by  the  most 
sympathetic  critic,  that  the  account  given  by  Her  Majesty’s 
loyal  servants  of  her  behaviour  immediately  after  the 
Emperor’s  death,  is  by  no  means  suggestive  of  sorrow,  but 
rather  of  relief. 

It  was  in  the  previous  autumn  that  the  Emperor  became 
very  ill,  so  much  so  that  he  was  gradually  compelled  during 
the  last  year  of  his  life  to  desist  from  performance  of  the 
usual  sacrifices,  which  entail  no  small  expenditure  of  physical 
energy  through  their  genuflections  and  continual  prostrations. 
The  impression  gradually  gained  ground  that  His  Majesty 
was  not  likely  to  live  much  longer,  and  it  was  remarked,  and 
remembered  as  a significant  fact,  that  the  Old  Buddha  had 
some  time  before  given  orders  for  the  engagement  of  special 
wet-nurses  for  the  infant  son  of  Prince  Ch’un,  born  in 
February,  190G.  It  was  understood  that  these  orders 
implied  the  selection  of  this  infant  Prince  to  succeed  Kuang- 
Hsii,  but  although  many  attempts  were  made  to  induce  her 
to  declare  herself  on  this  subject,  she  declined  to  do  so 
on  the  ground  that  her  previous  experience  had  been  unlucky, 
that  her  selections  had  been  the  cause  of  much  misunder- 
standing, and  that,  moreover,  it  was  a house-law  of  the 
Dynasty  that  the  heir  to  the  throne  coidd  only  be  lawfully 
selected  when  the  sovereign  was  in  extremis  a rule  which 

444 


HER  MAJESTY’S  LAST  DAYS 


she  had  completely  disregarded  in  the  nomination  of  Prince 
Tuan’s  son  in  1900.1 

In  this  connection,  there  is  every  reason  to  believe  that 
Tzu  Hsi’s  superstitious  nature,  and  the  memory  of  the 
prophecies  of  woe  uttered  by  the  Censor  W u K’o-tu  at 
the  time  of  his  protesting  suicide,  had  undoubtedly  led 
her  to  regret  the  violation  of  the  sacred  laws  of  succession 
which  she  committed  in  selecting  Kuang-Hsii  for  the 
Throne.  On  more  than  one  occasion  in  recent  years  she  had 
endeavoured  to  propitiate  the  shade  of  the  departed  Censor, 
and  public  opinion,  by  conferring  upon  him  posthumous 
honours.  Towards  the  end  of  her  reign,  after  the  humili- 
ations inflicted  on  China  in  successive  wars  by  France, 
Japan  and  the  coalition  of  the  Allies,  she  was  frequently 
heard  to  express  remorse  at  having  been  led  into  courses 
of  error  which  had  brought  down  upon  her  the  wrath  of 
Heaven.  In  1888,  when  the  Temple  of  Heaven  was 
struck  by  lightning,  and  again,  when  the  chief  gate  of  the 
Forbidden  City  took  Are  and  was  destroyed,  she  interpreted 
these  events  as  marks  of  the  Supreme  Being’s  disapproval  of 
her  actions.  The  Emperor's  subsequent  conspiracy  with 
Iv’ang  Yu-wei  and  his  associates  of  1898,  became  in  her 
eyes  another  judgment  and  visitation  of  Heaven.  It  may 
therefore  reasonably  be  assumed  that  when  the  Boxer 
Princes  persuaded  her  of  the  efficacy  of  their  magic  arts 
and  of  their  ability  to  drive  the  foreigner  into  the  sea,  she 
seized  upon  the  hope  thus  offered  as  a means  of  regaining 
the  favour  of  the  gods  and  atoning  for  past  errors.  Although 
in  selecting  the  son  of  Prince  Tuan  to  be  heir  to  her  son, 
the  Emperor  T’ung-Chih  (thus  passing  over  Kuang-Hsii), 
she  had  once  more  violated  the  house-laws  of  the  Dynasty, 
there  is  no  doubt  that  she  took  her  risks  in  the  certain 
hope  that  further  prestige  must  accrue  to  her  house  and 
to  herself,  by  the  fact  that  the  boy  Emperor’s  father,  next  to 

1 This  house-law  was  made  by  the  Emperor  Ch’ien  Lung  to  prevent  his 
Court  officials  from  intriguing  for  the  favour  of  the  Heir  Apparent, 

445 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 

herself  in  power,  would  be  hailed  by  the  Chinese  people  as 
the  Heaven-sent  deliverer,  the  conqueror  of  the  hated 
barbarian,  and  the  saviour  of  his  country.  In  other  words, 
recognising  that  the  mistakes  she  had  committed  had 
seriously  injured  her  in  the  eyes  of  the  nation,  she  deter- 
mined to  endeavour  to  retrieve  them  by  one  last  desperate 
throw.  Later,  after  the  return  from  exile,  when  she 
realised  that  this  heroic  venture  had  been  as  misguided 
in  its  inception  as  any  of  her  former  misdeeds,  she  showed 
her  splendid  courage  and  resource  by  a swift  volte-face 
in  the  adoption  of  those  very  reform  measures  which  she 
had  formerly  opposed,  and  by  annulling  the  appointment 
of  Prince  Tuan’s  son  as  Heir  to  the  Throne.  She  thus  cut 
herself  adrift  from  all  connection  with  the  Boxer  leaders 
as  completely  and  unhesitatingly  as  she  wiped  out  from 
the  annals  of  her  reign  all  reference  to  the  Edicts  which 
she  had  issued  in  their  favour.  The  present-day  result 
brought  about  by  this  change  of  policy,  and  of  the  succession 
of  Prince  Chuns  infant  son  to  the  Throne,  has  been  to 
establish  more  firmly  than  ever  that  junior  branch  of  the 
Imperial  family.  It  is  now  believed,  if  not  accepted,  at 
Court,  that  the  first  Prince  Ch’un,  the  father  of  Kuang-Hsii 
and  grandfather  of  the  present  sovereign,  will  eventually  be 
canonised  with  the  title  of  “ Ti  ” or  Emperor,  which  would 
practically  make  him,  by  posthumous  right,  the  founder  of  a 
new  Dynastic  branch.  The  problem  of  the  direct  succession, 
even  in  Chinese  eyes,  is  not  simple,  and  it  was  generally 
supposed  (e.g.  by  the  Times  correspondent  at  Peking 
in  October  1908)  that  the  Empress  Dowager  would  nomi- 
nate Prince  P’u  Lun  to  succeed  Kuang-Hsii,  thus  restoring 
the  succession  to  the  senior  branch  of  the  family.  This 
would  certainly  have  appealed  to  orthodox  and  literary 
officials  throughout  the  Empire,  and,  as  a means  of  appeasing 
the  distressed  ghost  of  the  protesting  Censor,  would  have 
been  more  effective  than  the  course  she  actually  adopted. 
Doctor  Morrison,  discussing  this  question  of  the  succession 

446 


HER  MAJESTY’S  LAST  DAYS 


before  the  event,  expressed  the  general  opinion  that  the 
appointment  of  another  infant  to  succeed  the  Emperor 
Kuang-Hsu  (involving  another  long  Regency)  would  be 
fraught  with  great  danger  to  the  Dynasty.  There  is  no 
doubt  that  the  present  situation,  lacking  that  strong  hand 
which  for  half  a century  has  held  together  the  chaotic  fabric 
of  China’s  Government,  suffers  from  the  fact  that  for  many 
years  to  come  the  supreme  authority  must  remain  in  the 
hands  of  a Regent,  and  a Regent  whose  position  is  ab  initio 
undermined  by  the  powerful  influences  brought  to  bear 
by  the  senior  branch  of  the  Imperial  Clan.  Tzu  Hsi  was 
fully  aware  of  the  position  which  would  be  created,  or  rather 
prolonged,  by  the  selection  of  Prince  Ch’un’s  son,  and  for 
this  reason,  no  doubt,  the  selection  of  Kuang- Hsu’s  successor 
was  postponed  until  the  very  day  of  her  death.  When, 
at  last,  confronted  by  the  imperative  necessity  for  action, 
she  had  to  make  up  her  mind,  there  were  two  things  that 
chiefly  weighed  with  her.  These  were,  firstly,  the  promise 
that  she  had  made  to  Jung  Lu,  and,  secondly,  her  uncon- 
cealed dislike  for  Prince  Ch’ing,  who  had  made  himself 
the  chief  spokesman  for  the  claims  of  Prince  P’u  Lun.  It 
was  also  only  natural  that  she  should  wish  to  leave  to  her 
favourite  niece  (the  Consort  of  Kuang-Hsii)  the  title  and 
power  of  Empress  Dowager,  if  only  in  reward  for  years 
of  faithful  and  loyal  service  to  herself.  In  other  words, 
the  claims  of  the  human  equation  and  her  own  inclinations 
outweighed,  unto  the  end,  the  claims  of  orthodox  tradition 
and  the  qualms  of  her  conscience. 

Throughout  the  winter  of  1907  and  the  following  spring, 
the  Empress  enjoyed  her  usual  vigorous  health.  In  April 
she  went,  as  usual,  to  the  Summer  Palace,  where  she 
remained  all  through  the  hot  season.  With  the  heat, 
however,  came  a recurrence  of  her  dysenteric  trouble  and 
in  August  she  had  a slight  stroke  of  paralysis,  as  the  result  of 
which  her  face,  hitherto  remarkably  youthful  for  a woman  of 
seventy,  took  on  a drawn  and  tired  appearance.  In  other 

447 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


respects  her  health  seemed  fairly  good  ; certainly  her  vigour 
of  speech  remained  unimpaired,  and  she  continued  to  devote 
unremitting  attention  to  affairs  of  State.  She  was  wont 
frequently  to  declare  her  ambition  of  attaining  to  the  same 
age  as  Queen  Victoria,  a ruler  for  whom  she  professed  the 
greatest  admiration  ; she  would  say  that  she  could  trace,  in 
the  features  of  the  English  Queen,  lines  of  longevity  similar 
to  those  in  her  own.  The  Taoist  Abbot,  Kao,  whom  she 
used  to  receive  in  frequent  audiences,  and  who  possessed 
considerable  influence  over  her,  had  prophesied  that  she 
would  live  longer  than  any  former  Empress  of  the  Dynasty  ; 
but  his  prophecy  was  not  fulfilled,  for  she  died  younger  than 
three  of  her  predecessors. 

In  the  summer  of  1908  the  Old  Buddha  took  a keen 
interest  in  the  impending  visit  of  the  Dalai  Lama,  which 
had  been  arranged  for  the  autumn.  The  chief  eunuch,  Li, 
begged  her  to  cancel  this  visitation  on  the  ground  that  it 
was  notoriously  unlucky  for  the  “ Living  Buddha  ” and  the 
Son  of  Heaven  to  be  resident  in  one  city  at  the  same  time. 
Either  the  priest  or  the  sovereign  would  surely  die,  he  said.1 
To  this  Tzti  Hsi  replied  that  she  had  long  since  decided  in 
her  mind  that  the  Emperor’s  illness  was  incurable,  and  she 
saw  no  reason,  therefore,  to  stop  the  coming  of  the  Dalai 
Lama.  Nevertheless,  in  July,  she  summoned  certain 
Chinese  physicians,  educated  abroad,  to  attend  His  Majesty, 
who  had  become  greatly  emaciated  and  very  weak.  They 
reported  that  he  was  suffering  from  Bright’s  disease.  Their 
examination  of  the  august  patient  and  their  diagnosis  of  his 
symptoms  were  necessarily  perfunctory,  inasmuch  as 
etiquette  prevented  the  application  of  the  proper  tests,  but 
they  professed  to  have  verified  the  fact  that  the  action  of 
the  heart  was  very  weak.  On  the  other  hand,  writers  in  the 
newspapers  of  the  south  did  not  hesitate  to  assert  that  the 

1 The  chief  eunuch  in  reality  objected  to  the  Buddhist  pontiff  on  his  own 
account,  for  the  Lama’s  exactions  from  the  superstitious  would  naturally 
diminish  his  own  opportunities. 


448 


HER  MAJESTY’S  LAST  DAYS 


whole  medical  performance  was  a farce  and  that  the  death  of 
the  Emperor  would  undoubtedly  take  place  so  soon  as  the 
powers  about  the  Throne  had  made  up  their  minds  that  the 
Empress  Dowager  was  not  likely  to  live  much  longer. 

According  to  the  general  consensus  of  opinion  in  the 
capital,  the  relations  between  the  Old  Buddha  and  His 
Majesty  were  not  unfriendly  at  this  period.  It  was  said 
that  shortly  before  his  illness  became  acute  the  Empress 
Dowager  had  encouraged  him  to  take  a more  active  part  in 
affairs  of  State,  and  to  select  candidates  for  certain  high 
offices  : she  certainly  renewed  the  practice  of  showing  him 
Decrees  for  the  formality  of  his  concurrence  When  the 
reformer  Wang  Chao  returned  from  flight,  and  gave 
himself  up  to  the  police,  she,  who  had  vowed  the  death  of 
this  man  in  1898,  invited  His  Majesty  to  decide  what 
punishment  should  now  be  inflicted  upon  him.  The 
Emperor,  after  long  reflection,  suggested  that  his  life  be 
spared.  “ By  all  means,”  replied  the  Old  Buddha,  “ I had 
fully  intended  to  forgive  him,  but  desired  to  hear  your 
opinion.  Full  well  I know  your  sincere  hatred  of  fellows 
like  K ang  Yu-wei  and  His  associates,  and  I was  afraid, 
therefore,  that  you  might  insist  on  the  immediate  decapi- 
tation of  Wang  Chao.”  She  evidently  believed  that  she 
had  completely  eradicated  from  His  Majesty’s  mind  all 
opposition  to  her  wishes. 

As  the  Emperor’s  health  grew  worse,  the  eunuchs  were 
instructed  not  to  keep  him  waiting  when  calling  upon  the 
Empress  Dowager  and  he  was  also  excused  at  the  meetings 
of  the  Grand  Council  from  awaiting  her  arrival  and 
departure  on  his  knees.  A Manchu  holding  a high  position 
at  Court  testifies  to  the  truth  of  the  following  incident. 
One  morning,  after  perusal  of  a Censor’s  Memorial,  which 
contained  several  inaccurate  statements,  His  Majesty 
observed  to  the  Grand  Council,  “ How  little  of  truth  there 
is  in  common  rumour.  For  instance,  I know  myself  to  be 
really  ill,  yet  here  it  is  denied  that  there  is  anything  the 

449  g g 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


matter  with  me.”  The  Empress  Dowager  here  broke  in : 
— “ Who  has  dared  to  utter  such  falsehoods  ? If  caught,  he 
will  certainly  be  beheaded.”  Kuang-Hsii  then  proceeded  to 
say  : — “ I am  really  getting  weaker  every  day,  and  do  not 
see  my  way  to  performing  the  necessary  ceremonies  on  the 
occasion  of  Your  Majesty’s  approaching  birthday.”  Com- 
passionately the  Old  Buddha  replied  : “ It  is  more  important 
to  me  that  you  should  recover  your  health  than  that  you 
should  knock  your  head  on  the  ground  in  my  honour.”  The 
Emperor  fell  on  his  knees  to  thank  her  for  these  gracious 
words,  but  collapsed  in  a fainting  fit.  Prince  Ch’ing  there- 
upon advised  that  a certain  doctor,  Chi'i  Yung-chiu,  trained 
in  Europe,  should  be  called  in,  but  his  advice  was  not 
followed  till  later.  On  the  following  day  His  Majesty 
enquired  of  the  Court  physicians  in  attendance,  whose 
medical  training  is  the  same  as  that  which  has  been  handed 
down  since  the  days  of  the  T’ang  Dynasty,  whether  his 
disease  was  likely  to  be  fatal.  “ The  heart  of  your 
Emperor  is  greatly  disturbed,”  said  he.  Dr.  Lu  Yung-pin 
replied: — “There  is  nothing  in  Your  Majesty’s  present 
condition  to  indicate  any  mortal  disease.  We  beseech  Your 
Majesty  to  be  calm : it  is  for  us,  your  servants,  to  be 
perturbed  in  spirit.” 

After  Tzu  Hsi’s  stroke  of  paralysis,  the  wildest  rumours 
were  circulated  as  to  her  condition,  so  much  so  that,  realising 
the  excited  state  of  provincial  opinion,  and  its  relation  to 
the  question  of  the  Constitution  which  was  to  have  been 
granted,  Her  Majesty  decided  to  carry  out  without  further 
delay  the  promise  she  made  in  1906.  On  the  1st  of  the  8th 
Moon,  she  therefore  promulgated  a Decree,  showing  signs  of 
the  same  spirit  of  lofty  statesmanship  as  was  displayed  by 
the  rulers  of  Japan,  and  evidently  based  on  their  example, 
whereby  it  was  promised  that  a constitutional  form  of 
government  would  be  completely  established  within  a period 
of  nine  years.  At  the  same  time  it  was  decreed  that  every 
branch  of  the  government  should  institute  the  changes 

450 


HER  MAJESTY’S  LAST  DAYS 


necessary  to  facilitate  the  introduction  of  the  new  dispensa- 
tion. On  issuing  this  Decree  she  expressed  her  hope  of 
living  to  witness  the  convening  of  the  first  Chinese  Parlia- 
ment, and  added  that  if  Prince  Tuan’s  son  had  proved 
himself  worthy,  and  had  remained  Heir  Apparent,  he  would 
by  now  have  been  of  age  to  carry  on  the  government  after 
the  Emperor’s  death.  Age  was  creeping  upon  her,  and  she 
would  be  glad  to  retire  to  the  Summer  Palace  for  her 
declining  years.  As  long  as  matters  remained  in  their 
present  state,  it  would  be  necessary  to  refer  important 
questions  for  her  decision,  but  she  greatly  wished  that  the 
period  of  her  Regency  should  not  be  indefinitely  prolonged. 

In  September  occurred  the  fiftieth  birthday  of  the 
ex- Viceroy  of  Chihli  Yiian  Shih-k’ai,  while  the  Court  was 
still  in  residence  at  the  Summer  Palace.  The  Old  Buddha 
showered  costly  gifts  upon  her  trusted  Minister,  and  almost 
every  high  official  in  Peking  attended  the  birthday  ceremonies 
to  present  congratulations  and  gifts.  Conspicuous  by  his 
absence,  however,  was  the  Emperor’s  brother,  Prince  Ch  un 
(the  present  Regent),  who  had  applied  for  short  leave  in 
order  to  avoid  being  present,  and  who  offered  no  presents. 

A significant  incident  occurred  in  connection  with  the 
birthday  ceremonies.  Among  the  many  complimentary 
scrolls,  presented  by  friends  and  hanging  on  the  walls,  were 
a pair  which  attracted  much  attention,  until  they  were 
hurriedly  removed.  One  contained  the  following  inscrip- 
tion : — “ 5th  day  of  the  8th  Moon  of  the  Wu  Shell  year  ” 
(this  was  the  date  of  the  crisis  of  the  coup  d'etat  when  Yiian 
Shih-k’ai  warned  Jung  Lu  of  the  plot,  and  thus  brought 
about  the  practical  dethronement  of  the  Emperor),  and  on 
the  other  were  the  words : — “ May  the  Emperor  live  ten 
thousand  years ! May  Your  Excellency  live  ten  thousand 
years.” 

The  words  “ wan  sui,”  meaning  “ ten  thousand  years,”  are 
not  applicable  to  any  subject  of  the  Throne,  and  the  inner 
meaning  of  these  words  was,  therefore,  interpreted  to  be  a 

451  g g 2 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


charge  against  Yiian  of  conspiring  for  the  Throne.  It  was 
clear  that  some  enemy  had  sent  the  scrolls  as  a reminder  of 
Yuan’s  betrayal  of  his  Sovereign  ten  years  before,  and  that 
they  had  been  hung  up  either  as  the  result  of  connivance  or 
carelessness  on  the  part  of  Yuan’s  people.  Four  months 
later,  when  the  great  ex- Viceroy  fell,  this  incident  was 
remembered  and  inevitably  connected  with  Prince  Ch’un’s 
non-appearance  at  the  birthday  ceremonies. 

In  September,  the  Dalai  Lama  reached  Peking,  but  owing 
to  a dispute  on  certain  details  of  ceremonial,  his  audience 
was  postponed.  It  was  finally  arranged  that  the  Pontiff 
should  kowtow  to  the  Throne,  and  that  the  Emperor  should 
then  rise  from  his  seat  and  invite  the  Lama  to  sit  beside 
him  on  a cane  couch.  This  ceremonial  was  most  reluctantly 
accepted,  and  only  after  much  discussion,  by  the  Dalai 
Lama,  who  considered  his  dignity  seriously  injured  by  having 
to  kowtow.  He  had  brought  with  him  much  tribute,  and 
was  therefore  the  more  disappointed  at  the  Old  Buddha’s 
failure  to  show  him  the  marks  of  respect  which  he  had 
expected.  His  audience  was  held  early  in  October,  when  Her 
Majesty  requested  him  to  offer  up  prayers  regularly  for  her 
long  life  and  prosperity. 

In  October,  the  foreign  Ministers  wrere  also  received  at 
the  Summer  Palace,  and  on  the  20th  of  that  month  the 
Court  returned  to  the  Lake  Palace  for  the  winter.  On  this, 
her  last  State  progress,  the  Empress  Dowager  approached 
the  city  as  usual  in  her  State  barge,  by  the  canal  which  joins 
the  Summer  Palace  Lake  with  the  waters  of  the  Winter 
Palace,  proceeding  in  it  as  far  as  the  Temple  of  Imperial 
Longevity,  which  is  situated  on  the  banks  of  this  canal.  It 
was  observed  that  as  she  left  the  precincts  of  the  Summer 
Palace  she  gazed  longingly  towards  the  lofty  walls  that  rise 
from  the  banks  of  the  lake,  and  from  thence  to  the  hills 
receding  into  the  far  distance.  Turning  to  the  “ Lustrous  ” 
concubine  who  sat  at  her  feet,  she  expressed  her  fears  that 
the  critical  condition  of  the  Emperor  would  prevent  her 

452 


View,  from  the  K’un  Ming  Lake,  ok  the  Summer  Palace. 


HER  MAJESTY’S  LAST  DAYS 

from  visiting  her  favourite  residence  for  a long  time  to 
come. 

The  Old  Buddha  sat  in  a cane  chair  on  the  raised  deck  of 
her  magnificent  barge  adorned  with  carved  dragons  and 
phoenixes  ; she  was  surrounded  by  her  favourite  eunuchs, 
and  half  a dozen  of  the  chief  ladies  of  the  Court.  As  she 
descended  from  the  barge,  supported  by  two  eunuchs,  and 
entered  the  sedan  chair  which  bore  her  to  within  the  temple 
precincts,  her  vivacity  and  good  spirits  formed  a subject  of 
general  comment.  She  performed  the  usual  sacrifices  at  the 
Temple  of  Imperial  Longevity,  a shrine  which  she  had 
liberally  endowed  ; but  it  was  remembered  after  her  death, 
as  an  unfortunate  omen,  that  the  last  stick  of  incense 
failed  to  ignite.  Upon  leaving  the  temple  she  begged  the 
priests  to  chant  daily  liturgies  and  to  pray  for  her  longevity, 
in  view  of  her  approaching  birthday. 

After  leaving  the  temple  precincts  she  proceeded  with  her 
ladies-in-waiting  to  the  Botanical  and  Zoological  Gardens, 
which  lie  just  outside  the  “ West-Straight  gate  ” of  the 
city.  On  arrival  at  the  gates,  she  insisted  upon  descending 
from  her  sedan  chair,  and  made  the  entire  round  of  the 
gardens  on  foot.  She  expressed  interest  and  much  pleasure 
at  the  sight  of  animals  which  she  had  never  seen  before,  and 
announced  her  intention  of  frequently  visiting  the  place. 
She  asked  numerous  questions  of  the  keepers,  being  especially 
interested  in  the  lions,  and  created  much  amusement  amongst 
her  immediate  entourage  by  asking  the  director  of  the  gardens 
(a  Manchu  official  of  the  Household)  for  information  as  to 
where  the  animals  came  from,  a subject  on  which  he  was 
naturally  quite  uninformed.  “You  don’t  seem  to  know 
much  about  zoology,”  she  observed,  and  turned  from  the 
crestfallen  official  to  address  one  of  the  keepers  in  a most 
informal  maimer.  The  chief  eunuch,  Li  Lien-ying,  wearied 
by  such  unwonted  exercise,  implored  Her  Majesty  not  to  tire 
herself,  but  the  Old  Buddha  took  pleasure,  clearly  malicious, 
in  hurrying  him  round  the  grounds.  The  occasion  was 

453 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


unusual  and  remarkably  informal,  and  the  picture  brings 
irresistibly  to  the  English  mind  memories  of  another  strong- 
minded  Queen  and  her  inspection  of  another  garden,  where 
heads  were  insecure  for  gardeners  and  Cheshire  cats.  Eye- 
witnesses of  that  day’s  outing  commented  freely  on  their 
Imperial  Mistress’s  extraordinary  spirits  and  vitality,  pre- 
dicting for  her  many  years  of  life. 

Her  Majesty,  whose  memory  on  unexpected  subjects  was 
always  remarkable,  referred  on  this  occasion  to  the  elephant 
which  had  been  presented  to  her  by  Tuan  Fang  upon  his 
return  from  Europe,  and  which,  together  with  several  other 
animals  for  which  she  had  no  fitting  accommodation  in  the 
Palace  grounds,  was  the  first  cause  and  first  inmate  of  the 
Zoological  Gardens.  The  elephant  in  question  had  originally 
been  in  charge  of  the  two  German  keepers  who  had  accom- 
panied it  from  Hagenbeck’s  establishment ; these  men  had 
frequently  but  unsuccessfully  protested  at  the  insufficient 
rations  provided  for  the  beast  by  the  Mandarin  in  charge. 
Eventually  the  elephant  had  died  of  slow  starvation,  and  the 
keepers  had  returned  to  Europe,  after  obtaining  payment  of 
their  unexpired  contracts,  a result  which  brought  down  upon 
the  offending  official  Her  Majesty’s  severe  displeasure.  She 
referred  now  to  this  incident,  and  expressed  satisfaction  that 
most  of  the  animals  appeared  to  be  well  cared  for,  though 
the  tigers’  attendant  received  a sharp  rebuke. 

After  Her  Majesty’s  return  to  the  Winter  Palace,  every- 
thing was  given  over  to  preparations  for  the  celebration  of  her 
seventy-third  birthday  on  the  3rd  of  November.  The  main 
streets  of  the  city  wrere  decorated,  and  in  the  Palace  itself 
arrangements  were  made  for  a special  theatrical  performance 
to  last  for  five  days.  A special  ceremony,  quite  distinct  from 
the  ordinary  birthday  congratulations  of  the  Court,  was 
arranged  for  the  Dalai  Lama,  who  was  to  make  obeisance 
before  Her  Majesty  at  the  head  of  his  following  of  priests. 
The  health  of  His  Majesty  did  not  permit  of  his  carrying  out 
the  prescribed  ceremony  of  prostration  before  Her  Majesty’s 

454 


The  Empress  Dowager,  with  the  Chief  Eunuch,  Li  Lien-Ying. 


HER  MAJESTY’S  LAST  DAYS 


Throne  in  the  main  Palace  of  Ceremonial  Phoenixes  ; he 
therefore  deputed  a Prince  of  the  Blood  to  represent  him  in 
the  performance  of  this  duty,  and  those  who  knew  its  deep 
significance  on  such  an  occasion  realised  that  the  condition  of 
his  health  must  indeed  be  desperate.  This  impression  was 
confirmed  by  the  fact  that  he  was  similarly  compelled  to 
abandon  his  intention  of  being  present  at  a special  banquet 
to  be  given  to  the  Dalai  Lama  in  the  Palace  of  Tributary 
Envoys.  The  high  priest,  who  had  been  compelled  to  kneel 
outside  the  banquet  hall  to  await  the  arrival  of  His  Majesty, 
was  greatly  incensed  at  this  occurrence. 

At  eight  in  the  morning  of  the  birthday  His  Majesty  left 
his  Palace  in  the  “ Ocean  Terrace  ” and  proceeded  to  the 
Throne  Hall.  His  emaciated  and  woe-begone  appearance 
was  such,  however,  that  the  Old  Buddha  took  compassion 
upon  him,  and  bade  his  attendant  eunuchs  support  him  to 
his  palanquin,  excusing  him  from  further  attendance.  Later 
in  the  day  she  issued  a special  Decree  praising  the  loyalty  of 
the  Dalai  Lama,  and  ordering  him  to  return  promptly  to 
Thibet,  “ there  to  extol  the  generosity  of  the  Throne  of 
China,  and  faithfully  to  obey  the  commands  of  the  Sovereign 
power.”  The  Empress  Dowager  spent  the  afternoon  of 
her  birthday  in  the  congenial  amusement  of  a masquerade, 
appearing  in  the  costume  of  the  Goddess  of  Mercy,  attended 
by  a numerous  suite  of  concubines,  Imperial  Princesses,  and 
eunuchs,  all  in  fancy  dress.  They  picnicked  on  the  lake, 
and  Her  Majesty  appeared  to  be  in  the  very  highest  spirits. 
Unfortunately,  towards  evening,  she  caught  a chill,  and 
thereafter,  partaking  too  freely  of  a mixture  of  clotted  cream 
and  crab  apples,  she  had  a return  of  the  dysenteric  complaint 
from  which  she  had  suffered  all  through  the  summer.  On 
the  following  day  she  attended  to  affairs  of  State  as  usual, 
reading  a vast  number  of  Memorials  and  recording  her 
decision  thereon,  but  on  the  5th  of  November  neither  she  nor 
the  Emperor  were  sufficiently  well  to  receive  the  Grand 
Council,  so  that  all  business  of  government  was  suspended 

455 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


for  two  days.  Upon  hearing  of  Her  Majesty’s  illness,  the 
Dalai  Lama  hastened  to  present  her  with  an  image  of 
Buddha,  which,  he  said,  should  be  despatched  forthwith  to 
her  mausoleum  at  the  hills,  the  building  of  which  had  just 
been  completed  under  the  supervision  of  Prince  Ch’ing.1 
The  high  priest  urged  all  haste  in  transmitting  this  miracle- 
working  image  to  her  future  burial-place ; if  it  were  done 
quickly,  he  said,  her  life  would  be  prolonged  by  many  years, 
because  the  unlucky  conjunction  of  the  stars  now  affecting 
her  adversely  would  avail  nothing  against  the  magic  power 
of  this  image.  The  Old  Buddha  was  greatly  reassured  by 
the  Dalai  Lama’s  cheerful  prognostications,  and  next 
morning  held  audience  as  usual.  She  commanded  Prince 
Ch’ing  to  proceed  without  delay  to  the  tombs,  and  there  to 
deposit  the  miraculous  image  on  the  altar.2  She  ordered 
him  to  pay  particular  attention  to  the  work  done  at  the 
mausoleum,  and  to  make  certain  that  her  detailed  instructions 
had  been  faithfully  carried  out.  Prince  Ch’ing  demurred 
somewhat  at  these  instructions,  inquiring  whether  she  really 
wished  him  to  leave  Peking  at  a time  when  she  herself 
and  the  Emperor  were  both  ill.  But  the  Old  Buddha 
would  brook  no  argument,  and  peremptorily  ordered  him 
to  proceed  as  instructed.  “ I am  not  likely  to  die,”  she 
said,  “ during  the  next  few  days  ; already  I am  feeling 
much  better.  In  any  case  you  will  do  as  you  are  told.” 
On  Monday,  November  9th,  both  the  Empress  Dowager 
and  the  Emperor  were  present  at  a meeting  of  the  Grand 
Council,  and  a special  audience  was  given  to  the  Educational 
Commissioner  of  Chihli  province,  about  to  leave  for  his  post. 
At  this  audience  the  Old  Buddha  spoke  with  some  bitterness 

1 He  had  succeeded  Jung  Lu  as  custodian  of  the  mausolea. 

2 The  Imperial  Mausoleum  lies  about  ninety  miles  to  the  east  of  Peking, 
covering  a vast  enclosure  of  magnificent  approach  and  decorated  with 
splendid  specimens  of  the  best  style  of  Chinese  architecture.  It  consists  of 
four  palaces,  rising  one  behind  the  other,  and  at  the  back  of  the  fourth  and 
highest  stands  the  huge  mound  classically  termed  the  “Jewelled  Citadel,” 
under  which  lies  the  spacious  grave  chamber. 

456 


HER  MAJESTY’S  LAST  DAYS 


of  the  increasing  tendency  of  the  student  class  to  give  vent 
to  revolutionary  ideas,  and  she  commanded  the  Commissioner 
of  Education  to  do  all  in  his  power  to  check  their  political 
activities. 

Shortly  afterwards  four  more  physicians,  who  had  come 
up  from  the  provinces,  were  admitted  to  see  His  Majesty. 
That  same  afternoon  he  had  a serious  relapse,  and  from 
that  day  forward  never  left  his  palace.  On  the  following 
morning  he  sent  a dutiful  message  (or  it  was  sent  for  him) 
enquiring  after  the  Empress  Dowager’s  health,  she  being 
also  confined  to  her  room  and  holding  no  audiences.  The 
Court  physicians  reported  badly  of  both  their  Imperial 
patients : being  fearful  as  to  the  outcome,  they  begged 
the  Comptroller- General  of  the  Household  to  engage  other 
physicians  in  their  place.  The  Grand  Council  sent  a message 
to  Prince  Ch'ing,  directing  him  to  return  to  Peking  with  all 
haste,  his  presence  being  required  forthwith  on  matters 
of  the  highest  importance.  Travelling  night  and  day,  he 
reached  the  capital  at  about  eight  o’clock  in  the  morning 
of  the  13tli,  and  hastened  to  the  palace.  He  found  the 
Old  Buddha  cheerful  and  confident  of  ultimate  recovery, 
but  the  Emperor  was  visibly  sinking,  his  condition  being 
comatose,  with  short  lucid  intervals.  His  last  conscious  act 
had  been  to  direct  his  Consort  to  inform  the  Empress 
Dowager  that  he  regretted  being  unable  to  attend  her,  and 
that  he  hoped  that  she  would  appoint  an  Heir  Apparent 
without  further  delay.  Whether  these  dutiful  messages 
were  spontaneous  or  inspired,  and  indeed,  whether  they  were 
ever  sent  by  the  Emperor,  is  a matter  upon  which  doubt 
has  been  freely  expressed. 

Immediately  after  the  arrival  of  Prince  Ch’ing,  an 
important  audience  was  held  in  the  Hall  of  Ceremonial 
Phoenixes.  Her  Majesty  was  able  to  mount  the  Throne, 
and,  although  obviously  weak,  her  unconquerable  courage 
enabled  her  to  master  her  physical  ailments,  and  she  spoke 
with  all  her  wonted  vehemence  and  lucidity.  A well- 

457 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


informed  member  of  the  Grand  Council,  full  of  wonder 
at  such  an  exhibition  of  strength  of  will,  has  recorded  the 
fact  that  she  completely  led  and  dominated  the  Council. 
There  were  present  Prince  Ch  mg,  Prince  Ch’un,  the  Grand 
Councillor  Yuan  Shih-k’ai,  and  the  Grand  Secretaries  Chang 
Chih-tung,  Lu  Ch’uan-lin  and  Shih  Hsu. 

Her  Majesty  announced  that  the  time  had  come  to 
nominate  an  Heir  to  the  Emperor  T’ung-Chih,  in  accordance 
with  that  Decree  of  the  first  day  of  the  reign  of  Kuang-Hsu, 
wherein  it  was  provided  that  the  deceased  Sovereign’s 
ancestral  rites  should  be  safeguarded  by  allowing  him 
precedence  over  his  successor  of  the  same  generation.  Her 
choice,  she  said,  was  already  made,  but  she  desired  to  take 
the  opinion  of  the  Grand  Councillors  in  the  first  instance. 
Prince  Ch’ing  and  Yuan  Shih-k’ai  then  recommended  the 
appointment  of  Prince  P’u  Lun,  or,  failing  him,  Prince 
Rung.  They  thought  the  former,  as  senior  great-grandson 
of  Tao-Kuang,  was  the  more  eligible  candidate,  and  with 
this  view  Prince  Ch’un  seemed  disposed  to  agree.  The 
remaining  Grand  Councillors,  however,  advised  the  selection 
of  Prince  Ch’un’s  infant  son. 

After  hearing  the  views  of  her  Councillors,  the  Old 
Buddha  announced  that  long  ago,  at  the  time  when  she  had 
betrothed  the  daughter  of  Jung  Lu  to  Prince  Ch’un,  she 
had  decided  that  the  eldest  son  of  this  marriage  should 
become  Heir  to  the  Throne,  in  recognition  and  reward  of 
Jung  Lu’s  lifelong  devotion  to  her  person,  and  his  paramount 
services  to  the  Dynasty  at  the  time  of  the  Boxer  rising. 
She  placed  on  record  her  opinion  that  he  had  saved  the 
Manchus  by  refusing  to  assist  in  the  attack  upon  the 
Legations.  In  the  3rd  Moon  of  this  year  she  had  renewed 
her  pledge  to  Jung  Lu’s  widow,  her  oldest  friend,  just 
before  she  died.  She  would,  therefore,  now  bestow  upon 
Prince  Ch’un  as  Regent,  the  title  of  “ Prince  co-operating 
in  the  Government,”  a title  one  degree  higher  than  that 
which  had  been  given  to  Prince  Rung  in  1861,  who  was 

458 


The  Son  of  Heaven. 


H.M.  Hsi'AN -T  ung,  Emperor  of  China. 


HER- MAJESTY’S  LAST  DAYS 

made  “ Adviser  to  the  Government  ” by  herself  and  her 
co- Regent. 

Upon  hearing  this  decision.  Prince  Ch’un  arose  from 
his  seat  and  repeatedly  kowtowed  before  Her  Majesty, 
expressing  a deep  sense  of  his  own  unworthiness.  Once 
more  Yiian  Shih-k’ai  courageously  advanced  the  superior 
claims  of  Prince  P’u  Lun : he  was  sincerely  of  opinion  that 
the  time  had  come  for  the  succession  to  be  continued 
along  the  original  lines  of  primogeniture  ; it  was  clear 
also  that  he  fully  realised  that  Prince  Ch’un  was  his  bitter 
enemy.  The  Old  Buddha  turned  upon  him  with  an  angry 
reprimand.  “ You  think,”  she  said,  “ that  I am  old,  and 
in  my  dotage,  but  you  should  have  learned  by  now  that 
when  I make  up  my  mind  nothing  stops  me  from  acting 
upon  it.  At  a critical  time  in  a nation’s  affairs  a youthful 
Sovereign  is  no  doubt  a source  of  danger  to  the  State, 
but  do  not  forget  that  I shall  be  here  to  direct  and  assist 
Prince  Ch’un.”  Then,  turning  to  the  other  Councillors,  she 
continued : — “ Draft  two  Decrees  at  once,  in  my  name, 
the  first,  appointing  Tsai-feng,  Prince  Ch  un,  to  be  ‘ Prince 
co-operating  in  the  Government’  and  the  second  commanding 
that  P’u  Yi,  son  of  Prince  Ch’un,  should  enter  the  palace 
forthwith,  to  be  brought  up  within  the  precincts.”  She 
ordered  Prince  Ch’ing  to  inform  the  Emperor  of  these 
Decrees. 

Kuang-Hsli  was  still  conscious,  and  understood  what  Prince 
Ch’ing  said  to  him.  “ Would  it  not  have  been  better,”  he 
said,  “ to  nominate  an  adult  ? No  doubt,  however,  the 
Empress  Dowager  knows  best.”  Upon  hearing  of  the 
appointment  of  Prince  Ch’un  to  the  Regency,  he  expressed 
his  gratification.  This  was  at  3 p.m.  ; two  hours  later  the 
infant  Prince  had  been  brought  into  the  Palace,  and  was 
taken  by  his  father  to  be  shown  both  to  the  Empress 
Dowager  and  the  Emperor.  At  seven  o’clock  on  the  follow- 
ing morning  the  physicians  in  attendance  reported  that  His 
Majesty’s  “ nose  was  twitching  and  his  stomach  rising,” 

459 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


from  which  signs  they  knew  that  his  end  was  at  hand. 
During  the  night,  feeling  that  death  was  near,  he  had 
written  out  his  last  testament,  in  a hand  almost  illegible, 
prefacing  the  same  with  these  significant  words  : — 

“We  were  the  second  son  of  Prince  Ch’un  when  the 
Empress  Dowager  selected  Us  for  the  Throne.  She  has 
always  hated  Us,  but  for  Our  misery  of  the  past  ten  years 
Yuan  Shih-k’ai  is  responsible,  and  one  other  ” (the  second 
name  is  said  to  have  been  illegible).  “ When  the  time 
comes  I desire  that  Yuan  be  summarily  beheaded.” 

The  Emperor’s  consort  took  possession  of  this  document, 
which,  however,  was  seen  by  independent  witnesses.  Its 
wording  goes  to  show  that  any  conciliatory  attitude  on 
the  part  of  the  Emperor  during  the  last  year  must  have 
been  inspired  by  fear  and  not  by  any  revival  of  affection. 

Later  in  the  day  a Decree  was  promulgated,  announcing 
to  the  inhabitants  of  Peking  and  the  Empire  that  their 
sovereign’s  condition  was  desperate,  and  calling  on  the 
provinces  to  send  their  most  skilful  physicians  post-haste 
to  the  capital  so  that,  perchance,  His  Majesty’s  life  might 
yet  be  saved.  The  Decree  described  in  detail  the  symptoms, 
real  or  alleged,  of  Kuang-Hsu’s  malady.  It  was  generally 
regarded  as  a perfunctory  announcement  of  an  unimportant 
event,  long  expected. 

At  3 p.m.  the  Empress  Dowager  came  to  the  “ Ocean 
Terrace  ” to  visit  the  Emperor,  but  he  was  unconscious,  and 
did  not  know  her.  Later,  when  a short  return  of  conscious- 
ness occurred,  his  attendants  endeavoured  to  persuade  him 
to  put  on  the  Ceremonial  Robes  of  Longevity,  in  which 
etiquette  prescribes  that  sovereigns  should  die.  It  is  the 
universal  custom  that,  if  possible,  the  patient  should  don 
these  robes  in  his  last  moments,  for  it  is  considered  unlucky 
if  they  are  put  on  after  death.  His  Majesty,  however, 
obstinately  declined,  and  at  five  o’clock  he  died,  in  the 
presence  of  the  Empress  Dowager,  his  consort,  the  two 

4G0 


HER  MAJESTY’S  LAST  DAYS 


secondary  consorts,  and  a few  eunuchs.  The  Empress 
Dowager  did  not  remain  to  witness  the  ceremony  of  clothing 
the  body  in  the  Dragon  Robes,  but  returned  forthwith  to 
her  own  palace,  where  she  gave  orders  for  the  issue  of  his 
valedictory  Decree  and  for  the  proclamation  of  the  new 
Emperor. 

The  most  interesting  passage  of  the  Emperor’s  valedictory 
Decree  was  the  following : — “ Reflecting  on  the  critical 
condition  of  our  Empire,  we  have  been  led  to  combine  the 
Chinese  system  with  certain  innovations  from  foreign 
countries.  We  have  endeavoured  to  establish  harmony 
between  the  common  people  and  converts  to  Christianity. 
We  have  reorganised  the  army  and  founded  colleges.  We 
have  fostered  trade  and  industries  and  have  made  provision 
for  a new  judicial  system,  paving  also  the  way  for  a Con- 
stitutional form  of  government,  so  that  all  our  subjects  may 
enjoy  the  continued  blessings  of  peace.”  After  referring  to 
the  appointment  of  the  Regent  and  the  nomination  of  a 
successor  to  the  Dragon  Throne,  he  concludes  (or  rather  the 
Empress  concluded  for  him)  with  a further  reference  to  the 
Constitution,  and  an  appeal  to  his  Ministers  to  purify  their 
hearts  and  prepare  themselves,  so  that,  after  nine  years, 
the  new  order  may  be  accomplished,  and  the  Imperial 
purposes  successfully  achieved. 

The  Old  Buddha  appeared  at  this  juncture  to  be  in  par- 
ticularly good  spirits,  astonishing  all  about  her  by  her 
vivacity  and  keenness.  She  gave  orders  that  a further 
Decree  be  published,  in  the  name  of  the  new  Emperor,  con- 
taining the  usual  laudation  of  the  deceased  monarch  and  an 
expression  of  the  infant  Emperor’s  gratitude  to  the  Empress 
Dowager  for  her  benevolence  in  placing  him  on  the  Throne. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  the  Censor  Wu  K'o-tu  com- 
mitted suicide  at  the  beginning  of  Kuang-Hsii’s  reign,  as  an 
act  of  protest  at  the  irregularity  in  the  succession,  which  left 
no  heir  to  the  Emperor  T ung-Chih,  that  monarch’s  spirit 
being  left  desolate  and  without  a successor  to  perform  on  his 

461 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


behalf  the  ancestral  sacrifices.  The  child,  P’u  Yi,  having 
now  been  made  heir  by  adoption  to  T’ung-Chih,  in  fulfil- 
ment of  the  promise  made  by  Tzu  Hsi  at  the  time  of  this 
sensational  suicide,  it  appeared  as  if  the  irregularity  were 
about  to  be  repeated,  and  the  soul  of  Kuang-Hsii  to  be  left 
in  a similar  orbate  condition  in  the  Halls  of  Hades,  unless 
some  means  could  be  found  to  solve  the  difficulty  and  meet 
the  claims  of  both  the  deceased  Emperors.  In  the  event  of 
Kuang-Hsii  being  left  without  heir  or  descendant  to  per- 
form the  all-important  worship  at  his  shrine,  there  could  be 
but  little  doubt  that  the  feelings  of  the  orthodox  would  again 
be  outraged,  and  the  example  of  Wu  K’o-tu  might  have  been 
followed  by  other  Censors.  The  Empress  Dowager,  realising 
the  importance  of  the  question,  solved  it  in  her  own  master- 
ful way  by  a stroke  of  policy  which,  although  without 
precisely  applicable  precedent  in  history,  nevertheless 
appeared  to  satisfy  all  parties,  and  to  placate  all  prejudices, 
if  only  by  reason  of  its  simplicity  and  originality.  Her 
Decree  on  the  subject  was  as  follows  : — 

“ The  Emperor  T’ung-Chih,  having  left  no  heir,  was  com- 
pelled to  issue  a Decree  to  the  effect  that  so  soon  as  a child 
should  be  born  to  His  Majesty  Kuang-Hsii,  that  child 
would  be  adopted  as  Heir  to  the  Emperor  T’ung-Chih.  Rut 
now  His  Majesty  Kuang-Hsii  has  ascended  on  high,  dragon- 
borne,  and  he  also  has  left  no  heir.  I am,  therefore,  now 
obliged  to  decree  that  P’u  Yi,  son  of  Tsai  Feng,  the  ‘ Prince 
co-operating  in  the  Government,’  should  become  heir  by 
adoption  to  the  Emperor  T’ung-Chih,  and  that,  at  the  same 
time,  he  should  perform  joint  sacrifices  at  the  shrine  of 
His  Majesty  Kuang-Hsii.” 

To  those  who  are  acquainted  with  the  tangled  web  of 
Chinese  Court  ceremonial  and  the  laws  of  succession,  it 
would  seem  that  so  simple  (and  so  new)  an  expedient  might 
suitably  have  been  adopted  on  previous  similar  occasions, 
since  all  that  was  required  was  to  make  the  individual  living 
Emperor  assume  a dual  personality  towards  the  dead,  and 

462 


HER  MAJESTY’S  LAST  DAYS 


one  cannot  help  wondering  whether  the  classical  priestcraft 
which  controls  these  things  would  have  accepted  the 
solution  so  readily  at  the  hands  of  anyone  less  masterful 
and  determined  than  Tzu  Hsi. 

In  a subsequent  Decree  the  Empress  Dowager  handed 
over  to  the  Regent  full  control  in  all  routine  business, 
reserving  only  to  herself  the  last  word  in  all  important 
matters  of  State.  The  effect  of  this  arrangement  was  to 
place  Prince  Ch  un  in  much  the  same  position  of  nominal 
sovereignty  as  that  held  by  Kuang-Hsii  himself,  until  such 
time  as  the  young  Emperor  should  come  of  age,  or  until 
the  death  of  the  Empress  Dowager.  In  other  words, 
Tzu  Hsi  had  once  more  put  in  operation  the  machinery  by 
which  she  had  acquired  and  held  the  supreme  power  since 
the  death  of  her  husband,  the  Emperor  IIsien-Feng.  There 
is  little  doubt  that  at  this  moment  she  fully  expected  to  live 
for  many  years  more,  and  that  she  made  her  plans  so  as  to 
enjoy  to  the  end  uninterrupted  and  undiminished  authority. 
In  her  Decree  on  this  subject,  wherein,  as  usual,  she  justifies 
her  proceedings  by  reference  to  the  critical  condition  of 
affairs,  she  states  that  the  Regent  is  to  carry  on  the  Govern- 
ment “ subject  always  to  the  instructions  of  the  Empress 
Dowager,”  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  had  she  lived  the 
Emperor’s  brother  would  no  more  have  been  permitted  any 
independent  initiative  or  authority  than  the  unfortunate 
Kuang-Hsii  himself. 


468 


XXVII 


TZC  HSI’S  DEATH  AND  BURIAL 

At  the  close  of  a long  and  exciting  day,  Her  Majesty 
retired  to  rest  on  the  14th  of  November,  weary  with  her 
labours  but  apparently  much  improved  in  health.  Next 
morning  she  arose  at  her  usual  hour,  6 a.m.,  gave  audience 
to  the  Grand  Council  and  talked  for  some  time  with  the 
late  Emperor’s  widow,  with  the  Regent  and  with  his  wife, 
the  daughter  of  Jung  Lu.  By  a Decree  issued  in  the  name 
of  the  infant  Emperor,  she  assumed  the  title  of  Empress 
Grand  Dowager,  making  Kuang-Hsii’s  widow  Empress 
Dowager.  Elaborate  ceremonies  were  planned  to  celebrate 
the  bestowal  of  these  new  titles,  and  to  proclaim  the  installa- 
tion of  the  Regent.  Suddenly,  at  noon,  while  sitting  at 
her  meal,  the  Old  Buddha  was  seized  with  a fainting  fit,  long 
and  severe.  When  at  last  she  recovered  consciousness,  it 
was  clear  to  all  that  the  stress  and  excitement  of  the  past 
few  days  had  brought  on  a relapse,  her  strength  having  been 
undermined  by  the  long  attack  of  dysentery.  Realising 
that  her  end  was  near,  she  hurriedly  summoned  the  new 
Empress  Dowager,  the  Regent  and  the  Grand  Council  to 
the  Palace,  where,  upon  their  coming  together,  she  dictated 
the  following  Decree,  speaking  in  the  same  calm  tones 
which  she  habitually  used  in  transacting  the  daily  routine  of 
Government  work : — 

“ By  command  of  the  Empress  Grand  Dowager : Y ester- 
day  I issued  an  Edict  whereby  Prince  Ch’un  was  made 

464 


TZtJ  HSI’S  DEATH  AND  BURIAL 


Regent,  and  I commanded  that  the  whole  business  of 
Government  should  be  in  his  hands,  subject  only  to  my 
instructions.  Being  seized  of  a mortal  sickness,  and 
being  without  hope  of  recovery,  I now  order  that  hence- 
forward the  government  of  the  Empire  shall  be  entirely  in 
the  hands  of  the  Regent.  Nevertheless,  should  there  arise 
any  question  of  vital  importance,  in  regard  to  which  an 
expression  of  the  Empress  Dowager’s  opinion  is  desirable, 
the  Regent  shall  apply  in  person  to  her  for  instructions,  and 
act  accordingly.” 

The  significance  of  the  conclusion  of  this  Decree  is 
apparent  to  anyone  familiar  with  Chinese  Court  procedure 
and  with  the  life  history  of  the  Empress  herself.  Its  ingenious 
wording  was  expressly  intended  to  afford  to  the  new  Empress 
Dowager  and  the  Yehonala  Clan  an  opportunity  for  inter- 
vention at  any  special  crisis,  thus  maintaining  the  Clan’s 
final  authority  and  safeguarding  its  position  in  the  event  of 
any  hostile  move  by  the  Regent  or  his  adherents.  And  the 
result  of  this  precaution  has  already  been  shown  on  the  occa- 
sion of  the  recent  dismissal  of  Tuan  Fang1  from  the  Vice- 
royalty of  Chihli  for  alleged  want  of  respect  in  connection 
with  the  funeral  ceremonies  of  the  Empress  Dowager,  an  epi- 
sode which  showed  clearly  that  the  Regent  has  no  easy  game 
to  play,  and  that  the  new  Empress  Dowager,  Lung  Yu,  has 
every  intention  to  defend  the  position  of  the  Clan  and  to 
take  advantage  thereof  along  lines  very  similar  to  those 
followed  by  her  august  predecessor. 

After  issuing  the  Decree  above  quoted,  the  Empress 
Dowager,  rapidly  sinking,  commanded  that  her  valedictory 
Decree  be  drafted  and  submitted  to  her  for  approval.  This 
was  done  quickly.  After  perusing  the  document,  she  pro- 
ceeded to  correct  it  in  several  places,  notably  by  the  addition 
of  the  sentence,  “ It  became  my  inevitable  and  bounden 
duty  to  assume  the  Regency.”  Commenting  on  this  addition, 
she  volunteered  the  explanation  that  she  wished  it  inserted 


1 Vide  Biographical  Note  in  the  Appendix. 

465 


H H 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 

because  on  more  than  one  occasion  her  assumption  of  the 
supreme  power  had  been  wrongfully  attributed  to  personal 
ambition,  whereas,  as  a matter  of  fact,  the  welfare  of  the  State 
had  always  weighed  with  her  as  much  as  her  own  inclina- 
tions, and  she  had  been  forced  into  this  position.  From  her 
own  pen  also  came  the  touching  conclusion  of  the  Decree,  that 
sentence  which  begins : “ Looking  back  over  the  memories 
of  these  fifty  years,”  etc.  She  observed,  in  writing  this, 
that  she  had  nothing  to  regret  in  her  life,  and  could  only 
wish  that  it  might  have  lasted  for  many  years  more.  She 
then  proceeded  to  bid  an  affectionate  farewell  to  her  numerous 
personal  attendants  and  the  waiting  maids  around  her,  all  of 
whom  were  overcome  by  very  real  and  deep  grief.  To  the 
end  her  mind  remained  quite  clear,  and,  at  the  very  point  of 
death,  she  continued  to  speak  as  calmly  as  if  she  were  just 
about  to  set  out  on  one  of  her  progresses  to  the  Summer 
Palace.  Again  and  again,  when  all  thought  the  end  had 
come,  she  recovered  consciousness,  and  up  to  the  end  the 
watchers  at  her  bedside  could  not  help  hoping  (or  fearing,  as 
the  case  might  be  with  them)  that  she  wrould  yet  get  the 
better  of  Death.  At  the  last,  in  articulo  mortis,  they  asked 
her,  in  accordance  with  the  Chinese  custom,  to  pronounce 
her  last  words.  Strangely  significant  was  the  answer  of  the 
extraordinary  woman  who  had  moulded  and  guided  the 
destinies  of  the  Chinese  people  for  half  a century  : “ Never 
again,'  she  said,  “ allow  any  woman  to  hold  the  supreme 
power  in  the  State.  It  is  against  the  house-law  of  our  Dynasty 
and  should  be  strictly  forbidden.  Be  careful  not  to  permit 
eunuchs  to  meddle  in  Government  matters.  The  Ming 
Dynasty  was  brought  to  ruin  by  eunuchs,  and  its  fate  should 
be  a warning  to  my  people.”  Tzu  Hsi  died,  as  she  had  lived, 
above  tbe  law,  yet  jealous  of  its  fulfilment  by  others.  Only 
a few  hours  before  she  had  provided  for  the  transmission  of 
authority  to  a woman  of  her  own  clan : now,  confronting 
the  dark  Beyond,  she  hesitated  to  perpetuate  a system  which, 
in  any  but  the  strongest  hands,  could  not  fail  to  throw  the 

466 


TZU  HSI’S  DEATH  AND  BURIAL 

Empire  into  confusion.  She  died,  as  she  had  lived,  a 
creature  of  impulse  and  swiftly  changing  moods,  a woman  of 
infinite  variety. 

At  3 p.m.,  straightening  her  limbs,  she  expired  with  her 
face  to  the  south,  which  is  the  correct  position,  according  to 
Chinese  ideas,  for  a dying  sovereign.  It  was  reported  by 
those  who  saw  her  die  that  her  mouth  remained  fixedly 
open,  which  the  Chinese  interpret  as  a sign  that  the  spirit  of 
the  deceased  is  unwilling  to  leave  the  body  and  to  take  its 
departure  for  the  place  of  the  Nine  Springs. 

Thus  died  Tzu  Hsi ; and  when  her  ladies  and  hand- 
maidens had  dressed  the  body  in  its  Robes  of  State,  embroid- 
ered with  the  Imperial  Dragon,  her  remains  and  those  of  the 
Emperor  were  borne  from  the  Lake  Palace  to  the  Forbidden 
City,  through  long  lines  of  their  kneeling  subjects,  and  were 
reverently  laid  in  separate  Halls  of  the  Palace,  with  all  due 
state  and  ceremony. 

The  valedictory  Decree  of  Tzu  Hsi,  the  last  wrords  from 
that  pen  which  had  indeed  been  mightier  than  many  swords, 
wras  for  the  most  part  a faithful  reproduction  of  the  classical 
models,  the  orthodox  swan  song  of  the  ruler  of  a people 
which  makes  of  its  writings  a religion.  Its  text  is  as 
follows : — 


The  Valedictory  Mandate  of  Her  Majesty  Tz  u-Hsi-Tuan-Yu- 
Kang-I-  Chao  - Yu  - Chuang-  Cheng- Shou-Kung- Ch’in-Hsien- 
Ch’ung-Hsi,  the  Empress  Grand  Dowager,  declareth  as 
follows : — 

“I,  of  humble  virtue,  did  reverently  receive  the 
appointment  of  the  late  Emperor  Hsien-Feng,  which 
prepared  for  me  a place  amongst  his  Consorts.  When 
the  late  Emperor  T’ung-Chih  succeeded  in  early  childhood 
to  the  Throne,  there  was  rebellion  still  raging  in  the  land, 
which  was  being  vigorously  suppressed.  Not  only  did 
the  Taiping  and  turbaned  rebels  engage  in  successive 
outbreaks,  but  disorder  was  spread  by  the  Kuei-chou 

467  h h 2 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


aborigines  and  by  Mahomedan  bandits.  The  provinces  of 
the  coast  were  in  great  distress,  the  people  on  the  verge  of 
ruin,  widespread  distress  confronting  us  on  all  sides. 

**  Co-operating  then  with  the  senior  Consort  of  Hsien- 
Feng,  the  Empress  Dowager  of  the  Eastern  Palace,  I 
undertook  the  heavy  duties  of  Government,  toiling  ever, 
day  and  night.  Obeying  the  behests  of  His  late  Majesty, 
my  husband,  I urged  on  the  Metropolitan  and  provincial 
officials,  as  well  as  the  military  commanders,  directing  their 
policies  and  striving  for  the  restoration  of  peace.  I employed 
virtuous  officials  and  was  ever  ready  to  listen  to  wise 
counsel.  I relieved  my  people’s  distress  in  time  of  flood  and 
famine.  By  the  goodwill  and  bounty  of  Heaven,  I sup- 
pressed the  rebellions  and  out  of  dire  peril  restored  peace. 
Later,  when  the  Emperor  T’ung-Chih  passed  away  and 
the  Emperor  Kuang-Hsii,  now  just  deceased,  entered  by 
adoption  upon  the  great  heritage,  the  crisis  was  even  more 
dangerous  and  the  condition  of  the  people  even  more 
pitiable.  Within  the  Empire  calamities  were  rife,  while 
from  abroad  we  were  confronted  by  repeated  and  increasing 
acts  of  aggression. 

“ Once  again  it  became  my  inevitable  and  bounden  duty 
to  assume  the  Regency.  Two  years  ago  I issued  a Decree 
announcing  the  Throne’s  intention  to  grant  a Constitution, 
and  this  present  year  I have  promulgated  the  date  at  which 
it  is  to  come  into  effect.  Innumerable  affairs  of  State  have 
required  direction  at  my  hands  and  I have  laboured  without 
ceasing  and  with  all  my  might.  Fortunately,  my  constitu- 
tion was  naturally  strong,  and  I have  been  able  to  face  my 
duties  with  undiminished  vigour.  During  the  summer  and 
autumn  of  this  year,  however,  I have  frequently  been  in  bad 
health,  at  a time  when  pressing  affairs  of  State  allowed  me  no 
repose.  I lost  my  sleep  and  appetite,  and  gradually  my 
strength  failed  me.  Yet  even  then  I took  no  rest,  not  for  a 
single  day.  And  yesterday  saw  the  death  of  His  Majesty 
Kuang-Hsii ; whereat  my  grief  overwhelmed  me.  I can 
bear  no  more,  and  so  am  I come  to  the  pass  where  no 
possible  hope  of  recovery  remains. 

“ Looking  back  upon  the  memories  of  these  last  fifty 
years,  I perceive  how  calamities  from  within  and  aggression 

468 


TZtJ  HSI’S  DEATH  AND  BURIAL 


from  without  have  come  upon  us  in  relentless  succession, 
and  that  my  life  has  never  enjoyed  a moment’s  respite 
from  anxiety.  But  to-day  definite  progress  has  been  made 
towards  necessary  reforms.  The  new  Emperor  is  but  an 
infant,  just  reaching  the  age  when  wise  instruction  is  of 
the  highest  importance.  The  Prince  Regent  and  all  our 
officials  must  henceforth  work  loyally  together  to  strengthen 
the  foundations  of  our  Empire.  His  Majesty  must  devote 
himself  to  studying  the  interests  of  the  country  and  so 
refrain  from  giving  way  to  personal  grief.  That  he  may 
diligently  pursue  his  studies,  and  hereafter  add  fresh  lustre 
to  the  glorious  achievements  of  his  ancestors,  is  now  my 
most  earnest  prayer. 

“ Mourning  to  be  worn  for  only  twenty-seven  days. 

“ Cause  this  to  be  everywhere  known  ! 

“Tenth  Moon,  23rd  day  (November  the  15th).” 

The  title  by  which  Her  Majesty  was  canonised  contains 
no  less  than  twenty-two  characters,  sixteen  of  which  were 
hers  at  the  day  of  her  death,  the  other  six  having  been 
added  in  the  Imperial  Decrees  which  recorded  her  decease 
and  praised  her  glorious  achievements.  The  first  character 
“ Dutiful  ” — i.e.  to  her  husband — is  always  accorded  to  a 
deceased  Empress.  It  is  significant  of  the  unpractical 
nature  of  the  literati,  or  of  their  cynicism,  that  the  second  of 
her  latest  titles  signifies  “reverend,”  implying  punctilious 
adherence  to  ancestral  traditions ! The  third  and  fourth 
mean  “ Equal  of  Heaven,”  which  places  her  on  a footing 
of  equality  with  Confucius,  while  the  fifth  and  sixth  raise 
her  even  higher  than  the  Sage  in  the  national  Pantheon, 
for  it  means  “ Increase  in  Sanctity,”  of  which  Confucius 
was  only  a “ Manifestos ” In  the  records  of  the  Dynasty 
she  will  henceforth  be  known  as  the  Empress  “ Dutiful, 
Reverend  and  Glorious,”  a title,  according  to  the  laws 
of  Chinese  honorifics,  higher  than  any  woman  ruler  has 
hitherto  received  since  the  beginning  of  history. 

Since  her  death  the  prestige  of  the  Empress  Dowager, 


469 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


and  her  hold  on  the  imagination  of  the  people,  have  grown 
rather  than  decreased.  Around  her  coffin,  while  it  lay  first 
in  her  Palace  of  Peaceful  Longevity  and  later  in  a hall 
at  the  foot  of  the  Coal  Hill,  north  of  the  Forbidden  City, 
awaiting  the  appointed  day  propitious  for  burial,  there 
gathered  something  more  than  the  conventional  regrets 
and  honours  which  fall  usually  to  the  lot  of  China’s  rulers. 
Officials  as  well  as  people  felt  that  with  her  they  had 
lost  the  strong  hand  of  guidance,  and  a personality  which 
appealed  to  most  of  them  as  much  from  the  human  as  from 
the  official  point  of  view.  Their  affectionate  recollections 
of  the  Old  Buddha  were  clearly  shown  by  the  elaborate 
sacrifices  paid  to  her  manes  at  various  periods  from  the  day 
of  her  death  to  that  day,  a year  later,  when  her  ancestral 
tablet  was  brought  home  to  the  Forbidden  City  from  the 
Imperial  tombs  with  all  pomp  and  circumstance. 

On  the  All  Souls’  day  of  the  Buddhists,  celebrated  in  the 
7th  Moon,  and  which  fell  in  the  September  following  her 
death,  a magnificent  barge  made  of  paper  and  over  a hundred 
and  fifty  feet  long  was  set  up  outside  the  Forbidden  City  on 
a large  empty  space  adjoining  the  Coal  Hill.  It  was  crowded 
with  figures  of  attendant  eunuchs  and  handmaidens,  and 
contained  furniture  and  viands  for  the  use  of  the  illustrious 
dead  in  the  lower  regions.  A throne  was  placed  in  the 
bows,  and  around  it  were  kneeling  effigies  of  attendant 
officials  all  wearing  their  Robes  of  State  as  if  the  shade  of 
Tzu  Hsi  were  holding  an  audience. 

On  the  morning  of  the  All  Souls’  festival  the  Regent,  in 
the  name  of  the  Emperor,  performed  sacrifice  before  the 
barge,  which  was  then  set  alight  and  burnt,  in  order  that 
the  Old  Buddha  might  enjoy  the  use  of  it  at  the  “ yellow 
springs.”  A day  or  two  before  her  funeral,  hundreds  of 
paper  effigies  of  attendants,  cavalry,  camels  and  other  pack 
animals,  were  similarly  burnt  so  that  her  spirit  might 
enjoy  all  the  pomp  to  which  she  had  been  accustomed 
in  life. 


470 


TZU  HSI’S  DEATH  AND  BURIAL 


'Plie  following  account  of  her  funeral  is  reproduced  from 
The  Times  of  27th  November,  1909  : — 

“ The  9th  of  November  at  5 a.m.  was  the  hour  of  good 
omen  originally  chosen  by  the  Astrologers  for  the  departure 
of  the  remains  of  Her  late  Majesty  the  Empress  Dowager 
from  their  temporary  resting  place  in  the  Forbidden  City  to 
the  mausoleum  prepared  for  her  at  the  Eastern  Hills.  To 
meet  the  convenience  of  the  foreign  representatives,  the  hour 
was  subsequently  changed  to  7 a.m. 

“ The  arrangements  for  the  procession  and  the  part  taken 
therein  by  the  Diplomatic  Body,  were  generally  similar  to 
those  of  the  funeral  of  His  Majesty  Kuang-Hsii,  but  the 
mounted  troops  were  more  numerous  and  better  turned  out, 
the  police  were  noticeably  smarter  and  well-dressed,  and  the 
pageant  as  a whole  was  in  many  respects  more  imposing. 
But  for  those  who,  in  May  last,  witnessed  the  late  Emperor’s 
funeral,  the  scene  lacked  one  element  of  its  brilliantly 
picturesque  effect,  namely,  the  bright  sunshine  which  on 
that  occasion  threw  every  detail  and  distinctive  note  of  the 
cortege  into  clear  relief  against  the  grey  background  of  the 
Palace  walls.  The  day  was  cold,  with  lowering  clouds,  and 
the  long  delay  which  preceded  the  appearance  of  the 
catafalque  at  the  point  where  the  Diplomatic  Body  was 
stationed  had  an  inevitably  depressing  effect  on  the 
spectators. 

“ The  catafalque  was  borne  by  eighty-four  bearers,  the 
largest  number  which  can  carry  this  unwieldy  burden  through 
the  City  gates  ; but  beyond  the  walls  the  coffin  was  trans- 
ferred to  a larger  bier  borne  by  one  hundred  and  twenty  men. 
In  front  walked  the  Prince  Regent,  the  bodyguard  of 
Manchu  Princes  and  the  members  of  the  Grand  Council, 
attended  by  the  Secretariat  staff.  Behind  rode  first  a smart 
body  of  troops,  followed  by  a large  number  of  camels  whose 
Mongol  attendants  carried  tent-poles  and  other  articles  for 
use  in  the  erection  of  the  ‘ matshed  palaces,’  wherein  the 
coffin  rests  at  night  at  the  different  stages  of  the  four  days’ 
journey  to  the  tombs.  Behind  the  Mongols  were  borne  in 
procession  the  gaudy  honorific  umbrellas  presented  to  the 
Old  Buddha  on  the  occasion  of  her  return  from  exile  at 


471 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


Hsi-an  fu  in  1901  : all  these  were  burnt  on  the  16th  instant 
when  the  body  was  finally  entombed.  Following  the  waving 
umbrellas  came  a body  of  Lama  dignitaries,  and  after  them 
a contingent  from  the  Imperial  Equipage  Department  bear- 
ing Manchu  sacrificial  vessels,  Buddhist  symbols  and 
embroidered  banners.  Conspicuous  in  the  cortege  were  three 
splendid  chariots  with  trappings  and  curtains  of  Imperial 
yellow  silk,  emblazoned  with  dragons  and  phoenixes,  and  two 
palanquins  similar  to  those  used  by  the  Empress  Dowager 
on  her  journeys  in  State ; these  also  were  burned  at  the 
mausoleum.  Noticeable  figures  in  the  procession  were  the 
six  chief  eunuchs,  including  the  notorious  Li  Lien-ying 
and  the  short  handsome  attendant  who  usually  accompanied 
the  Empress’s  sedan  chair.  The  spectacle,  as  a whole,  was 
most  impressive ; no  such  pomp  and  circumstance,  say  the 
Chinese,  has  marked  the  obsequies  of  any  Empress  of  China 
since  the  funeral  of  the  Empress  Wu  (circa  a.d.  700)  of 
whom  the  annals  record  that  hundreds  of  attendants  were 
buried  alive  in  her  mausoleum. 

“ The  police  arrangements  attracted  general  attention  by 
their  remarkable  efficiency,  which  many  Chinese  attribute  to 
the  present  Empress  Dowager’s  constant  fear  of  assassination. 
Every  closed  door  along  the  route  of  the  procession  was 
closely  guarded  by  soldiers  and  special  precautions  taken 
against  bomb-throwing.  The  street  guards  were  numerous 
and  alert,  and  the  arrangements  generally  were  characterised 
by  discipline  and  decorum.  There  was  little  confusion  in 
the  cortege,  and  none  of  the  unseemly  shouting  usual  on 
such  occasions. 

“ Ninety  miles  away,  in  a silent  spot  surrounded  by  virgin 
pine  forest  and  backed  by  protecting  hills,  are  the  Eastern 
Tombs,  towards  which,  for  four  days,  the  great  catafalque 
made  its  way  along  the  yellow-sanded  road.  There  stands  the 
mausoleum,  originally  built  by  the  faithful  Jung  Lu  for  his 
Imperial  Mistress  at  a cost  which  stands  in  the  government 
records  at  eight  millions  of  taels.  It  is  close  to  the  ‘ Ting 
Ling,’  the  burial-place  of  her  husband,  the  Emperor  Hsien- 
Feng.  To  the  west  of  it  stands  the  tomb  of  her  colleague 
and  co-Regent  (the  Empress  Tzu  An),  and  on  the 
east  that  of  the  first  Consort  of  Hsien-Feng,  who  died  before 

472 


TZfj  HSI’S  DEATH  AND  BURIAL 


his  accession  to  the  Throne,  and  was  subsequently  canonised 
as  Empress.  Throughout  her  lifetime,  and  particularly  of 
late  years,  Yehonala  took  great  interest  and  pride  in  her  last 
resting-place,  visiting  it  at  intervals  and  exacting  the  most 
scrupulous  attention  from  those  entrusted  with  its  building 
and  adornment.  On  one  occasion,  in  1897,  when  practically 
completed,  she  had  it  rebuilt  because  the  teak  pillars  were  not 
sufficiently  massive.  After  the  death  of  Jung  Lu,  Prince 
Ch’ing  became  responsible  for  the  custody  of  the  tomb  and 
its  precious  contents — the  sacrificial  vessels  of  carved  jade, 
the  massive  vases  and  incense  burners  of  gold  and  silver, 
which  adorn  the  mortuary  chamber ; the  richly-jewelled 
couch  to  receive  the  coffin,  and  the  carved  figures  of  serving 
maids  and  eunuchs  who  stand  for  ever  in  attendance.  After 
the  last  ceremony  at  the  tomb,  when  the  Princes,  Chamber- 
lains and  high  officials  had  taken  their  final  farewell  of  the 
illustrious  dead,  while  the  present  Empress  Dowager,  with 
her  attendants  and  the  surviving  consorts  of  the  Emperors 
Hsien-Feng  and  T’ung-Chih,  offered  the  last  rites  in  the 
mortuary  chamber,  the  massive  stone  door  of  the  tomb  wras 
let  down  and  the  resting-place  of  Tzu  Hsi  closed  for  ever. 

“ The  cost  of  the  late  Emperor’s  funeral  has  been  officially 
recorded,  with  the  nice  accuracy  which  characterises  Chinese 
finance,  at  459,940  taels,  2 mace,  3 candareens  and  6 li.  As 
the  cost  of  a funeral  in  China  closely  reflects  the  dignity  of 
the  deceased  and  the  ‘ face  ’ of  his  or  her  immediate  sur- 
vivors, these  figures  become  particularly  interesting  when 
compared  with  the  cost  of  the  Empress  Dowager’s  funeral, 
which  is  placed  at  one  and  a-quarter  to  one  and  a-half  million 
taels.  Rumour  credited  the  Regent  with  an  attempt  to  cut 
down  this  expenditure,  which  attempt  he  abandoned  at  the 
last  moment  in  the  face  of  the  displeasure  of  the  powerful 
Yehonala  Clan.  That  the  Old  Buddha’s  magnificent  funeral 
was  appreciated  by  the  populace  of  Peking  is  certain,  for  to 
them  she  was  for  fifty  years  a sympathetic  personality  and  a 
great  ruler.” 

The  conveyance  of  Her  Majesty’s  ancestral  tablet  from  the 
tombs  of  the  Eastern  Hills  to  its  resting-place  in  the  Temple 
of  Ancestors  in  the  Forbidden  City  was  a ceremony  in  the 
highest  degree  impressive  and  indicative  of  the  vitality  of 

473 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 

those  feelings  which  make  ancestor-worship  the  most 
important  factor  in  the  life  of  the  Chinese.  The  tablet,  a 
simple  strip  of  carved  and  lacquered  wood,  bearing  the 
name  of  the  deceased  in  Manchu  and  Chinese  characters, 
had  been  officially  present  at  the  burial.  With  the  closing 
of  the  great  door  of  the  tomb  the  spirit  of  the  departed  ruler 
is  supposed  to  be  translated  to  the  tablet,  and  to  the  latter  is 
therefore  given  honour  equal  to  that  which  was  accorded  to 
the  sovereign  during  her  lifetime.  Borne  aloft  in  a gorgeous 
chariot  draped  with  Imperial  yellow  silk  and  attended  by  a 
large  mounted  escort,  Tzu  Hsi’s  tablet  journeyed  slowly  and 
solemnly,  in  three  days’  stages,  from  the  Eastern  Hills  to 
Peking.  At  each  stage  it  rested  for  the  night  in  a specially 
constructed  pavilion,  being  “ invited  ” by  the  Master  of  the 
Ceremonies,  on  his  knees  and  with  all  solemnity,  to  be 
pleased  to  leave  its  chariot  and  rest.  For  the  passage  of  this 
habitation  of  the  spirit  of  the  mighty  dead  the  Imperial  road 
had  been  specially  prepared  and  swept  by  an  army  of  men  ; 
it  had  become  a via  sacra  on  which  no  profane  feet  might 
come  or  go.  As  the  procession  bearing  the  sacred  tablet 
drew  near  to  the  gates  of  the  capital,  the  Prince  Regent  and 
all  the  high  officers  of  the  Court  knelt  reverently  to  receive  it. 
All  traffic  was  stopped ; every  sound  stilled  in  the  streets, 
where  the  people  knelt  to  do  homage  to  the  memory  of  the 
Old  Buddha.  Slowly  and  solemnly  the  chariot  was  borne 
through  the  main  gate  of  the  Forbidden  City  to  the  Temple 
of  the  Dynasty’s  ancestors,  the  most  sacred  spot  in  the 
Empire,  where  it  was  ‘ invited  ’ to  take  its  appointed  place 
among  the  nine  Ancestors  and  their  thirty-five  Imperial 
Consorts.  Before  this  could  be  done,  however,  it  was 
necessary  that  the  tablets  of  Tzu  Hsi’s  son,  T’ung-Chih, 
and  of  her  daughter-in-law,  should  first  be  removed  from 
that  august  assembly,  because  due  ceremony  required  that 
the  arriving  tablet  should  perform  obeisance  to  those  of  its 
ancestors,  and  it  would  not  be  fitting  for  the  tablet  of  a 
parent  to  perform  this  ceremony  in  the  presence  of  that  of  a 
son  or  daughter-in-law.  The  act  of  obeisance  was  performed 
by  deputy,  in  the  person  of  the  Regent  acting  for  the  child 
Emperor,  and  consisted  of  nine  kowtows  before  each  tablet  in 
the  Temple,  or  about  400  prostrations  in  all.  When  these 

474 


Photo , Bet i nes,  Peking. 

Marble  Bridge  over  the  Lake  in  the  Western  Park  which  surrounds  the 

Lake  Palace. 


Photo,  Betines,  Peking 

“Ti  Wang  Miao”  or  Temple  to  the  Memory  of  Virtuous  Emperors  of 
Previous  Dynasties. 


TZtJ  HSIS  DEATH  AND  BURIAL 

had  been  completed,  with  due  regard  to  the  order  of  seniority 
of  the  deceased,  the  tablets  of  the  Emperor  T’ung-Chih  and 
his  wife  were  formally  “ invited  ” to  return  to  the  Temple, 
where  obeisance  was  made  on  their  behalf  to  the  shade  of 
Tzu  Hsi  which  had  been  placed  in  the  shrine  beside  that  of 
her  former  colleague  and  co-Regent,  the  Empress  Tzu  An. 
Thus  ended  the  last  ceremonial  act  of  the  life  and  death  of 
this  remarkable  woman ; but  her  spirit  still  watches  over  the 
Forbidden  City  and  the  affairs  of  her  people,  who  firmly 
believe  that  it  will  in  due  time  guide  the  nation  to  a happy 
issue  out  of  all  their  afflictions.  As  time  goes  on,  the  weak- 
nesses of  her  character  and  the  errors  of  her  career  are  for- 
gotten, and  her  greatness  only  remembered.  And  no  better 
epitaph  could  be  written  for  this  great  Manchu  than  that  of 
her  own  valedictory  Decree  which,  rising  above  all  the  petti- 
ness and  humiliations  of  her  reign,  looking  death  and  change 
steadfastly  in  the  face,  raises  her  in  our  eyes  (to  quote  a 
writer  in  the  Spectator ) 1 “ to  that  vague  ideal  state  of  human 
governance  imagined  by  the  Greek,  when  the  Kings  should 
be  philosophers  and  the  philosophers  Kings.” 

1 2nd  January,  1909- 


475 


XXVIII 

CONCLUSION 

“ All  sweeping  judgments,”  says  Coleridge,  “ are  unjust.” 
“ Comprendre ,”  says  the  French  philosopher,  “ c’est  tout 
par  dormer."  To  understand  the  life  and  personality  of  the 
Empress  Dowager,  it  is  before  everything  essential  to  divest 
our  minds  of  racial  prejudice  and  to  endeavour  to  appreciate 
something  of  the  environment  and  traditions  to  which  she 
was  born.  In  the  words  of  the  thoughtful  article  in  the 
Spectator,  already  quoted,  “ she  lived  and  worked  and 
ruled  in  a setting  which  is  apart  from  all  western  modes  of 
thought  and  standards  of  action,  and  the  first  step  in  the 
historian’s  task  is  to  see  that  she  is  judged  by  her  own 
standards  and  not  wholly  by  ours.”  Judged  by  the  rough 
test  of  public  opinion  and  accumulating  evidence  in  her 
„ own  country,  Tzu  Hsi’s  name  will  go  down  to  history  in 
China  as  that  of  a genius  in  statecraft  and  a born  ruler, 
a woman  “ with  all  the  courage  of  a man,  and  more  than  the 
ordinary  man’s  intelligence.”  1 

Pending  that  reform  and  liberty  of  the  press  which  is 
still  the  distant  dream  of  “ Young  China,”  no  useful  record 
of  the  life  and  times  of  the  Empress  Dowager  is  to  be 
expected  from  any  Chinese  writer.  Despite  the  mass  of 
information  which  exists  in  the  diaries  and  archives  of 
metropolitan  officials  and  the  personal  reminiscences  of  those 


1 


Vide  the  Diary  of  Ching  Shan,  page  259 

476 


CONCLUSION 


who  knew  her  well,  nothing  of  any  human  interest  or  value 
has  been  published  on  the  subject  in  China.  From  the 
official  and  orthodox  point  of  view,  a truthful  biography 
of  the  Empress  would  be  sacrilege.  It  is  true  that  in  the 
vernacular  newspapers  under  European  protection  at  the 
'Treaty  Ports,  as  well  as  in  Hongkong  and  Singapore, 
Cantonese  writers  have  given  impressions  of  Her  Majesty’s 
personality  and  brief  accounts  of  her  life,  but  these  are 
so  hopelessly  biassed  and  distorted  by  hatred  of  the  Manchus 
as  to  be  almost  worthless  for  historical  purposes,  as  worthless 
as  the  dry  chronicles  of  the  Dynastic  annals.  Reference  has 
already  been  made  to  the  best  known  of  these  publications, 
a series  of  letters  originally  published  in  a Singapore  news- 
paper and  republished  under  the  title  of  “ The  Chinese 
Crisis  from  wfithin,”  1 by  a writer  who,  under  the  nom-de- 
plume  of  “ W en  Ching,”  concealed  the  identity  of  one  of  K’ang 
Yu-wei’s  most  ardent  disciples.  His  w’ork  is  remarkable  for 
sustained  invective  and  reckless  inaccuracy,  clearly  intended 
to  create  an  atmosphere  of  hatred  against  the  Manchus  (for 
the  ultimate  benefit  of  the  Cantonese)  in  the  minds  of  his 
countrymen,  and  to  dissuade  the  foreign  Powers  from 
allowing  the  Empress  to  return  to  Peking.  Drawing  on 
a typically  Babu  store  of  “ western  learning,”  this  writer 
compares  the  Empress  to  Circe,  Semiramis,  Catherine  de 
Medici,  Messalina,  Fulvia,  and  Julia  Agrippina;  quoting 
Dante  and  Rossetti  to  enforce  his  arguments,  and  leavening 
his  vituperation  writh  a modicum  of  verifiable  facts  sufficient 
to  give  to  his  narrative  something  of  vraisemblance.  But 
his  judgment  is  emphatically  sweeping.  He  ignores  alike 
Tzu  Hsi’s  undeniable  good  qualities  and  her  extenuating 
circumstances,  the  defects  of  her  education  and  the  difficulties 
of  her  position,  so  that  his  work  is  almost  valueless. 

Equally  valueless,  for  purposes  of  historical  accuracy, 
are  most  of  the  accounts  and  impressions  of  the  Empress 
recorded  by  those  Europeans  (especially  the  ladies  of  the 
1 Grant  Richards,  1901. 

477 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


Diplomatic  Body  and  their  friends)  who  saw  her  person- 
ality and  purposes  reflected  in  the  false  light  which  beats 
upon  the  Dragon  Throne  on  ceremonial  occasions,  or  who 
came  under  the  influence  of  the  deliberate  artifices  and 
charm  of  manner  which  she  assumed  so  well.  Had  the 
etiquette  of  her  Court  and  people  permitted  intercourse 
with  European  diplomats  and  distinguished  visitors  of  the 
male  sex,  she  would  certainly  have  acquired,  and  exercised 
over  them  also,  that  direct  personal  influence  which  emanated 
from  her  extraordinary  vitality  and  will-power,  influence 
such  as  the  western  world  has  learned  to  associate  with  the 
names  of  the  Emperor  William  of  Germany  and  Mr. 
Roosevelt.  Restricted  as  she  wras  to  social  relations  with 
her  own  sex  amongst  foreigners,  she  exerted  herself,  and 
never  failed,  to  produce  on  them  an  impression  of  womanly 
grace  and  gentleness  of  disposition,  which  qualities  we  find 
accordingly  praised  by  nearly  all  who  came  in  contact  with 
her  after  the  return  of  the  Court,  aye,  even  by  those  who 
had  undergone  the  horrors  of  the  siege  under  the  very  wralls 
of  her  Palace.  The  glamour  of  her  mysterious  Court,  the 
rarity  of  the  visions  vouchsafed,  the  real  charm  of  her 
manner,  and  the  apparently  artless  bonhomie  of  her  bearing, 
all  combined  to  create  in  the  minds  of  the  European  ladies 
wiio  saw  her  an  impression  as  favourable  as  it  w^as  opposed 
to  every  dictate  of  common  sense  and  experience.  In 
certain  notable  instances,  the  effect  of  this  impression  reacted 
visibly  on  the  course  of  the  Peace  Protocol  negotiations. 

From  the  diary  of  Ching  Shan  we  obtain  an  estimate  of 
Tzu  Hsi’s  character,  formed  by  one  wrho  had  enjoyed  for 
years  continual  opportunities  of  studying  her  at  close 
quarters — an  estimate  which  was,  and  is,  confirmed  by  the 
popular  verdict,  the  common  report  of  the  tea-houses  and 
market  places  of  the  capital.  Despite  her  swiftly  changing 
and  uncontrolled  moods,  her  childish  lack  of  moral  sense,  her 
unscrupulous  love  of  power,  her  fierce  passions  and  revenges, 
Tzu  Hsi  was  no  more  the  savage  monster  described  by 

478 


CONCLUSION 


“ Wen  Ching,’  than  she  was  the  benevolent,  fashion-plate 
Lady  Bountiful  of  the  American  magazines.  She  was 
simply  a woman  of  unusual  courage  and  vitality,  of  strong 
will  and  unbounded  ambition,  a woman  and  an  Oriental, 
living  out  her  life  by  such  lights  as  she  knew,  and  in  accord- 
ance with  the  traditions  of  her  race  and  caste.  Says  Ching 
Shan  in  the  Diary : “ The  nature  of  the  Empress  is  peace- 
loving : she  has  seen  many  springs  and  autumns.  I myselj 
knotv  well  her  refined  and  gentle  tastes,  her  love  of  painting, 
poetry  and  the  theatre.  When  in  a good  mood  she  is  the 
most  amiable  and  tractable  of  ivomen,  but  at  times  her  rage 
is  awful  to  witness.  Here  we  have  the  woman  drawn 
from  life,  without  arriere  pensce,  by  a just  but  sympathetic 
observer,  the  woman  who  could  win,  and  hold,  the  affection- 
ate loyalty  of  the  greatest  men  of  her  time,  not  to  speak  of 
that  of  her  retainers  and  serving  maids  ; the  woman  whose 
human  interest  and  sympathy  in  everything  around  her,  were 
not  withered  by  age  nor  staled  by  custom ; yet  who,  at  a 
word,  coidd  send  the  fierce  leaders  of  the  Boxers  cowering 
from  her  presence.  Souvent  femme  varie.  Tzu  Hsi,  her 
own  mistress  and  virtual  ruler  of  the  Empire  at  the  age  of 
twenty-four,  had  not  had  much  occasion  to  learn  to  control 
either  her  moods  or  her  passions.  Hers,  from  the  first,  was 
the  trick  and  temper  of  autocracy.  Trained  in  the  traditions 
of  a Court  where  human  lives  count  for  little,  where  power 
maintains  itself  by  pitiless  and  brutal  methods,  where  treason 
and  foul  deeds  lie  in  waiting  for  the  first  signs  of  the  ruler’s 
weakness,  how  should  she  learn  to  put  away  from  the 
Forbidden  City  the  hideous  barbarities  of  its  ways  ? 

Let  us  remember  her  time  and  place.  Consider  the 
woman’s  environment  and  training,  her  marriage  to  a disso- 
lute puppet,  her  subsequent  life  in  that  gilded  prison  of  the 
Imperial  City,  with  its  endless  formalities,  base  intrigues 
and  artificial  sins.  Prior  to  the  establishment  of  China’s  first 
diplomatic  relations  with  European  nations,  the  Court  of 
Peking  and  its  ways  bore  a strong  resemblance  to  those  of 

479 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


Medieval  Europe  ; nor  have  successive  routs  and  invasions 
since  that  date  changed  any  of  its  cherished  traditions  and 
methods.  In  the  words  of  a recent  writer  on  medieval 
history,  the  life  of  the  Peking  Palace,  like  that  of  our 
fourteenth  century,  “was  one  of  profound  learning  and 
crass  stupidity,  of  infantile  gaiety  and  sudden  tragedy,  of 
flashing  fortunes  and  swift  dooms.  There  is  a certain 
innocence  about  the  very  sinners  of  the  thirteenth  and 
fourteenth  centuries.  Many  of  their  problems,  indeed, 
arose  from  the  fact  that  this  same  childlike  candour  was 
allied  to  the  unworn  forces  of  full  manhood.”  Whatever 
crimes  of  cruelty  and  vengeance  Tzu  Hsi  committed — 
and  they  were  many — be  it  said  to  her  credit  that 
she  had,  as  a rule,  the  courage  of  her  convictions  and 
position,  and  sinned  coram  publico . Beneath  the  fierceness 
without  which  an  Oriental  ruler  cannot  hope  to  remain 
effective,  there  certainly  beat  a heart  which  could  be  kind, 
if  the  conditions  were  propitious,  and  a rough  sense  of 
humour,  which  is  a common  and  pleasing  trait  of  the 
Manchus. 

Let  us  also  remember  that  in  the  East  to-day  (as  it  was 
with  us  of  Europe  before  the  growth  of  that  humanitarianism 
which  now  shows  signs  of  unhealthy  exaggeration)  pain  and 
death  are  part  of  the  common,  every-day  risks  of  life,  risks 
lightly  incurred  by  the  average  Oriental  in  the  great  game  of 
ambitions,  loves  and  hates  that  is  for  ever  played  around  the 
Throne.  Tzu  Hsi  played  her  royal  part  in  the  great  game, 
but  it  is  not  recorded  of  her  that  she  ever  took  life  from 
sheer  cruelty  or  love  of  killing.  When  she  sent  a man  to 
death,  it  was  because  he  stood  between  her  and  the  full  and 
safe  gratification  of  her  love  of  power.  When  her  fierce  rage 
was  turned  against  the  insolence  of  the  foreigner,  she  had 
no  scruple  in  consigning  every  European  in  China  to  the 
executioner ; when  the  Emperor’s  favourite  concubine 
disputed  her  Imperial  authority,  she  had  no  hesitation  in 
ordering  her  to  immediate  death  ; but  in  every  recorded 

480 


CONCLUSION 


instance,  except  one,  her  methods  were  swift,  clean,  and, 
from  the  Oriental  point  of  view,  not  unmerciful.  She  had 
no  liking  for  tortures,  or  the  lingering  death.  In  all  her 
Decrees  of  vengeance,  we  find  the  same  unhesitating  firmness 
in  removing  human  obstacles  from  her  path,  combined  with 
a complete  absence  of  that  unnecessary  cruelty  which  is  so 
frequently  associated  with  despotism.  Her  methods,  in  fact, 
were  Elizabethan  rather  than  Florentine. 

If  Tzu  Hsi  developed  self-reliance  early  in  life,  the  fact  is 
not  to  be  wondered  at,  for  it  was  little  help  that  she  had  to 
look  for  in  her  entourage  of  Court  officials.  Amongst  the 
effete  classical  scholars,  the  fat-paunched  Falstaffs,  the  opium 
sots,  doddering  fatalists  and  corrupt  parasites  of  the  Imperial 
Clans,  she  seems,  indeed,  to  have  been  an  anachronism,  a 
“ cast-back  to  the  virility  and  energy  that  won  China  for  her 
sturdy  ancestors.  She  appeared  to  be  the  born  and  inevit- 
able rider  of  the  degenerate  Dynasty,  and  if  she  became  a 
law  unto  herself,  it  was  largely  because  there  were  few 
about  her  fit  to  lead  or  to  command. 

Imbued  with  a very  feminine  love  of  luxury,  addicted  to 
pleasure,  and  at  one  period  of  her  life  undoubtedly  licentious 
after  the  manner  of  her  Court’s  traditions,  she  combined 
these  qualities  with  a shrewd  common  sense  and  a marked 
penchant  for  acquiring  and  amassing  personal  property.  To 
use  her  own  phrase,  she  endeavoured  in  all  things  to  observe 
the  principle  of  the  “ happy  mean,”  and  seldom  allowed  her 
love  of  pleasure  to  obscure  her  vision  or  to  hinder  her 
purposes  in  the  serious  businesses  of  life. 

Like  many  great  rulers  of  the  imperious  and  militant 
type,  she  was  remarkably  superstitious,  a punctilious  observer 
of  the  rites  prescribed  for  averting  omens  and  conciliating 
the  myriad  gods  and  demons  of  the  several  religions  of 
China,  a liberal  supporter  of  priests  and  soothsayers. 
Nevertheless,  as  with  Elizabeth  of  England,  her  secular 
instincts  were  au  fond  stronger  than  all  her  superstitions. 
That  sturdy  common  sense,  which  played  so  successfully 

481  i i 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


upon  the  weaknesses  and  the  passions  of  her  corrupt 
entourage,  never  allowed  any  consideration  for  the  powers 
unseen  to  interfere  seriously  with  her  masterful  handling  of 
things  visible,  or  to  curb  her  ruling  passion  for  unquestioned 
authority. 

The  qualities  which  made  up  the  remarkable  personality 
of  the  Empress  were  many  and  complex,  hut  of  those  which 
chiefly  contributed  to  her  popularity  and  power  we  would 
place,  first,  her  courage,  and  next,  a certain  simplicity  and 
directness — both  qualities  that  stand  out  in  strong  relief 
against  the  timorous  and  tortuous  tendencies  of  the  average 
Manchu.  Of  her  courage  there  could  be  no  doubt ; even 
amidst  the  chaos  of  the  days  of  the  Boxer  terror  it  never 
failed  her,  and  Ching  Shan  is  only  one  of  many  who  bear 
witness  to  her  unconquerable  spirit  and  sang  froid.  Amidst 
scenes  of  desolation  and  destruction  that  might  well  shake 
the  courage  of  the  bravest  men,  we  see  her  calmly  painting 
bamboos  on  silk,  or  giving  orders  to  stop  the  bombardment 
of  the  Legations  to  allow  of  her  excursion  on  the  Lake. 
How  powerful  is  the  dramatic  quality  of  that  scene  where 
she  attacks  and  dominates  the  truculent  Boxer  leaders  at 
her  very  doors  ; or  again  when,  on  the  morning  of  the  flight, 
she  alone  preserves  presence  of  mind,  and  gives  her  orders 
as  coolly  as  if  starting  on  a picnic  ! At  such  moments  all 
the  defects  of  her  training  and  temperament  are  forgotten  in 
the  irresistible  appeal  of  her  nobler  qualities. 

Of  those  qualities,  and  of  her  divine  right  to  rule,  Tzu  Hsi 
herself  was  fully  convinced,  and  no  less  determined  than 
His  Majesty  of  Germany,  to  insist  upon  proper  recognition 
and  respect  for  herself  and  her  commanding  place  in  the 
scheme  of  the  universe.  Her  belief  in  her  own  supreme 
importance,  and  her  superstitious  habit  of  thought  were 
both  strikingly  displayed  on  the  occasion  when  her  portrait, 
painted  by  Miss  Carl  for  the  St.  Louis  Exposition,  was  taken 
from  the  Waiwpu  on  its  departure  to  the  United  States.  She 
regarded  this  presentment  of  her  august  person  as  entitled,  in 

482 


Portrait  of  the  Empress  Dowager. 

Painted  front  life  by  Miss  Catharine  A.  Carl  for  the  St  Louis  Exposition 
and  now  the  property  of  the  American  Nation. 

{Reproduced  by  permission  of  the  Artist.) 


CONCLUSION 


all  seriousness  of  ceremonial,  to  the  same  reverence  as  herself, 
and  gave  orders  for  the  construction  of  a miniature  railway, 
to  he  huilt  through  the  streets  of  the  capital  for  its  special 
benefit.  By  this  means  the  “ sacred  countenance  ” was 
carried  upright,  under  its  canopy  of  yellow  silk,  and  Her 
Majesty  was  spared  the  thought  of  being  borne  in  effigy  on 
the  shoulders  of  coolies — a form  of  progress  too  suggestively 
ill-omened  to  be  endured.  Before  the  portrait  left  the 
Palace,  the  Emperor  was  summoned  to  prostrate  himself 
before  it,  and  at  its  passing  through  the  city,  and  along  the 
railway  line,  the  people  humbly  knelt,  as  if  it  had  been  the 
Old  Buddha  of  flesh  and  blood.  Incidents  of  this  kind 
emphasise  the  impossibility  of  fairly  judging  the  Empress 
by  European  standards  of  conduct  and  ideas.  To  get  some- 
thing of  the  proper  atmosphere  and  perspective,  we  must  go 
back  to  the  early  days  of  the  Tudors. 

Blunt  of  speech  herself,  she  was  quick  to  detect  and 
resent  flattery.  Those  who  rose  highest  in  her  affection 
and  regard  were  essentially  strong  men,  blunt  outspoken 
officials  of  the  type  of  Jung  Lu,  Tseng  Kuo-fan,  and 
Tso  Tsung-t'ang  ; for  those  who  would  win  her  favour  by 
sycophancy  she  had  a profound  contempt,  which  she  was  at 
no  pains  to  conceal,  though  in  certain  instances  ( e.g .,  Chang 
Chih-tung)  she  overlooked  the  offence  because  of  ripe 
scholarship  or  courage.  An  amusing  example  of  this  trait 
in  her  character  occurred  on  one  occasion  when,  after 
perusing  the  examination  papers  for  the  selection  of  success- 
ful candidates  for  the  Hanlin  Literary  degrees,  she  expressed 
herself  in  the  following  trenchant  Decree : — 

“ A certain  candidate  in  the  Hanlin  examination,  named 
Yen  Chen,  has  handed  in  some  verses,  the  style  of  which  is 
excellent,  but  their  subject  matter  contains  a number  of 
allusions  laudatory  of  the  present  Dynasty.  This  person  has 
evidently  gone  out  of  his  vray  to  refer  to  the  present  rulers 
of  the  Empire,  and  has  even  seen  fit  to  display  gross  flattery, 
for  his  essay  contains,  amongst  others,  a sentence  to  the  effect 

483  t i 2 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


that  ‘ we  have  now  upon  the  Throne  a female  embodiment 
of  Yao  and  Shun.’ 1 Now,  the  Throne  defines  merit  in 
candidates  to-day  on  the  same  principles  as  those  which  were 
in  force  under  former  Dynasties,  its  object  being  to  form  a 
correct  idea  of  the  moral  standards  of  candidates  by  perusal 
of  their  essays  and  lyrical  compositions.  But  this  effort  of 
Yen  Chen  is  nothing  more  than  a laudatory  ode,  entirely 
lacking  in  high  seriousness.  This  is  a grave  matter : the 
question  involved  is  one  closely  affecting  character  and 
moral  training  ; such  conduct  cannot  possibly  be  permitted 
to  continue.  The  examiners  have  placed  Yen  Chen  at  the 
top  of  the  list  in  the  First  Class  ; he  is  hereby  relegated  to 
the  last  place  in  that  class.  Let  our  examiners  for  the 
future  take  more  care  in  scrutinising  the  papers  submitted.” 

As  was  only  natural,  Tzu  Hsi  was  not  above  favouring  her 
own  people,  the  Manchus,  but  one  great  secret  of  the  solidity 
of  her  rule  undoubtedly  lay  in  her  broad  impartiality  and  the 
nice  balance  which  she  maintained  between  Chinese  and 
Manchus  in  all  departments  of  the  Government.  She  had 
realised  that  the  brains  and  energy  of  the  country  must  come 
from  the  Chinese,  and  that  if  the  Manchus  were  to  retain 
their  power  and  sinecure  positions,  it  must  be  with  the  good 
will  of  the  Chinese  and  the  loyalty  of  the  Mandarin  class  in 
the  provinces.  From  the  commencement  of  her  rule,  down 
to  the  day  when  she  handed  over  her  Boxer  kinsmen  to  the 
executioner,  she  never  hesitated  to  inflict  impartial  punish- 
ment on  Manchus,  when  public  opinion  was  against  them. 
A case  in  point  occurred  in  1863,  in  connection  with  one  of 
her  favourite  generals,  named  Sheng  Pao,  who  had  gained 
her  sincere  gratitude  by  his  share  in  the  war  against  the 
British  and  French  invaders  in  1860,  and  who,  by  luck  and 
the  ignorance  of  the  Court,  had  been  credited  with  having 
stopped  the  advance  of  the  Allies  to  Jehol.  For  these  alleged 
services  she  had  awarded  him  special  thanks  and  high  honour. 
In  1863,  however,  he  was  engaged  in  Shensi,  fighting  the 

1 Two  patriarchial  rulers  of  China  (b.c.  circa  2300)  whose  wise  principles 
of  government  were  immortalised  by  Confucius. 

484 


CONCLUSION 


Taipings,  and,  following  a custom  not  unusual  amongst 
Chinese  military  commanders,  had  asked  leave  to  win  over 
one  ot‘  the  rebel  leaders  by  giving  him  an  important  official 
position.  Tzu  Hsi,  who  had  had  ample  opportunities  to 
learn  something  of  the  danger  of  this  procedure,  declined 
to  sanction  his  request,  pointing  out  the  objections  thereto. 
Sheng  Pao  ventured  to  suppress  her  Decree,  and  gave  the 
rebel  the  position  in  question.  Success  might  have  justified 
him,  but  the  ex-bandit  justified  Tzu  Hsi  by  going  back  on  his 
word.  Awaiting  a good  opportunity,  he  raised  once  more 
the  standard  of  revolt,  massacred  a number  of  officials,  and 
captured  several  important  towns.  General  Sheng  Pao  was 
arrested  and  brought  in  custody  to  Peking ; under  cross- 
examination  he  confessed,  amongst  other  misdemeanours, 
that  he  had  permitted  women  to  accompany  the  troops 
during  this  campaign,  which,  by  Chinese  military  law,  is  a 
capital  offence.  Other  charges  against  him,  however,  he 
denied,  and,  preserving  an  insolent  attitude,  demanded  to  be 
confronted  with  his  accusers.  Tzu  Hsi  issued  a character- 
istically vigorous  Decree  in  which  she  declared  that  the  proper 
punishment  for  his  offence  was  decapitation,  but  inasmuch  as 
he  had  acquired  merit  by  good  work  against  the  Taipings,  as 
well  as  against  the  British  and  French  invaders,  she  graciously 
granted  him  the  privilege  of  committing  suicide,  of  which  he 
promptly  availed  himself. 

Tzu  Hsi,  as  we  have  said,  was  extremely  superstitious ; 
nor  is  this  matter  for  wonder  when  we  bear  in  mind  the 
medieval  atmosphere  of  wizardous  necromancy  and  familiar 
spirits  which  she  had  perforce  absorbed  with  her  earliest 
education.  Following  the  precepts  of  Confucius,  she  pre- 
served always  a broad  and  tolerant  attitude  on  all  questions 
of  religion,  but,  while  reluctant  to  discuss  things  appertain- 
ing to  the  unknown  gods,  she  was  always  prepared  to 
conciliate  them,  and  to  allow  her  actions  in  everyday 
affairs  to  be  guided  by  the  words  of  her  wise  men  and 
astrologers — “ by  dreams,  and  by  Urim  and  by  prophets.” 

485 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


Thus  we  find  her  in  the  first  year  of  the  Regency  of  her 
son’s  minority  (1861)  issuing,  in  his  name,  a Decree,  which 
carries  back  the  mind  irresistibly  to  Babylon  and  those  days 
when  the  magicians  and  soothsayers  were  high  personages 
in  the  State. 

“During  the  night  of  the  15th  of  the  7th  Moon,”  it 
begins,  “there  occurred  a flight  of  shooting  stars  in  the 
southern  hemisphere  ; ten  days  later,  a comet  appeared  twice 
in  the  sky  to  the  north-west.  Heaven  sends  not  these  warn- 
ings in  vain.  For  the  last  month  Peking  has  been  visited  by 
a grievous  epidemic,  whereof  the  continued  severity  fills  us 
with  sore  dismay.  The  Empresses  Dowager  have  now 
warned  us  that  these  portents  of  Heaven  are  sent  because 
of  serious  wrong  in  our  system  of  government,  of  errors 
unreformed  and  grievances  unredressed,”  and  the  Decree 
ends  by  exhorting  all  concerned  “to  put  away  frivolous 
things,  so  that  Heaven,  perceiving  our  reverend  attitude, 
may  relent.” 

In  previous  chapters  we  have  shown  with  what  punctilious 
attention  she  consulted  her  astrologers  in  regard  to  the 
propitious  day  for  re-entering  her  capital  on  the  Court’s 
return  from  exile,  her  anxiety  for  scrupulous  observance 
of  their  advice  being  manifestly  sincere.  In  her  concern  for 
omens  and  portents  she  seemed,  like  Napoleon,  to  obey 
instincts  external  and  superior  to  another  and  very  practical 
side  of  her  nature,  which,  however,  asserted  itself  unmistak- 
ably whenever  vital  issues  were  at  stake  and  her  supreme 
authority  threatened.  She  was  at  all  times  anxious  to 
secure  the  goodwill  of  the  ancestral  spirits,  whose  presence 
she  apprehended  as  a living  reality,  but  even  with  these, 
when  it  came  to  a direct  issue  between  her  own  despotic 
authority  and  their  claims  to  consideration,  she  never 
hesitated  to  relegate  the  mighty  dead  to  the  background, 
content  to  appease  them  in  due  season  by  suitable  expressions 
of  reverence  and  regret.  The  most  notable  instance  of  this 
kind  occurred  when,  disregarding  the  Dynastic  laws  of 

486 


CONCLUSION 


succession,  she  deprived  her  son,  the  Emperor  T’ung-Chih, 
of  the  rites  of  ancestral  worship,  committing  thus  a crime 
which,  as  she  well  knew,  was  heinous  in  the  eyes  of  the 
Chinese  people. 

Her  superstitious  tendencies  were  most  remarkably  dis- 
played in  the  matter  of  the  selection  of  the  site  of  her 
tomb,  and  its  building,  an  occasion  of  which  the  Court 
geoman cers  took  full  advantage.  When  T’ung-Chih  reached 
his  majority  in  1873,  his  first  duty  was  to  escort  the  Empresses 
Dowager  to  the  Eastern  Mausolea,  where,  with  much 
solemnity,  two  auspicious  sites,  encircled  by  hills  and 
watered  by  streams,  were  selected  and  exorcised  of  all  evil 
influences.  Further  ceremonies  and  mystic  calculations 
were  required  to  determine  the  auspicious  dates  for  the 
commencement  of  building  operations  ; in  these,  and  the 
adornment  of  the  tomb,  Tzu  Hsi  continued  to  take  the 
keenest  interest  until  the  day  of  her  death.  In  ordei  to 
secure  scrupulous  regard  for  its  construction  in  accordance 
with  the  requirements  of  her  horoscope,  and  to  make  her 
sepulchre  a fitting  and  all-hallowed  resting-place,  she 
entrusted  its  chief  supervision  to  Jung  Lu,  who  thus  secured 
a permanent  post  highly  coveted  by  Manchu  officials,  in 
which  huge  “ squeezes  ” were  a matter  of  precedent.  The 
geomantic  conditions  of  these  burial  places  gave  unusual 
trouble,  the  tomb  of  the  Empress  Tzu  An  having  eventually 
to  be  shifted  fifteen  feet  two  inches  northwards,  and  four  feet 
seven  and  a half  inches  westwards,  before  the  spirits  of  her 
ancestors  were  perfectly  satisfied,  while  that  of  Tzu  Hsi  was 
removed  seven  feet  four  inches  to  the  north  and  eight  inches 
to  the  eastward. 

Tzu  Hsi  feared  no  man.  From  the  first  moment  of  her 
power,  secure  in  the  sense  of  divine  right  and  firmly  believing 
in  her  “ star,”  she  savoured  her  authority  like  a rich  wine. 
The  pleasure  she  derived  from  delivering  homilies  to  the 
highest  officials  in  the  Empire  may  be  read  between  the  lines 
of  her  Decrees.  Already  in  1862,  that  is  to  say,  before  she 

487 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


was  twenty-seven  years  of  age,  we  find  her  solemnly 
admonishing  the  Grand  Council  on  their  duties,  urging  them 
to  adopt  stricter  standards  of  conduct,  and  to  put  a check  on 
their  corrupt  tendencies.  “ They  are,  of  course,  not  debarred 
from  seeking  advice  from  persons  below  them  in  society,  but 
let  them  be  careful  to  avoid  any  attempt  at  forming  cabals 
or  attracting  to  themselves  troops  of  followers.”  And  on 
another  occasion,  when  she  specially  invited  the  Censors 
to  impeach  Prince  Kung,  she  observed  : “ In  discussing  the 
principles  of  just  government  you  should  remember  the 
precept  of  the  Confucian  school,  which  is,  ‘ Be  not  weary  in 
well-doing  : strict  rectitude  of  conduct  is  the  road  royal 
to  good  government.  Face  and  overcome  your  difficulties, 
and  thus  eventually  earn  the  right  to  ease.’  ” Tzu  Hsi  could 
turn  out  this  sort  of  thing,  which  appeals  to  every  Chinese 
scholar,  in  good  style  and  large  quantities.  She  took  pride 
in  the  manufacture  of  maxims  for  the  guidance  of  the 
Mandarins,  but  there  was  always  a suspicion  that  her  tongue 
was  in  her  cheek  while  she  carefully  penned  these  copybook 
platitudes,  just  as  we  know  there  was  when  she  set  herself  to 
display  what  The  Times  correspondent  at  Peking  called 
her  “ girlish  abandon,”  in  order  to  regain  the  affection  of 
Mrs.  Conger  and  the  ladies  of  the  Diplomatic  Body. 

Of  the  Empress  Dowager’s  popularity  and  prestige  with 
all  classes  of  her  subjects,  there  is  no  doubt.  At  Peking 
especially,  and  throughout  the  Metropolitan  Province,  she 
was  the  object  of  a very  general  and  very  sincere  affection ; 
seldom  is  her  name  spoken  except  with  expressions  of 
admiration  and  regard,  very  similar  in  effect  to  the  feelings 
of  the  British  people  for  Her  Majesty  Queen  Victoria. 
Although  her  share  of  responsibility  for  the  Boxer  rising  and 
for  the  consequent  sufferings  inflicted  on  the  people  was 
matter  of  common  knowledge,  little  or  no  blame  was  ever 
imputed  to  the  Old  Buddha.  Her  subjects  loved  her 
for  her  very  defects,  for  the  foolhardy  courage  that  had  staked 
the  Empire  on  a throw.  Amongst  the  lower  classes  it  was 

488 


CONCLUSION 


the  general  opinion  that  she  had  done  her  best,  and  with  the 
best  intentions.  The  scheme  itself  was  magnificent — to 
drive  the  foreigner  into  the  sea — and  it  appealed  to  her 
people  as  worthy  of  their  ruler  and  of  a better  fate.  If 
it  had  failed  for  this  time,  it  was  the  will  of  Heaven,  and  no 
doubt  at  some  future  date  success  would  justify  her  wisdom. 
If  they  blamed  her  at  all,  it  was  for  condescending  to 
intimate  relations  with  the  hated  foreigner  after  the  Court’s 
return  to  Peking  ; but  even  in  this,  she  had  the  sympathy 
rather  than  the  censure  of  her  subjects. 

To  the  great  mass  of  her  people,  who  had  never  seen  her, 
but  knew  her  only  by  cumulative  weight  of  common  report, 
the  Old  Buddha  stood  for  the  embodiment  of  courage, 
liberality  and  kindness  of  heart.  If,  as  they  knew,  she  were 
subject  to  fierce  outbursts  of  sudden  rage,  the  fact  did  her 
no  injury  in  the  eyes  of  a race  which  believes  that  wrath- 
matter  undischarged  is  a virulent  poison  in  the  system. 
The  simple  Chihli  folk  made  allowance,  not  without  its 
sense  of  humour,  for  their  august  sovereign’s  capacity  to 
generate  wrath-matter,  as  for  her  feminine  mutability  : To 
them  she  was  a great  ruler  and  a bon  enfant.  In  a 
country  where  merciless  officials  and  torture  are  part  of  the 
long-accepted  order  of  things,  no  more  stress  was  laid  on  her 
numerous  acts  of  cold  blooded  tyranny  than,  shall  we  say, 
was  laid  on  the  beheading  of  Earls  at  the  close  of  the 
fifteenth  century  in  England. 

One  of  the  writers  had  the  good  fortune  once  to  see  the 
Empress  when  proceeding  in  her  palanquin  to  the  Eastern 
tombs.  She  had  breakfasted  early  at  the  Tung  Yueh 
temple  outside  the  Ch’i  Hua  gate,  and  was  on  her  way  to 
T'ung  chou.  As  her  chair  passed  along  a line  of  kneeling 
peasantrj",  the  curtains  were  open  and  it  was  seen  that  the 
Old  Buddha  was  asleep.  The  good  country  people  were 
delighted.  “ Look,”  they  cried,  “ the  Old  Buddha  is 
sleeping.  Really,  she  has  far  too  much  work  to  do  ! A 
rare  woman — what  a pleasure  to  see  her  thus  ! ” 

489 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


Tzii  Hsi  was  recognised  to  be  above  criticism  and  above 
the  laws  which  she  rigorously  enforced  on  others.  For 
instance,  when,  a few  weeks  after  the  issue  of  a Decree 
prohibiting  corporal  punishment  and  torture  in  prisons,  she 
caused  the  Reformer  Shen  Chin  to  be  flogged  to  death  (July, 
1904),  public  opinion  saw  nothing  extraordinary  in  the  event. 
A few  days  later,  when  preparations  were  being  made  for 
the  celebration  of  her  seventieth  birthday,  she  issued  another 
Decree,  declining  the  honorific  title  dutifully  proffered  by  the 
Emperor,  together  with  its  emoluments,  on  the  ground  that 
she  had  no  heart  for  festivities,  “ being  profoundly  distressed 
at  the  thought  of  the  sufferings  of  my  subjects  in  Manchuria, 
owing  to  the  destruction  wrought  there  by  the  Russian 
and  Japanese  armies.  My  one  desire,”  she  added,  “is 
that  my  officials  may  co-operate  to  introduce  more  humane 
methods  of  Government,  so  that  my  people  may  live  to 
enjoy  good  old  age,  resting  on  couches  of  comfortable 
ease.  This  is  the  best  way  to  honour  the  seventieth 
anniversary  of  my  birth.”  No  doubt  the  shade  of  Shen  Chin 
was  duly  appeased. 

Of  her  vindictive  ferocity  on  occasions  there  can  be  no 
question.  As  Ching  Shan  admits,  even  her  most  faithful 
admirers  and  servants  were  aware  that  at  moments  of  her 
wrath  it  was  prudent  to  be  out  of  her  reach,  or,  if  unavoid- 
ably present,  to  abstain  from  thwarting  her.  They  knew 
that  those  who  dared  to  question  her  absolute  authority  or 
to  criticise  the  means  by  which  she  gained  and  retained  it, 
need  look  for  no  mercy.  But  they  knew  also  that  for 
faithful  service  and  loyalty  she  had  a royal  memory  and,  like 
Catherine  of  Russia,  she  never  forgot  her  friends. 

Her  unpopularity  in  central  and  southern  China,  which 
became  marked  after  the  war  with  Japan  and  violent  at  the 
time  of  the  coup  d’etat,  was  in  its  origin  anti-dynastic  and 
political.  It  was  particularly  strong  in  Kuangtung,  where 
for  years  Her  Majesty  was  denounced  by  agitators  as 
a monster  of  unparalleled  depravity.  The  political  opinions 

490 


CONCLUSION 


of  the  turbulent  and  quick-witted  Cantonese  have  generally 
been  expressed  in  a lively  and  somewhat  ribald  form,  and 
when  we  bear  in  mind  the  popular  tendency  (not  confined  to 
the  Far  East)  of  ascribing  gross  immorality  to  crowned 
heads,  we  are  justified  in  refusing  to  attach  undue 
importance  to  the  wild  accusations  levelled  against  the 
Empress  Dowager  in  this  quarter.  The  utterances  of  the 
hotspurs  and  lampooners  of  southern  China  are  chiefly 
interesting  in  that  they  reveal  something  of  the  vast 
possibilities  of  cleavage  inherent  in  the  Chinese  Government 
system,  and  prove  the  Manchu  rule  to  have  fallen  into 
something  like  contempt  in  that  region  where  the  new  forces 
of  education  and  political  activity  are  most  conspicuous. 

One  of  the  doggerel  verses  current  in  1898  fairly  describes 
the  attitude  of  the  Cantonese  man  in  the  street  towards  the 
Dynasty.  F reely  translated,  it  runs  thus  : — 

“ There  are  three  questions  which  men  must  not  ask  about 
our  Great  Manchu  Dynasty : 

“At  what  ancestral  grave  does  His  Majesty  make  filial 
obeisance  f 

“To  ivhat  deity  does  the  Empress  Dowager  sacrifice  ? 

“ To  what  husbands  are  the  Imperial  Princesses  married  ? 

The  first  question  is  in  allusion  to  the  Emperor’s  alleged 
doubtful  parentage,  while  the  second  refers  to  a mythical 
New  Year  sacrifice,  akin  to  those  of  Moloch,  which  the 
scurrilous  Cantonese  attributed  to  Tzii  Hsi  and  the  ladies  of 
her  Court.  The  last  refers  to  the  Manchu  clan’s  custom  of 
intermarriage  which,  in  the  eyes  of  the  Chinese  (who  dis- 
approve even  of  marriage  between  persons  of  the  same 
surname),  is  illegal  and  immoral. 

These,  however,  are  but  local  manifestations,  and  they 
lost  much  of  their  inspiration  after  the  coup  d'etat.  The 
anti-dynastic  tendencies  noticeable  in  the  vernacular  press  of 
Shanghai,  many  of  which  assumed  the  form  of  personal 
hostility  to  the  Empress,  were  also  little  more  than  the  local 
result  of  Young  China’s  vague  aspirations  and  desire  for 

491 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


change,  and  reflected  little  weight  of  serious  opinion.  The 
official  class  and  the  literati  as  a whole  were  loyal  to  Her 
Majesty  and  regarded  her  with  respect.  They  do  not  fail 
to  express  admiration  of  her  wisdom  and  statecraft,  which 
kept  the  Empire  together  under  circumstances  of  great 
difficulty.  To  her  selection  and  support  of  Tseng  Kuo-fan 
they  generally  attribute  China’s  recovery  from  the  disasters 
of  the  Taiping  rebellion,  and  to  her  sagacity  in  1898  they 
ascribe  the  country’s  escape  from  dangers  of  sudden  revolu- 
tion. They  admit  that  had  it  not  been  for  her  masterly 
handling  of  the  Tsai  Yiian  conspiracy  (1860 — 61),  it  is 
doubtful  whether  the  Dynasty  could  have  held  together 
for  a decade,  and  they  realise,  now  that  her  strong  hand  no 
longer  grasps  the  helm,  that  the  ship  of  State  is  likely  to 
drift  into  dangerous  waters. 

The  ever)rday  routine  of  Tzu  Hsi’s  life  has  been  well 
described  in  Miss  Carl’s  accurate  and  picturesque  account  of 
the  Palace  ceremonial  and  amusements, 1 the  first  authorita- 
tive picture  of  la  vie  intime  of  the  Chinese  Court.  Apart  from 
a keen  natural  aptitude  for  State  affairs  (similar  to  that  of 
Queen  Victoria,  whom  she  greatly  admired  from  afar), 
Tzu  Hsi  maintained  to  the  end  of  her  days  a lively  interest 
in  literature  and  art,  together  with  a healthy  and  catholic 
appetite  for  amusement.  She  had  an  inveterate  love  for  the  * 
theatre,  for  masques  and  pageants,  which  she  indulged  at  all 
times  and  places,  taking  a professional  interest  in  the  players 
and  giving  much  advice  about  the  performances,  which  she 
selected  daily  from  a list  submitted  to  her.  It  was  a matter 
of  comment,  and  some  hostile  criticism  by  Censors,  that  even 
during  the  sojourn  of  the  Court  in  the  provincial  wilderness 
at  Hsi-an,  she  summoned  actors  to  follow  the  Court  and 
perform  as  usual. 

Her  private  life  had,  no  doubt,  its  phases.  Of  its  details 
we  know  but  little  prior  to  the  period  of  the  restoration  of 
the  Summer  Palace  in  the  early  nineties.  In  middle  age, 

With  the  Empress  Dowager  of  China  (Eveleigh  Nash,  1.906). 

492 


1 


CONCLUSION 


however,  when  she  had  assimilated  the  philosophy  and 
practice  of  the  “ happy  mean,”  her  tastes  became  simple  and 
her  habits  regular.  She  was  passionately  fond  of  the 
Summer  Palace,  of  its  gardens  and  the  lake  amongst  the 
hills,  and  towards  the  end  of  her  life  went  as  seldom  as 
possible  into  the  city.  She  loved  the  freedom  of  the  I-ho 
Yuan,  its  absence  of  formal  etiquette,  her  water-picnics  and 
the  familiar  intercourse  of  her  favourite  ladies,  with  whom 
she  would  discuss  the  day’s  news  and  the  gossip  of  the 
Imperial  Clans.  With  these,  especially  with  the  wife  of 
Jung  Lu  and  the  Princess  Imperial,  she  would  talk  endlessly 
of  old  times  and  make  plans  for  the  future. 

Her  love  of  literature  and  profound  knowledge  of  history 
did  much  to  win  for  her  the  respect  of  the  Mandarin  class, 
with  whom  the  classics  are  a religion.  In  her  reading  she 
was,  however,  broad-minded,  not  to  say  omnivorous  ; it  was 
her  custom  to  spend  a certain  time  daily  in  having  ancient 
and  modern  authors  read  aloud  by  eunuchs  specially  trained 
in  elocution.  She  believed  thoroughly  in  education,  though 
realising  clearly  the  danger  of  putting  new  wine  into  old 
skins  ; and  she  perceived  towards  the  end  of  her  life  that  the 
rapidly  changing  conditions  of  the  Empire  had  rendered  the 
wisdom  of  China’s  Sages  of  little  practical  value  as  a basis  of 
administration.  Her  clearness  of  perception  on  this  point, 
contrasted  with  her  action  in  1898,  is  indeed  remarkable, 
but  it  should  be  remembered  that  much  of  her  opposition  to 
the  Emperor’s  policy  of  reform  was  the  result  of  personal 
pique  and  outraged  dignity,  as  in  the  case  of  her  decision  to 
become  a Boxer  leader  in  1900.  As  far  back  as  1876,  at 
the  time  of  the  establishment  of  the  T’ung  Wen  College  at 
Peking  for  the  teaching  of  languages  and  science,  we  find 
her  publicly  rebuking  a Censor  who  had  declared  that 
mathematics  was  a subject  suitable  only  for  the  Court  of 
Astronomers. 

“ The  Throne  has  established  this  College,”  she  observed, 
*•  because  it  is  incumbent  on  our  scholars  to  learn  the  rudi- 

493 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


ments  of  mathematics  and  astronomy.  These  are  not  to  be 
regarded,  as  the  Memorialist  suggests,  as  cunning  and 
mechanical  branches  of  knowledge.  Let  our  officials  study 
them  earnestly,  and  they  will  soon  acquire  proficiency  ; at 
the  same  time  let  them  avoid  that  undesirable  specialisation 
which  comes  from  concentrated  study  of  the  classics.  We 
are  now  borrowing  educational  methods  from  foreign 
countries  with  a view  to  broadening  our  own  and  increasing 
its  accuracy,  but  we  have  no  intention  of  abandoning  the 
teachings  of  the  Sages.  How,  then,  can  our  action  prove 
detrimental  to  the  minds  of  scholars  ? ” 

Frequent  reference  has  been  made  in  previous  chapters 
to  the  extravagance  and  licentious  display  of  Tzu  Hsi’s 
Court  during  the  years  of  the  first  Regency.  The 
remonstrances  of  the  Censors  on  the  subject  were  so 
numerous  and  outspoken,  so  circumstantial  in  their  charges, 
as  to  leave  little  room  for  doubt  that  the  Empress  deserved 
their  indignant  condemnation.  All  the  records  of  that 
period,  and  particularly  from  1862  to  1869,  point  to  the 
evil  and  steadily-increasing  influence  of  the  eunuchs,  whose 
corruption  and  encouragement  of  lavish  expenditure  resulted 
in  continual  demands  on  the  provincial  exchequers.  But 
even  at  the  height  of  what  may  fairly  be  called  her  riotous 
living,  Tzu  Hsi  always  had  the  good  grace  to  concur  publicly 
in  the  virtuous  suggestions  of  her  monitors,  and  to  conciliate 
public  opinion  by  professions  of  a strong  desire  for  economy. 
She  would  have  her  Imperial  way,  her  splendid  pageants 
and  garnered  wealth  of  tribute,  but  the  Censors  should  have 
their  “ face.”  On  the  occasion  of  the  Emperor  T'ung-Chih's 
wedding  in  1869,  when  the  Grand  Council  had  solemnly 
deprecated  any  increase  in  her  Palace  expenditure  because 
of  the  impoverished  state  of  the  people  brought  about  by 
the  Taiping  rebellion,  she  issued  a Decree  stating  that,  “ so 
great  was  her  perturbation  of  mind  at  the  prevalent  sufferings 
of  her  people,  that  she  grudged  even  the  money  spent  on  the 
inferior  raiment  she  was  wearing,  and  the  humble  fare  that 

494 


CONCLUSION 


was  served  at  her  Palace  table.”  She  was,  in  fact,  as  lavish 
of  good  principles  as  of  the  public  funds.  But  it  is  to  be 
remembered  that  a large  proportion  of  the  vast  sums  spent 
on  her  Palaces,  on  the  building  of  her  tomb,  and  on  her 
Court  festivities,  represents  the  squeezes  of  officials  and 
eunuchs,  which,  however  solemnly  the  Grand  Council  might 
denounce  extravagance,  are  in  practice  universally  recognised 
as  inseparable  from  the  Celestial  system  of  government. 
Tzu  Hsi  was  fully  aware  that  much  of  the  enormous  ex- 
penditure charged  to  her  Privy  Purse  went  in  “ squeeze,” 
but  she  good-humouredly  acquiesced  in  a custom  as  deeply 
ingrained  in  the  Chinese  as  ancestral  worship,  and  from  which 
she  herself  derived  no  small  profit.  At  her  receptions  to  the 
ladies  of  the  Diplomatic  Body  she  would  frequently  enquire 
as  to  the  market  prices  of  household  commodities,  in  order, 
as  she  cheerfully  explained,  to  be  able  to  show  her  Chief 
Eunuch  that  she  was  aware  of  his  monstrous  over-charges. 

Combined,  however,  with  her  love  of  sumptuous  display 
and  occasional  fits  of  Imperial  munificence,  Tzu  Hsi  pos- 
sessed a certain  housewifely  instinct  of  thrift  which,  with 
advancing  age,  verged  on  parsimony.  The  Privy  Purse  of 
China’s  ruler  is  not  dependent  upon  any  well-defined  civil 
list,  but  rather  upon  the  exigencies  of  the  day,  upon  the 
harvests  and  trade  of  the  Empire,  whence,  through  per- 
centages of  squeezes  levied  by  the  provincial  authorities, 
come  the  funds  required  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the 
Court.1  The  uncertainty  of  these  remittances  partly 
explains  the  Empress  Dowager’s  hoarding  tendencies,  that 
squirrel  instinct  which  impelled  her  to  bury  large  sums 
in  the  vaults  of  the  Palace,  and  to  accumulate  a vast  store 
of  silks,  medicines,  clocks,  and  all  manner  of  valuables  in 
the  Forbidden  City.  At  the  time  of  her  death  her  private 
fortune,  including  a large  number  of  gold  Buddhas  and 

1 Since  the  days  of  the  Emperor  Ch’ien-Lung,  these  expenses  have 
averaged  some  forty  millions  of  taels  per  annum.  Vide  “ The  Times,”  special 
article,  7th  Dec.,  1909- 


495 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 


sacrificial  vessels  stored  in  the  Palace  vaults,  was  estimated 
by  a high  official  of  the  Court  at  about  sixteen  millions 
sterling.  The  estimate  is  necessarily  a loose  one,  being 
Chinese,  but  it  was  known  with  tolerable  certainty  that  the 
hoard  of  gold  1 buried  in  the  Ning-Shou  Palace  at  the  time 
of  the  Court’s  flight  in  1900,  amounted  to  sixty  millions  of 
taels  (say,  eight  millions  sterling),  and  the  “ tribute  ” paid  by 
the  provinces  to  the  Court  at  T’ai-yiian  and  Hsi-an  would 
amount  to  as  much  more. 

Tzu  Hsi  was  proud  of  her  personal  appearance,  and  justly 
so,  for  she  retained  until  advanced  old  age  a clear  complexion 
and  youthful  features.  (To  an  artist  who  painted  her 
portrait  not  long  before  her  death  she  expressed  a wish 
that  her  wrinkles  should  be  left  out.)  By  no  means  free 
from  feminine  vanity,  she  devoted  a considerable  amount  of 
time  each  day  to  her  toilet,  and  was  particularly  careful 
about  the  dressing  of  her  hair.  At  the  supreme  moment  of 
the  Court’s  flight  from  the  Palace,  in  1900,  she  was  heard  to 
complain  bitterly  at  being  compelled  to  adopt  the  Chinese 
fashion  of  head-dress. 

Her  good  health  and  vitality  were  always  extraordinary. 
She  herself  attributed  them  chiefly  to  early  rising,  regular 
habits,  and  the  frequent  consumption  of  milk,  which  she 
usually  took  curdled,  in  the  form  of  a kind  of  rennet.  She 
ate  frugally  but  well,  being  an  epicure  at  heart  and  delight- 
ing in  dainty  and  recherche  menus.  Opium,  like  other 
luxuries,  she  took  in  strict  moderation,  but  greatly  enjoyed 
her  pipe  after  the  business  of  the  day  was  done.  It  was  her 
practice  then  to  rest  for  an  hour,  smoking  at  intervals,  a 
siesta  which  the  Court  knew  better  than  to  disturb.  She 
fully  realised  the  evils  wrought  by  abuse  of  the  insidious 
drug,  and  approved  of  the  laws,  introduced  by  the  initiative 
of  T’ang  Shao-yi  and  other  high  officials,  for  its  abolition. 
But  her  fellow-feeling  for  those  who,  like  herself,  could  use 

1 The  nucleus  of  this  hoard  was  the  money  confiscated  from  the  usurping 
Regent  Su  Shun  in  1861. 


496 


CONCLUSION 


it  in  moderation,  and  her  experience  of  its  soothing  and 
stimulating  effect  on  the  mind,  led  her  to  insist  that  the 
Abolition  Decree  (November  22nd,  1906)  should  not  deprive 
persons  over  sixty  years  of  age  of  their  accustomed  solace. 
She  was,  in  fact,  willing  to  decree  prohibition  for  the  masses, 
but  lenient  to  herself  and  to  those  who  had  sufficiently 
proved  their  capacity  to  follow  the  path  of  the  happy 
mean. 

Such  was  Tzu  Hsi,  a woman  whose  wonderful  personality 
and  career  cannot  fail  to  secure  for  her  a place  amongst  the 
rulers  who  have  become  the  standards  and  pivots  of  greatness 
in  the  world’s  history.  The  marvellous  success  of  her  career 
and  the  passionate  devotion  of  her  partisans  are  not  to  be 
easily  explained  by  any  ordinary  process  of  analysis  or 
comparison  ; but  there  is  no  doubt  that  they  were  chiefly 
due  to  that  mysterious  and  indefinable  quality  which  is 
called  charm,  a quality  apparently  independent  alike  of 
morals,  ethics,  education,  and  what  we  call  civilisation ; 
universal  in  its  appeal,  irresistible  in  its  effect  upon  the 
great  majority  of  mankind.  It  was  this  personal  charm  of 
the  woman,  combined  with  her  intense  vitality  and  accessi- 
bility, that  won  for  her  respect,  and  often  affection,  even 
from  those  who  had  good  reason  to  deplore  her  methods  and 
deny  her  principles.  This  personal  charm,  this  subtle  and 
magnetic  emanation,  was  undoubtedly  the  secret  of  that 
stupendous  power  with  which,  for  good  or  evil,  she  ruled  for 
half  a century  a third  of  the  population  of  the  earth  ; that 
charm  it  was  that  won  to  her  side  the  bravest  and  best  of 
China’s  picked  men,  and  it  is  the  lingering  memory  and 
tradition  of  that  charm  which  already  invest  the  name  of 
the  Old  Buddha  with  attributes  of  legendary  virtue  and 
superhuman  wisdom. 

Europeans,  studying  the  many  complex  and  unexpected 
phases  of  her  extraordinary  personality  from  the  point  of 
view  of  western  moralities,  have  usually  emphasised  and 
denounced  her  cold-blooded  ferocity  and  homicidal  rage. 

497  k k 


CHINA  UNDER  THE  EMPRESS  DOWAGER 

Without  denying  the  facts,  or  extenuating  her  guilt,  it 
must,  nevertheless,  be  admitted  that  it  would  be  unjust  to 
expect  from  her  compliance  with  standards  of  morals  and 
conduct  of  which  she  was  perforce  ignorant,  and  that,  judged 
by  the  standards  of  her  own  predecessors  and  contemporaries, 
and  by  the  verdict  of  her  subjects,  she  is  not  to  be  reckoned 
a wicked  woman.  Let  it  be  remembered  also  that  within 
comparatively  recent  periods  of  British  history,  death  was 
dealt  out  with  no  niggard  or  gentle  hand  to  further  the 
alleged  interests  of  the  State ; men  were  hanged,  drawn  and 
quartered  hi  the  days  of  Elizabeth  and  Mary  Stuart,  gentle 
ladies  both,  and  averse  to  the  spilling  of  blood,  for  the 
greater  glory  of  Thrones,  and  in  defence  of  the  Christian 
religion. 

Tzu  Hsi  died  as  she  had  lived,  keen  to  the  last,  impatient 
of  the  bonds  of  sickness  that  kept  her  from  the  new  day’s 
work,  hopeful  ever  for  the  future.  Unto  the  last  her 
thoughts  were  of  the  Empire,  of  that  new  plan  of  Con- 
stitutional Government  wherein  she  had  come  to  see  visions 
of  a new  and  glorious  era  for  China  and  for  herself.  And 
when  the  end  came,  she  faced  it,  as  she  had  faced  life,  with 
a stout  heart  and  brave  words,  going  out  to  meet  the 
Unknown  as  if  she  were  but  starting  for  a summer  picnic. 
Reluctantly  she  bade  farewell  to  the  world  of  men,  to  the 
life  she  had  lived  with  so  keen  a zest ; but,  unlike  England’s 
Tudor  Queen,  she  bowed  gracefully  to  the  inevitable,  leaving 
the  scene  with  steadfast  and  Imperial  dignity,  confident  in 
her  high  destinies  to  come. 


FINIS. 


498 


The  Impf.riai  Dais  in  the  Ch’ien  Ch’ing  Hai.i. 


APPENDIX 

BIOGRAPHICAL  NOTES  ON  CHANG  CHIH-TUNG,  TSO 
TSUNG  TANG,  SUN  CHIA-NAI,  AND  TUAN  FANG 


K K 2 


APPENDIX 


CHANG  CIIIH-TUNG 

Hkr  Majesty  was  never  on  terms  of  any  great  intimacy  with  Chang 
Chih-tung,  but  she  respected  him  on  account  of  his  brilliant  literary 
style  and  profound  knowledge  of  the  classics.  The  career  of  this  official 
strikingly  illustrates  the  power  of  the  pen  in  China.  He  first  came  to 
be  known  by  a critical  Memorial  in  reference  to  the  funeral  ceremonies 
of  the  Emperor  T'ung-Chih,  in  1879  ; his  subsequent  rapid  advancement 
was  due  to  the  Memorial  in  which  he  denounced  the  cession  of  Hi 
to  Russia  by  the  Manehu  Ambassador,  Ch’ung  Hou,  in  1880.  At  this 
time  Chang  was  still  a poor  scholar,  earning  a precarious  livelihood  by 
composing  Memorials  for  certain  wealthy  Censors.  He  spoke  the 
Mandarin  dialect  badly,  having  been  brought  up  by  his  father  (a  Taotai) 
in  the  province  of  Kueichou.  By  patient  study,  a splendid  memory  and 
a natural  talent  for  historical  research  and  criticism,  he  became  at  an 
early  age  a recognised  authority  on  all  questions  of  State  precedents  and 
historical  records,  so  that  his  pen  found  no  lack  of  work  in  the  drafting 
of  official  patents  of  rank,  Imperial  inscriptions  and  similar  documents. 
Nevertheless,  Tzu  Hsi  never  cared  for  the  man,  realising  that  this 
brilliant  scholar  was  by  nature  an  opportunist,  and  that  his  opinion  was 
rarely  based  on  sincere  conviction.  Her  estimate  of  him  was  amply 
justified  on  more  than  one  occasion,  for  he  frequently  changed  his  views 
to  meet  the  exigencies  of  party  politics  at  the  capital ; it  is  indeed 
somewhat  remarkable,  since  this  estimate  of  his  character  was  shared  by 
most  of  his  colleagues,  that  he  should  have  retained  her  good  will  and 
risen  to  the  highest  position  in  the  Government.  His  successful  career  1 
is  explained  by  the  fact  that  even  men  like  Jung  Lu  and  Li  Hung- 
chang,  who  disliked  him  thoroughly,  were  unable  to  deny  his  claims  as 
an  unrivalled  scholar. 

1 An  account  of  his  life  was  given  in  a memoir  published  by  The  Times  on  the  6th 
October,  1909. 

501 


APPENDIX 


As  an  illustration  of  his  historical  knowledge  and  methods,  it  is 
interesting  to  recall  the  main  features  of  his  Memorial  against  the  Treaty 
of  Livadia  with  Russia.  By  this  Treaty,  negotiated  by  Ch’ung  Hou 
under  the  direct  instructions  of  the  Empress  Dowager,  Ili  was  to 
be  retroceded  to  China  upon  payment  of  five  million  roubles,  Russia 
securing  Kuldja  in  exchange,  with  the  right  to  open  Consulates  at 
certain  places  in  the  New  Territory  and  on  the  Kansu  frontier.  Russian 
goods  were  also  to  be  free  of  duty  in  Chinese  Turkestan,  and  a new  trade 
route  was  to  be  opened  up  through  Central  China,  via  Hsi-an  in  Shensi. 
When  the  terms  of  the  Treaty  became  known,  a storm  of  angry  criticism 
was  directed  against  the  Manchu  Ambassador : Tzu  Hsi  promptly 
ordered  him  to  be  cashiered  and  arrested  for  disregard  of  her  instruc- 
tions. The  whole  matter  was  referred  to  the  Grand  Council,  who  were 
directed  to  consult  with  Prince  Ch’un  and  the  various  Government 
Boards.  Chang  Chih-tung,  who  was  at  this  time  a junior  official  in  the 
Department  of  Public  Instruction,  drew  attention  to  himself  and 
practically  decided  the  course  of  events  by  the  advice  given  in  his 
lengthy  Memorial  on  the  subject.  The  result  of  the  advice  therein 
submitted  was,  that  a son  of  Tseng  Kuo-fan  was  sent  to  Russia  to 
negotiate  a new  Treaty,  in  which  the  objectionable  clauses  were  eventually 
abandoned.  Ch’ung  Hou  considered  himself  lucky  that,  as  the  result  of 
Russia’s  diplomatic  intervention  on  his  behalf,  he  escaped  with  his  life. 

Chang’s  famous  Memorial  is  typical  of  the  mental  processes  and  puerile 
naivete  of  the  literati.  It  began  by  showing  that  if  the  Treaty  of 
Livadia  were  ratified,  the  whole  of  China  would  be  open  to  Russian 
troops,  who  would  enter  the  country  as  merchants  accompanying 
caravans  (since  the  Treaty  expressly  provided  for  merchants  carrying 
fire-arms),  and  that  the  retrocession  of  Ili  would  prove  valueless  to 
China  in  course  of  time,  inasmuch  as  Russia  would  remain  in  command 
of  all  strategic  points.  Chang  urged  that  China  could  repudiate  the 
Treaty  without  danger  to  herself,  for  several  good  reasons ; the  first 
being  the  Imperial  prerogative  and  the  unpopularity  of  the  Treaty, 
whereby  the  martial  spirit  of  the  Chinese  people  would  be  aroused,  and 
the  second,  that  the  futui'e  security  of  the  Empire  justified  the  adoption 
of  right  and  reasonable  precautions.  He  recommended  that,  in  order  to 
show  that  the  displeasure  of  the  Sovereign  was  sincere,  Ch’ung  Hou 
should  be  decapitated  forthwith  ; this  would  be  a clear  intimation  that 
his  negotiations  were  disavowed ; an  excellent  precedent  existed  in  the 
case  of  Ch’i  Ying,1  who  had  been  ’permitted  to  commit  suicide  under 
similar  circumstances  by  the  Emperor  Hsien  Feng. 

1 Vide  supra,  Chapter  I. , page  12. 

502 


APPENDIX 


As  regards  Russia’s  position  in  the  matter,  lie  was  of  opinion  that 
China  had  earned  the  contempt  of  the  whole  world  by  allowing  herself 
to  be  so  easily  intimidated.  The  Russian  Minister  at  Peking  might  talk 
as  loudly  as  he  liked  about  hauling  down  his  flag,  but  this  was  only 
bluff,  and  if  he  really  desired  to  take  his  departure  he  should  be  allowed 
to  do  so.  China  should  then  address  an  identical  Note  to  all  the  Powers 
protesting  against  Russia’s  action,  which  Note  would  be  published 
throughout  the  civilised  world.  Russia  had  been  weakened  by  her 
war  with  Turkey,  and  the  life  of  her  Sovereign  was  daily  threatened  by 
Nihilists.  He  was  therefore  of  opinion  that  she  could  by  no  means  fight 
a successful  war  against  China. 

Russia’s  position  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Ili  by  this  Treaty  would 
eventually  involve  China  in  the  loss  of  the  New  Territory.  Now  China 
had  not  yet  taken  over  Ili,  and  the  Treaty  had  not  been  ratified  bv  the 
Sovereign,  so  that  Russia  could  have  no  good  ground  for  insisting  upon 
its  terms ; if,  however,  Russia  were  intent  on  compelling  China  to 
yield  or  fight,  it  would  be  necessary  to  look  to  the  defences  of  the 
Empire  in  three  directions,  namely  Turkestan,  Kirin  and  Tientsin. 
As  regards  Turkestan,  Tso  Tsung-t’ang’s  victorious  armies,  which  had 
just  succeeded  in  suppressing  the  Mahomedan  rebellion  after  a 
campaign  of  several  years,  would  be  quite  capable  of  dealing  with 
Russia’s  forces  were  she  to  attempt  an  invasion.  As  for  Manchuria, 
it  was  too  far  from  Russia’s  base  of  operations  to  render  success  even 
possible,  while  the  stalwart  natives  of  the  Eastern  Provinces  might 
be  relied  upon  to  dislodge  her  should  she  eventually  succeed  in  estab- 
lishing a foothold.  A few  months  would  certainly  witness  her  irrevocable 
defeat.  As  to  invading  China  by  sea,  Russia’s  Navy  was  not  to  be 
compared  to  that  of  other  Powers,  and  if  the  huge  amount  which 
had  been  spent  by  Li  Hung-chang  on  armaments  for  the  Army  and 
Navy  were  ever  to  be  turned  to  any  good  account,  now  was  the  time  to 
do  it.  If  at  this  juncture  Li  Hung-chang  proved  incapable  of  dealing 
with  the  situation,  he  was  for  ever  useless.  The  Throne  should  direct 
him  to  prepare  for  war,  and  he  should  equip  his  troops  with  the 
latest  pattern  of  French  artillery.  If  victorious,  a Dukedom  should  be 
his  reward,  and  if  defeated,  his  head  should  pay  the  penalty.  The 
money  which  would  be  saved  by  not  carrying  out  the  Treaty,  might  very 
well  be  devoted  to  the  equipment  of  the  military  forces. 

Russia’s  designs  in  Turkestan,  he  continued,  threatened  England  no 
less  than  China.  If  Li  Hung-chang  could  persuade  the  British 
Minister  that  England’s  interests  were  identical  with  those  of  China, 
surely  the  British  Government’s  assistance  might  be  forthcoming? 

503 


APPENDIX 


China  possessed,  moreover,  several  distinguished  generals,  who  should 
forthwith  be  summoned  to  the  capital,  and  given  command  of  troops  at 
different  points  between  Peking  and  Manchuria.  It  was  high  time  that 
China’s  prestige  should  be  made  manifest  and  re-established.  And 
in  his  peroration  he  says  : — 

“I  am  not  indulging  in  empty  resounding  phrases,  or  asking  Your 
Majesties  to  risk  the  Empire  upon  a single  throw  of  the  dice,  but 
the  crisis  daily  increases  in  seriousness : Europe  is  interfering  in  our 
sovereign  rights,  while  even  Japan  threatens  to  take  territory  from  us. 
If  now  we  submit  to  the  ai'bitrary  proceedings  of  Russia,  all  the 
other  Powers  will  imitate  her  action,  and  we  shall  be  compelled  sooner  or 
later  to  take  up  arms  in  self-defence.  The  present,  therefore,  is 
the  moment  for  a decisive  campaign  ; we  have  good  chances  of  victory, 
and  even  should  we  meet  with  defeat  in  the  New  Territory  it  would  not 
serve  Russia  greatly,  for  she  could  scarcely  hope  to  penetrate  beyond  the 
Great  Wall,  or  to  cross  the  border  into  Kansu,  so  that,  even  if 
victorious,  she  would  be  severely  embarrassed.  If  we  postpone  action  for 
a few  years  Tso  Tsung-t’ang  will  be  too  old  to  conduct  military  opera- 
tions, and  Li  Hung-chang  will  be  also  advancing  in  years.  Russia  will 
hem  us  in  on  all  sides,  and  our  courage  will  suffer  from  our  very 
inaction.  It  is  better  to  fight  Russia  to-day  on  our  furthermost 
frontier,  than  to  wait  until  we  have  to  give  battle  at  the  gates  of 
Peking  : it  will  then  be  too  late  for  repentance.  We  must  fight  sooner 
later,  and  in  any  case,  we  cannot  consent  to  the  retrocession  of 
Ili.  Come  what  may,  Ch’ung  Hou  must  be  beheaded.  This  is  not 
merely  my  private  opinion,  but  the  unanimous  decision  of  all  your 
leading  Statesmen.  The  provinces  may  work  together  to  prepare 
for  war,  all  your  servants  may  set  an  example  of  courage.  Our  Foreign 
Office  may  clearly  express  and  insist  upon  our  rights,  but  in  the  last 
instance  the  decision  of  affairs  rests  with  Your  Majesty  the  Empress 
Dowager,  to  whom  we  must  needs  look  for  a firm  and  consistent 
policy.” 

In  spite  of  its  childish  arguments  and  colossal  ignorance  of  foreign 
affairs,  and  in  spite  of  the  absurdity  of  allowing  the  nation’s  military 
operations  to  be  criticised  and  dictated  bv  a theoretical  scholar,  this 
Memorial  had  a most  remarkable  effect  on  the  opinion  of  the  Court, 
and  Tzu  Hsi  commanded  that  its  author  should  be  consulted  by  the 
Foreign  Office  on  all  important  questions  of  State — a striking  case  of 
parmi  les  aveugles.  Chang  wras  promoted  to  be  Vice-President  of  a 
Board,  and  within  a year  was  made  Governor  of  Shansi,  where  he 
further  increased  his  reputation  by  his  entirely  sincere  attack  upon 
opium  smoking  and  poppy  cultivation.  Throughout  his  career,  safe  in 
the  comfortable  seclusion  of  his  Yamen,  and  judging  every  question  of 

504 


APPENDIX 


foreign  policy  by  the  light  of  the  history  of  previous  Dynasties,  Chang 
Chih-tung  was  always  of  a bellicose  disposition  on  paper.  He  displayed 
it  again  in  1 88 1-,  when  he  advocated  the  war  with  France,  and  became 
acting  Viceroy  at  Canton.  (He  was  a firm  believer  in  the  military 
genius  of  the  swash-buckling  Li  Ping-heng,  even  to  the  day  when  this 
notorious  reactionary  met  his  death  with  the  forlorn  hope  of  the 
Boxers.)  When  the  French  troops  were  defeated  by  the  Chinese  forces 
at  Langshan,  Chang  claimed  and  received  no  small  credit  for  an  event  so 
unusual  in  Chinese  modern  history,  and  became  so  elated  thereby  that 
he  sent  in  a Memorial  strongly  recommending  that  the  victory  should 
be  followed  up  by  an  invasion  of  all  French  territory  between  the 
Chinese  frontier  and  Hanoi.  When  this  advice  was  rejected,  he  put  in 
another  bitter  Memorial  of  remonstrance  which  created  an  immense 
impression  on  public  opinion.  He  denounced  the  peace  which  was 
subsequently  signed  and  by  which  China  lost  Annam,  and  he  never 
forgave  his  rival  and  opponent,  Li  Hung-ehang,  for  his  share  in  this 
result. 

Chang’s  share  in  the  coup  d'etat  of  1898  aptly  illustrates  his 
opportunism.  It  was  he  who  from  Wuch’ang  originally  recommended 
some  thirty  “ progressives  ” to  the  notice  of  the  Emperor  at  the 
beginning  of  that  fateful  year,  and  amongst  these  was  Liang  Ch’i-ch’ao, 
the  chief  colleague  and  henchman  of  K’ang  Yu-wei.  Rejoiced  at  the 
great  Viceroy’s  support,  the  Emperor  summoned  him  to  Peking  to 
assume  direction  of  the  new  movement,  hoping  the  more  from  his 
assistance  as  Chang’s  views  always  carried  weight  with  the  Empress 
Dowager.  It  is  impossible  to  sav  what  course  Chang  would  have 
followed  had  he  come  to  Peking,  or  what  effect  his  presence  might  have 
had  in  preventing  the  collapse  of  the  Emperor’s  plans,  but  as  luck 
would  have  it,  he  had  only  proceeded  as  far  as  Shanghai,  when  he  was 
ordered  back  to  his  post  in  Hupei  by  an  Imperial  Decree,  which 
directed  him  first  to  settle  a troublesome  missionary  case  that  had  just 
arisen.  Immediately  after  this,  the  dismissal  of  Weng  T’ung-ho,  and 
the  appointment  of  Jung  Lu  to  Tientsin,  showed  him  that  a crisis  wras 
impending  and  that  the  reactionary  party  held  the  better  cards  ; he 
plaved  therefore  for  his  own  hand,  anticipating  that  the  Empress 
Dowager  would  speedily  come  to  the  front  as  leader  of  the  Manchu 
Conservatives.  It  was  at  this  particular  juncture  that  he  wrrote  and 
published  his  famous  treatise  on  education,  intended  to  refute  the 
arguments  of  a revolutionary  pamphlet  that  wras  then  being  widely 
circulated  in  the  provinces  of  his  jurisdiction.  His  treatise,  by  its 
brilliant  style  rather  than  by  its  arguments,  created  a great  impression  ; 

505 


APPENDIX 


its  effect  on  the  Chinese  reader’s  mind  was  to  emphasise  the  wisdom  of 
leaniing  everything  possible  of  the  material  arts  and  forces  of  Europe, 
while  keeping  the  foreigner  himself  at  arm’s  length. 

In  1900,  at  the  urgent  request  of  the  Viceroy  of  Nanking  (Lui  K’un- 
yi)  and  of  Li  Hung-chang,  he  agreed  to  join  in  a Memorial  impeaching 
Prince  Tuan,  and  telegrams  were  exchanged  between  these  high  officials 
to  discuss  the  form  which  this  document  should  take.  In  the  first 
instance,  Chang  had  declined  to  protest  against  the  Emperor’s  deposition 
for  the  reason,  which  he  justified  by  historical  precedent,  that  the  suicide 
of  the  Censor  Wu  K’o-tu,  twelve  years  before,  had  justified  Her  Majesty 
in  placing  a new  Emperor  on  the  Throne.  He  concurred  in  the  decision 
of  the  Nanking  Viceroy  to  head  off  any  Boxer  rising  in  the  Yaugtsze 
Provinces,  but  he  was  obviously  uneasy  at  his  own  position  in  having  to 
disobey  the  Empress  Dowager’s  anti-foreign  Decrees,  and  lie  hedged  to 
the  best  of  his  ability  by  beheading  two  prominent  reformers  at 
Wuch’ang.  No  sooner  had  the  form  of  the  document  impeaching  Prince 
Tuan  been  practically  decided,  than  he  took  fright  at  the  thought  that 
the  Prince  might  eventually  triumph  and,  as  father  of  the  Emperor- 
elect,  wreak  vengeance  on  his  enemies ; he  therefore  telegraphed  to 
Li  Hung-chang  at  Shanghai,  begging  that  his  signature  be  withheld 
from  the  Memorial.  Li  Hung-chang,  who  dearly  loved  his  joke, 
promptly  sent  off  the  Memorial  with  Chang  Chih-tung’s  signature 
attached  thereto,  and  then  telegraphed  informing  him  that  he  had  done 
so,  and  asking  whether  he  desired  that  a second  telegram  be  sent  to  Her 
Majesty  cancelling  his  signature?  Chang  was  for  several  days  in  a state 
of  the  greatest  distress  (which  was  only  relieved  when  the  Boxers  were 
finally  routed),  and  his  mood  was  not  improved  when  a pair  of  scrolls 
were  sent  to  him  anonymously,  with  inscriptions  which  may  be  roughly 
translated  as  follows  : — 

“Full  of  patriotism,  but  quite  devoid  of  any  real  ability  or  intelli- 
gence.” 

“ As  an  administrator  a bungler,  but  remarkable  for  originating 
magnificent  schemes.” 

Before  his  death,  Chang  had  achieved  a curiously  mixed  reputation, 
revered  as  he  was  by  all  scholars  throughout  the  Empire,  yet  denounced 
on  all  sides  for  administrative  incapacity.  As  an  instance  of  the  childish 
self-sufficiency  which  characterised  him  to  the  end,  nothing  is  more 
remarkable  than  the  suggestion  which  he  solemnly  submitted  to  the 
Throne,  during  the  course  of  the  peace  negotiations  for  the  Portsmouth 
Treaty  after  the  conclusion  of  the  war  between  Russia  and  Japan.  At 

506 


APPENDIX 


this  juncture,  the  Empress  Dowager  had  telegraphed  inviting  suggestions 
for  China’s  future  policy  from  all  the  high  provincial  authorities.  Chang 
telegraphed  five  suggestions  in  reply,  one  of  which  was  that  China 
should  come  to  an  agreement  with  Japan  to  send  two  hundred  thousand 
Japanese  troops  to  Manchuria,  and  in  the  event  of  Russia  proceeding  to 
attack  Chinese  territory,  that  Japan  should  be  requested  to  garrison  Urga. 
This  was  the  idea  of  China’s  foremost  literary  statesman  in  July,  1905, 
but  there  were  not  lacking  enemies  of  his  who  avowed  that  his  political 
views  were  considerably  affected  by  the  fact  that  he  had  contracted  loans 
from  Japanese  financiers.  Whatever  the  cause  of  his  views,  he  had 
reason  to  change  them  completely  before  he  died. 


TSO  TSUNG-T’ANG 


The  Chinese  look  upon  Tseng  Kuo-fan,  the  conqueror  of  the  Taiping 
rebels,  as  the  greatest  military  commander  in  modern  history ; but  they 
regard  Tso  Tsung-t’ang,  the  hero  of  the  long  Mahomedan  campaign, 
as  very  near  to  him  in  glory.  Both  Generals  were  natives  of  Hunan  (a 
fact  which  seems  to  entitle  the  people  of  that  province  to  assume  some- 
thing of  a truculent  attitude  to  the  rest  of  the  Empire),  and  both 
were  possessed  of  indisputable  qualities  of  leadership  and  organisation, 
remarkable  enough  in  men  trained  to  literary  pursuits.  Both  were 
beloved  of  the  people  for  their  personal  integrity,  courage  and  justice. 

Tso  was  born,  one  of  nine  sons  in  a poor  family,  in  1812.  He  took 
his  provincial  graduate  degree  at  the  age  of  twenty ; thereafter,  he 
seems  to  have  abandoned  literary  work,  for  he  never  passed  the  Metro- 
politan examination.  This  did  not  prevent  the  Empress  Dowager  from 
appointing  him,  after  his  victorious  campaign,  to  the  Grand  Secretariat, 
the  only  instance  of  a provincial  graduate  attaining  to  that  high 
honour.  For  three  years  he  was  Tseng  Kuo-fan’s  ablest  lieutenant 
against  the  Taipings,  and  became  Governor  of  Fukhien  in  1863.  In 
1868  he  was  appointed  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Imperial  forces 
against  the  Mahomedan  rebels,  and  began  a campaign  which  lasted, 
with  breathing  spaces,  until  the  beginning  of  1878.  His  victorious 
progress  through  the  western  and  north-western  provinces  began  at 
Hsiang-Yang,  on  the  Han  river,  in  Hupei.  Thence,  after  driving  the 
rebels  from  Hsi-an,  through  Shansi  and  Kansu,  he  came  to  a halt 
before  the  strong  city  of  Su-chou  fu,  on  the  north-west  frontier  of  Kansu. 
The  siege  of  this  place  lasted  nearly  thi’ee  years,  for  his  force  was  badly 
off  for  ordnance,  and  he  was  compelled  to  wait  until  his  deputies 

507 


APPENDIX 


purchased  artillei'y  for  him  from  a German  firm  at  Shanghai.  The 
guns  were  sent  up  in  the  leisurely  manner  affected  by  the  Mandarins, 
and  Tso  was  obliged  to  put  his  troops  to  agricultural  work  in  order  to 
provide  himself  with  commissariat. 

Su-chou  had  been  for  ten  years  in  the  hands  of  the  rebels.  It  fell  to 
the  Imperialists  in  October,  1873,  some  say  by  treachery,  according  to 
others  by  assault.  Be  this  as  it  may,  Tso,  whose  method  of  dealing 
with  rebels  was  absolutely  pitiless,  reduced  the  place  to  a heap  of 
ruins,  killing  men,  women  and  children  indiscriminately,  throughout 
large  tracts  of  country.  So  fearful  were  the  wholesale  massacres  and 
treacherous  atrocities  committed  by  his  Hunanese  troops,  that  General 
Kauffmann,  commanding  the  Russian  forces  on  the  frontier,  considered 
it  his  duty  to  address  him  on  the  subject,  and  to  protest  indignantly 
at  the  indiscriminate  killing  of  non-combatants.  General  Kauffmann 
alluded  chiefly  to  the  massacre  which  had  followed  the  taking  of  the 
town  of  Manas  (November,  1876),  but  similar  atrocities  had  been 
perpetrated  at  Su-chou,  Hami,  and  many  other  important  places. 
At  Hami  the  entire  population  was  put  to  the  sword.  Eye-witnesses  of 
the  scene  of  desolation,  which  stretched  from  Hsi-an  in  Shensi  to 
Kashgar,  have  recorded  that  scarcely  a woman  was  left  alive  in  all  those 
ruined  cities — one  might  ride  for  days  and  not  see  one — a fact  which 
accounts  for  the  failure  of  the  country  unto  this  day  to  recover  from  the 
passing  of  that  scourge.  In  more  than  one  instance,  Tso  said  with 
pride  that  he  had  left  no  living  thing  to  sow  new  seeds  of  rebellion.1 

Nor  do  the  Chinese  find  anything  reprehensible  in  his  action.  In- 
stinctively a peace-loving  people,  they  have  learned  through  centuries 
of  dreadful  experience  that  there  can  be  no  humanitarianism  in  these 
ever-recurring  rebellions,  which  are  but  one  phase  of  the  deadly  struggle 
for  life  in  China,  and  that  the  survival  of  the  fittest  implies  the 
extermination  of  the  unfit.  Tso  had  first  learned  this  lesson  in  the 
fierce  warfare  of  the  Taiping  rebellion,  where  there  was  no  question  of 
quarter,  asked  or  given,  on  either  side.  “ If  I destroy  them  not,”  he 
would  say  with  simple  grimness,  “ if  I leave  root  or  branch,  they  may 
destroy  me.” 

In  private  life  the  man  was  genial  and  kindly,  of  a rugged  sim- 
plicity ; short  of  stature,  and  in  later  years  stout,  with  a twinkling  eye 
and  hearty  laugh ; sober  and  frugal  in  his  habits,  practising  the  classical 
virtues  of  the  ancients  in  all  sincerity  : a strict  disciplinarian,  and  much 

1 It  has  remained  thus  in  many  districts  until  now,  vast  solitudes  of  ruins  being  the 
chief  characteristic  of  a region  that,  before  the  rebellion,  supported  some  thirty  million 
inhabitants. 


508 


APPENDIX 


beloved  of  his  soldiers.  He  delighted  in  gardening  and  the  planting  of 
trees.  Along  the  entire  length  of  the  Imperial  highway  that  runs  from 
Hsi-an  to  Chia-Yu  Kuan  beyond  the  Great  Wall,  thirty-six  days’ journey, 
he  planted  an  avenue  of  trees,  a stately  monument  of  green  to  mark 
the  red  route  of  his  devastating  armies.  One  of  the  few  Europeans  who 
saw  him  at  Hand  records  that  it  was  his  habit  to  walk  in  the  Viceregal 
gardens  every  afternoon,  accompanied  by  a large  suite  of  officials  and 
Generals,  when  he  would  count  his  melons  and  expatiate  on  the  beauty 
of  his  favourite  flowers.  With  him,  ready  for  duty  at  a word,  walked 
his  Chief  Executioner. 

He  was  as  careful  for  the  welfare  of  his  people  as  for  the  extermination 
of  rebels,  and  erected  a large  woollen  factory  at  Lan-chou  fu,  whereby  he 
hoped  to  establish  a flourishing  industry  throughout  the  north-western 
provinces.  He  was  fiercely  opposed  to  opium  cultivation,  and  com- 
pletely suppressed  it  along  the  valley  of  the  Yellow  River  for  several 
years.  The  penalty  for  opium-smoking  in  his  army  was  the  loss  of  one 
ear  for  a first  offence,  and  death  for  the  second. 

Yakoub  Beg,  the  last  leader  and  forlorn  hope  of  the  rebellion,  died  in 
May,  1877.  Tso,  following  up  his  successes,  captured  in  turn  Yarkand, 
Kashgar  and  Khotan  (January,  1878),  and  thus  ended  the  insurrection. 
At  the  conclusion  of  the  campaign  he  had  some  forty  thousand  Hunanese 
troops  at  Hand,  and  twenty  thousand  more  under  General  Liu 1 at 
Kashgar.  One  of  his  Generals  was  that  Tung  Eu-hsiang  who  subse- 
quently became  known  to  the  world  as  the  leader  of  the  bloodthirsty 
Kansuh  soldiery  at  Peking  in  1900  ; at  the  taking  of  Khotan  he  laid 
the  foundations  of  his  reputation  for  truculent  ferocity.  Tso  firmly 
believed  that  his  Hunanese  were  the  finest  fighting  men  in  the  world, 
and  was  most  anxious  to  use  them,  in  1879,  in  trying  conclusions  with 
the  Russians,  boasting  that  with  two  hundred  thousand  of  them  he 
would  easily  march  to  St.  Petersburg  and  there  dictate  a peace  which 
should  wipe  out  the  humiliating  concessions  negotiated  by  Ch’ung  Hou 
in  the  Treaty  of  Livadia.  Fortunately  for  him,  his  patriotic  ambitions 
came  to  the  ears  of  the  Empress  Dowager,  who,  desiring  no  more 
complications,  recalled  him  in  hot  haste  to  Peking,  where  she  loaded 
him  with  honours  and  rewards. 

His  was  the  simple  nature  of  the  elementary  fighter,  inured  to  the 
hard  life  of  camps.  He  knew  little  of  other  lands,  but  professed  the 
greatest  admiration  for  Bismarck,  chiefly  because  of  the  enormous 
indemnity  which  the  German  conqueror  had  exacted  as  the  price  of 


1 Subsequently  Governor  of  Formosa. 

509 


APPENDIX 


victory,  Tso’s  own  troops  being  accustomed  to  live  almost  exclusively  on 
the  spoils  of  war.  He  despised  wealth  for  himself,  but  loved  plunder  for 
his  men. 

Upon  his  triumphant  return  to  Peking  he  was  informed  that  the 
Palace  authorities  expected  him  to  pay  forty  thousand  taels  as  “gate- 
money  ” before  entering  the  capital.  Tso  flatly  refused.  “ The 
Emperor  has  sent  for  me,”  he  said,  “ and  I have  come,  but  I will  not 
pay  a cash.  If  he  wishes  to  see  me,  he  must  either  obtain  for  me  free 
entry  or  pay  the  gate-money  himself.”  He  waited  stolidly  five  days 
and  then  had  his  way,  entering  scot-free.  Later,  when  the  Empress 
Dowager  made  him  a present  of  ten  thousand  taels,  he  divided  the 
money  between  his  soldiers  and  the  poor. 


SUN  CHIA-NAI 

This  official,  chiefly  known  to  fame  among  his  countrymen  as  one  of 
the  tutors  of  His  Majesty  Kuang-Hsii,  was  a sturdy  Conservative  of  the 
orthodox  type,  but  an  honest  and  kindly  man.  His  character  and 
opinions  may  be  gauged  from  a well-known  saying  of  his  : “ One  Chinese 
character  is  better  than  ten  thousand  words  of  the  barbarians.  By 
knowing  Chinese  a man  may  rise  to  become  a Grand  Secretary ; by 
knowing  the  tongues  of  the  barbarians,  he  can  at  best  aspire  to  become 
the  mouth-piece  of  other  men.” 

In  his  later  year’s  he  felt  and  expressed  great  grief  at  the  condition  of 
his  country,  and  particularly  in  regard  to  the  strained  relations  betweeir 
the  Empress  Dowager  and  the  Emperor.  He  traced  the  first  causes  of 
these  misfortunes  to  the  war  with  Japan,  and  never  ceased  to  blame  his 
colleague,  the  Imperial  Tutor  Weng  T’ung-ho,  for  persuading  the 
Emperor  to  sign  the  Decree  whereby  that  war  was  declared,  which  he 
described  as  the  act  of  a madman.  Weng,  however,  was  by  no  means 
alone  in  holding  the  opinion  that  China  could  easily  dispose  of  the 
Japanese  forces  by  land  and  by  sea.  It  was  well-known  at  Court,  and 
the  Emperor  must  have  learned  it  from  more  than  one  quarter,  that 
several  foreigners  holding  high  positions  under  the  Chinese  Government, 
including  the  Inspector-General  of  Customs  (Sir  Robert  Hart),  concurred 
in  the  view  that  China  had  practically  no  alternative  but  to  declare  war 
in  view  of  Japan’s  high-handed  proceedings  and  insulting  attitude. 
Prestige  apart,  it  was  probable  that  the  Emperor  was  by  no  means 
averse  to  taking  this  step  on  his  own  authority,  even  though  he  knew 
that  the  Empress  Dowager  was  opposed  to  the  idea  of  war,  because  of  its 

510 


Ceiling  and  Pillars  ok  the  Tai  Ho  Tien. 


Photo . Oeavv* 7,  Tokw. 


APPENDIX 


inevitable  interference  with  the  preparations  for  her  sixtieth  birthday; 
at  that  moment,  Tzii  Hsi  was  living  in  quasi -retirement  at  the  Summer 
Palace.  After  war  had  been  declared  and  China’s  reverses  began,  she 
complained  to  the  Emperor  and  to  others,  that  the  fatal  step  had  been 
taken  without  her  knowledge  and  consent,  but  this  was  only  “ making 
face,”  for  it  is  certain  that  she  had  been  kept  fully  informed  of  all  that 
was  done  and  that,  had  she  so  desired,  she  could  easily  have  prevented 
the  issue  of  the  Decree,  and  the  despatch  of  the  Chinese  troops  to  Asan. 
Sun  Chia-nai’s  reputation  for  sagacity  was  increased  after  the  event,  and 
upon  the  subsequent  disgrace  and  dismissal  of  Weng  T’ung-ho  he  stood 
high  in  Her  Majesty’s  favour.  Nevertheless  his  loyalty  to  the  unfor- 
tunate Emperor  remained  unshaken. 

In  1898,  his  tendencies  were  theoretically  on  the  side  of  reform,  but 
he  thoroughly  disapproved  of  the  methods  and  self-seeking  personality 
of  K’ang  Yu-wei,  advising  the  Emperor  that,  while  possibly  fit  for  an 
Under-Secretaryship,  he  was  quite  unfitted  for  any  high  post  of  responsi- 
bility. When  matters  first  approached  a crisis,  it  was  by  his  advice 
that  the  Empex-or  directed  K’ang  to  proceed  to  Shanghai  for  the  organi- 
sation of  the  Press  Bureau  scheme.  Sun,  peace-loving  and  prudent, 
hoped  thereby  to  find  an  outlet  for  K’ang  Yu-wei’s  patriotic  activities 
while  leaving  the  Manchu  dovecots  unfi  uttered.  Later,  after  the  coup 
cFetat,  being  above  all  things  orthodox  and  a stickler  for  harmonious 
observance  of  precedents,  he  deplored  the  harsh  treatment  and  humilia- 
tion inflicted  upon  the  Emperor.  It  is  reported  of  him  that  on  one 
occasion  at  audience  he  broke  down  completely,  and  with  tears  implored 
the  Empress  Dowager  not  to  allow  her  mind  to  be  poisoned  against  His 
Majesty,  but  without  effect. 

Upon  the  nomination  of  the  Heir  Apparent,  in  1900,  which  he,  like 
many  others,  regarded  as  the  Emperor’s  death  sentence,  he  sent  in  a 
strongly  worded  Memorial  against  this  step,  and  subsequently  denounced 
it  at  a meeting  of  the  Grand  Council.  Thereafter,  his  protests  proving 
ineffective,  he  resigned  all  his  offices,  but  remained  at  the  capital  in 
retirement,  watching  events.  At  the  commencement  of  the  Boxer 
crisis,  unable  to  contain  his  feelings,  he  sent  in  a Memorial  through  the 
Censorate  denouncing  the  rabid  reactionary  Hsii  Tung,  whom  he 
described  as  “ the  friend  of  traitors,  who  would  bring  the  State  to  ruin 
if  further  confidence  were  placed  in  him.”  Throughout  his  career 
he  displayed  the  courage  of  his  convictions,  which,  judged  by  the 
common  standard  of  Chinese  officialdom,  were  conspicuously  honest. 
He  was  a man  of  that  Spartan  type  of  private  life  which  one  finds  not 
infrequently  associated  with  the  higher  branches  of  Chinese  scholarship 

511 


APPENDIX 


and  Confucian  philosophy  ; it  was  his  boast  that  he  never  employed  a 
secretary,  but  wrote  out  all  his  correspondence  and  Memorials  with 
his  own  hand. 

A pleasing  illustration  of  his  character  is  the  following  : He  was 
seated  one  day  in  his  shabby  old  cart,  and  driving  down  the  main  street 
to  his  home,  when  his  driver  collided  with  the  vehicle  of  a well-known 
Censor,  named  Chao.  The  police  came  up  to  make  enquiries  and 
administer  street-justice,  but  learning  that  one  cart  belonged  to  the 
Grand  Secretary  Sun,  they  told  his  driver  to  proceed.  The  Censor,  justlv 
indignant  at  such  servility,  wrote  a note  to  Sun  in  which  he  said : “ The 
Grand  Secretary  enjoys,  no  doubt,  great  prestige,  but  even  he  cannot 
lightly  disregard  the  power  of  the  Censorate.”  Sun,  on  receiving 
this  note,  proceeded  at  once  on  foot  in  full  official  dress  to  the 
Censor’s  house,  and  upon  being  informed  that  he  was  not  at  home, 
prostrated  himself  before  the  servant,  saying  : “The  nation  is  indeed  to 
be  congratulated  upon  possessing  a virtuous  Censor.”  Chao,  not  to  be 
outdone  in  generosity,  proceeded  in  his  turn  to  the  residence  of  the 
Grand  Secretary,  intending  to  return  the  compliment,  but  Sun  declined 
to  allow  him  to  apologise  in  any  way. 


TUAN  FANG 

In  1898,  Tuan  Fang  was  a Secretary  of  the  Board  of  Works  ; his 
rapid  promotion  after  that  date  was  chiefly  due  to  the  patronage  of  his 
friend  Jung  Lu.  For  a Manchu,  he  is  remarkably  progressive  and 
liberal  in  his  views. 

In  1900,  he  was  Acting-Governor  of  Shensi.  As  the  Boxer  move- 
ment spread  and  increased  in  violence,  and  as  the  fears  of  Jung  Lu  led 
him  to  take  an  increasingly  decided  line  of  action  against  them,  Tuan 
Fang,  acting  upon  his  advice,  followed  suit.  In  spite  of  the  fact  that  at 
the  time  of  the  coup  d'etat  he  had  adroitly  saved  himself  from  clear 
identification  with  the  reformers  and  had  penned  a classical  composition 
in  praise  of  filial  piety,  which  was  commonly  regarded  as  a veiled  reproof 
to  the  Emperor  for  not  yielding  implicit  obedience  to  the  Old  Buddha, 
he  had  never  enjoyed  any  special  marks  of  favour  at  the  latter’s  hands, 
nor  been  received  into  that  confidential  friendliness  with  which  she 
frequently  honoured  her  favourites. 

In  his  private  life,  as  in  his  administration,  Tuan  Fang  has  always 
recognised  the  changing  conditions  of  his  country  and  endeavoured 
to  adapt  himself  to  the  needs  of  the  time  ; he  was  one  of  the  first  among 

512 


APPENDIX 


the  Manchus  to  send  his  sons  abroad  for  their  education.  His 
sympathies  were  at  first  unmistakably  with  K’ang  Yu-wei  and  his  fellow 
reformers,  but  he  withdrew  from  them  because  of  the  anti-dynastic 
nature  of  their  movement,  of  which  he  naturally  disapproved. 

As  Acting-Governor  of  Shensi,  in  July,  1900,  he  clearly  realised  the 
serious  nature  of  the  situation  and  the  dangers  that  must  arise  from  the 
success  of  the  Boxer  movement,  and  he  therefore  issued  two  Proclamations 
to  the  province,  in  which  he  earnestly  warned  the  people  to  abstain  from 
acts  of  violence.  These  documents  were  undoubtedly  the  means  of 
saving  the  lives  of  many  missionaries  and  other  foreigners  isolated  in  the 
interior.  In  the  first  a curious  passage  occurs,  wherein,  after  denouncing 
the  Boxers,  he  said  : 

“The  creed  of  the  Boxers  is  no  new  thing:  in  the  reign  of  Chia-Ch’ing, 
followers  of  the  same  cult  were  beheaded  in  droves.  But  the  present- 
day  Boxer  has  taken  the  field  ostensibly  for  the  defence  of  his  country 
against  the  foreigner,  so  that  we  need  not  refer  to  the  past.  While 
accepting  their  good  intentions,  I would  merely  ask,  is  it  reasonable  for 
us  to  credit  these  men  with  supernatural  powers  or  invulnerability  ? 
Are  we  to  believe  that  all  the  corpses  which  now  strew  the  country 
between  Peking  and  the  sea  are  those  of  spurious  Boxers  and  that 
the  survivors  alone  represent  the  true  faith  ?” 

After  prophesying  for  them  the  same  fate  which  overtook  the 
Mahomedan  rebels  and  those  of  the  Taiping  insurrection,  he  delivered 
himself  of  advice  to  the  people  which,  while  calculated  to  prevent  the 
slaughter  of  foreigners,  would  preserve  his  reputation  for  patriotism. 
It  is  well,  now  that  Tuan  Fang  has  fallen  upon  evil  days,  to  remember 
the  good  work  he  did  in  a very  difficult  position.  His  Proclamation 
ran  as  follows : — 

“ I have  never  for  a moment  doubted  that  you  men  of  Shensi  are 
brave  and  patriotic  and  that,  should  occasion  offer,  you  would  fight 
nobly  for  your  country.  I know  that  if  you  joined  these  Boxers 
it  would  be  from  patriotic  motives.  I would  have  you  observe,  however, 
that  our  enemies  are  the  foreign  troops  who  have  invaded  the 
Metropolitan  province  and  not  the  foreign  missionaries  who  reside  in 
the  interior.  If  the  Throne  orders  you  to  take  up  arms  in  the  defence 
of  your  country,  then  I,  as  Governor  of  this  province,  will  surely  share 
in  that  glory.  But  if,  on  your  own  account,  you  set  forth  to  slay 
a handful  of  harmless  and  defenceless  missionaries,  you  will  undoubtedly 
be  actuated  by  a desire  for  plunder,  there  will  be  nothing  noble  in  your 
deed,  and  your  neighbours  will  despise  you  as  surely  as  the  law  will 
punish  you. 

“ At  this  very  moment  our  troops  are  pouring  in  upon  the  capital 

513  L L 


APPENDIX 


from  every  province  in  the  Empire.  Heaven’s  avenging  sword  is 
pointed  against  the  invader.  This  being  so,  it  is  absurd  to  suppose  that 
there  can  be  any  need  for  such  services  as  you  people  could  render 
at  such  a time.  Your  obvious  and  simple  duty  is  to  remain  quietly  in 
your  homes,  pursuing  your  usual  avocations.  It  is  the  business  of  the 
official  to  protect  the  people,  and  you  may  rely  upon  me  to  do  so.  As 
to  that  Edict  of  Their  Majesties  which,  last  year,  ordered  the  organisation 
of  trained  bands,  the  idea  was  merely  to  encourage  self-defence  for  local 
purposes,  on  the  principle  laid  down  by  Mencius  of  watch  and  ward 
being  kept  by  each  district.” 

A little  later  the  Governor  referred  to  that  Decree  of  the  Empress 
Dowager  (her  first  attempt  at  hedging)  which  began  by  quoting  the 
“ Spring  and  Autumn  Classic  ” in  reference  to  the  sacred  nature  of 
foreign  Envoys,  and  used  it  as  a text  for  emphasising  the  fact  that  the 
members  of  the  several  missionary  societies  in  Shensi  had  always  been  on 
the  best  of  terms  with  the  people.  He  referred  to  the  further  fact  that 
many  refugees  from  the  famine-stricken  districts  of  Shansi,  and  numbers 
of  disbanded  soldiers,  had  crossed  the  borders  of  the  province,  and 
fearing  lest  these  lawless  folk  should  organise  an  attack  upon  the 
foreigners,  he  once  more  urged  his  people  to  permit  no  violation  of  the 
sacred  laws  of  hospitality.  The  province  had  already  commenced  to  feel 
the  effects  of  the  long  drought  which  had  caused  such  suffering  in 
Shansi,  and  the  superstitious  lower  classes  were  disposed  to  attribute 
this  calamity  to  the  wrath  of  Heaven,  brought  upon  them  by  reason  of 
their  failure  to  join  the  Boxers.  Tuan  Fang  proceeded  to  disabuse 
their  minds  of  this  idea. 

“ If  the  rain  has  not  fallen  upon  your  barren  fields,”  he  said,  “ if  the 
demon  of  drought  threatens  to  harass  you,  be  sure  that  it  is  because  you 
have  gone  astraj^,  led  by  false  rumours,  and  have  committed  deeds  of 
violence.  Repent  now  and  return  to  your  peaceful  ways,  and  the  rains 
will  assuredly  fall.  Behold  the  ruin  which  has  come  upon  the  provinces 
of  Chihli  and  Shantung ; it  is  to  save  you  from  their  fate  that  I now 
warn  you.  Are  we  not  all  alike  subjects  of  the  great  Manchu 
Dynasty,  and  shall  we  not  acquit  ourselves  like  men  in  the  service  of 
the  State  ? If  there  were  any  chance  of  this  province  being  invaded  by 
the  enemy,  you  would  naturally  sacrifice  your  lives  and  property  to 
repel  him,  as  a matter  of  simple  patriotism.  But  if,  in  a sudden  access 
of  madness,  you  set  forth  to  butcher  a few  helpless  foreigners,  you  will 
in  no  wise  benefit  the  Empire,  but  will  merely  be  raising  fresh 
difficulties  for  the  Throne.  For  the  time  being,  your  own  consciences 
will  accuse  you  of  ignoble  deeds,  and  later  you  will  surely  pay  the 
penalty  with  your  lives  and  the  ruin  of  your  families.  Surely,  you  men 
of  Shensi,  enlightened  and  high-principled,  will  not  fall  so  low  as  this  ? 

514 


APPENDIX 


There  are,  I know,  among  you  some  evil  men  who,  professing  patriotic 
enmity  to  foreigners  and  Christians,  wax  fat  on  foreign  plunder.  But 
the  few  missionary  Chapels  in  this  province  offer  but  meagre  booty,  and 
it  is  safe  to  predict  that  those  who  begin  by  sacking  them  will 
certainly  proceed  next  to  loot  the  houses  of  your  wealthier  citizens. 
From  the  burning  of  foreigners’  homes,  the  conflagration  will  spread  to 
your  own,  and  many  innocent  persons  will  share  the  fate  of  the 
slaughtered  Christians.  The  plunderers  will  escape  with  their  booty, 
and  the  foolish  onlookers  will  pay  the  penalty  of  these  crimes.  Is  it  not 
a well-known  fact  that  every  anti-Christian  outbreak  invariably  brings 
misery  to  the  stupid  innocent  people  of  the  district  concerned  ? Is  not 
this  a lamentable  thing  P As  for  me,  I care  neither  for  praise  nor 
blame  ; my  only  object  in  preaching  peace  in  Shensi  is  to  save  you,  my 
people,  from  dire  ruin  and  destruction.” 

Tuan  Fang  was  a member  of  the  Mission  to  foreign  countries  in 
1905  and  has  received  decorations  and  honours  at  the  hands  of  several 
European  sovereigns.  In  private  life  he  is  distinguished  by  his  complete 
absence  of  formality;  a genial,  hospitable  man,  given  to  good  living, 
delighting  in  new  mechanical  inventions  and  fond  of  his  joke.  It  is  he 
who,  as  Viceroy  of  Nanking,  organised  the  International  Exhibition  now 
being  held  in  that  city.  As  Viceroy  of  Chihli,  he  was  in  charge  of  the 
arrangements  for  the  funeral  of  the  Empress  Dowager  in  November  of 
last  year,  and  a week  after  that  impressive  ceremony  was  denounced  for 
alleged  want  of  respect  and  decorum.  It  was  charged  against  him  that 
he  had  permitted  subordinate  officials  to  take  photographs  of  the  cortege 
and  that  he  had  even  dared  to  use  certain  trees  in  the  sacred  enclosure 
of  the  Mausolea  as  telegraph  poles,  for  which  offences  he  was  summarily 
cashiered  ; since  then  he  has  lived  in  retirement.  The  charges  were 
possibly  true,  but  it  is  matter  of  common  knowledge  that  the  real 
reason  for  his  disgrace  was  a matter  of  Palace  politics  rather  than 
funereal  etiquette,  for  he  was  a protege  of  the  Regent  and  his  removal 
was  a triumph  for  the  Yehonala  clan,  at  a time  when  its  prestige  called 
for  a demonstration  of  some  sort  against  the  growing  power  and 
influence  of  the  Emperor  Kuang-Hsii’s  brothers. 


515 


L L 2 


\ 


INDEX 


Actors,  Palace,  86,  87,  492 
Admiralty,  vide  Navy 
Adviser  to  the  Government  ; vide  Prince 
Kung  ; also  Prince  Ch’un 
Adviser  to  the  Regency,  vide  Prince 
Ch’un 

Aisin  Gioros,  4,  6,  167 
A-Lu-Te,  Empress,  118-132-162 
suicide  of,  129,  350 
Ancestor  worship,  134,  328,  473-4 
Ancestral  shrines,  167 
Ancestral  tablet,  470,  473-4 
Annals  of  dynasty,  vide  Dynastic 
Annam, 505 

Anti-foreign  movement,  230,  305,  334, 
336  ; also  vide  Boxer  movement 
An  Wei-chun,  171 
Astrologers,  387,  471,  485-6 
Audiences,  procedure  at,  58,  75,  77, 
103,  111,  113,  188,  408,  412,  452 

Banishment,  vide  Post-roads 
Baron  von  Ketteler,  271,  273,  278,  288, 
305,  316,  330,  332,  384 
“ Benign  Countenance,”  53 
Berlin,  mission  to,  383-386 
Big  Sword  Society,  255 
Birthday  celebrations,  168,  450-1 
Black  List,  1900,  104 
Blood  brotherhood,  206,  361 
Board  of  Punishments,  227 
Board  of  Rites,  190,  192,  197,  207 
Bombardment  of  Peking,  297,  344 
Book  of  Odes,  quoted,  265 
Boxer  chiefs,  281,  323,  331,  363,  369- 
374 

Boxer  movement,  82,  100,180, 195,  228, 
243,  246-250,  260  to  303,  311-12, 
364,  440,  512 

British  Minister,  215,  228,  241,  503 
British  Policy,  214-5,  339 
Brooks,  Revd.  255 


Bruce,  Sir  F. , 24 

Burial  Ceremonies,  17,  19,  61-2,  136, 
149,  465,  470,  475 
Burning  of  Legations,  263,  364 
Burying  Alive,  147,  472 

Caligraphy,  Edict  re,  195 
Cantonese,  lampooners,  84,  225,  491 
reformers,  100,  185,  219,  220,  225, 
418 

Capture  of  Peking,  1860,  17  et  seq. 

Carl,  Miss,  290,  492 
Censorate,  86,  88,  122,  147,  163,  172, 
195,  305,  488,  492,  494,  501,  512 
and  eunuchs,  82,  109 
Chang  Chih-tung,  140,  220,  278,  353, 
398,  429,  483,  501-6 
Chang  Yin-huan,  173,  185,  202,  220-1, 
228 

Chao,  Duke,  6 
Chao  Erh-hsiin,  159 
Chao  Kuang-yin,  Emperor,  133 
Chao  Shu-ch  iao,  256,  258,  269,  298,  324, 
357,  364,  366-9,  370 
Cheng,  Prince,  vide  Tuan  Hua 
Ch’en  Lien-fang,  Dr.,  216-19 
Ch’en  Pao-chen,  186,  196 
Ch’en  Tu-en,  53 
Chia  Ch’ing,  Emperor,  247 
Chia  Shun,  Empress,  vide  A-Lu-Te 
Chief  Eunuch,  vide  Eunuchs 
Ch’ien  Lung,  Emperor,  45,  83,  149,  164, 
350,  442,  445 

Ch’i  Hsiu,  260-1,  264-5,  295,  314,  324, 
367,  374 

Chi  Lu,  Chamberlain,  361.  402,  415 
China’s  Foreign  Policy,  338 
Chinese  Resident  in  Corea,  171,  201 
Ching  Hsin,  252 

Ch’ing,  Prince,  99,  104,  256,  259,  271, 
278,  334,  342,  372,  374  384,  438, 
447,  450,  456,  473 


517 


INDEX 


Ching  Shan,  224,  251-303,  327,  413, 
478 

death  of,  251 
Ching  Yiian-shan,  219 
Chi  Shou-ch’ing,  255-6,  260,  272,  286, 
291 

Ch’i  Ying,  Envoy,  12,  502 
Chou  Dynasty,  315 
Chou  Tsu-p’ei,  41 

Christianity,  105,  248,  260,  268,  313, 
336,  392,  461,  505 

Christians  massacred,  282,  286,  292, 
331,  415 

Chuang,  Prince,  270,  273,  282,  286,  357, 
365,  370 

Chu  Hung-teng,  311 
Ch’ung  Ch’i,  118,  350,  351 
Ch’ung  Hou,  419,  501-2 
Chung  Li,  257 

Ch’un,  House  of,  5,  158,  164,  446 
Ch’un,  Prince  (brother  of  Kuang  Hsu), 
5,  302,  383,  444,  446,  451,  458, 
462 

Ch’un,  Prince  (the  first),  5,  99,  121-2, 
125,  130,  143,  158-65,  167,  446 
adviser  to  Grand  Council,  160 
death  of,  166 

Clan  Imperial,  vide  Imperial 
Classical  essays,  vide  Examinations 
Coast  Defences,  100,  328 
“ Cobbler’s  Wax”  Li,  vide  Li  Lien-ying 
Cold  Palace,”  32,  149 
Colleges,  194,  196,  205,  222,  429,  461, 
493 

Concubines,  Palace,  9,  107,  162,  209, 
225,  231,  300,  408,  429  (also  vide 
under  “ Pearl  ” and  “Lustrous  ”) 
Conferences,  Palace,  125-6,  297,  457 
onfucian  system,  64,  136,  213,  226-7, 
236,  245,  307,  328,  363,  488,  512 
Confucius,  83,  469,  484-5 
quoted,  113,  260,  288,  302,  319,  420 
Conger,  Mrs.,  290,  488 
Conservative  Party,  235,  194,  197, 
201-10,  221,  229 

Conspiracy  of  Regents,  vide  Tsai  Yuan 
Constitutional  Government,  106,  221, 
425,  431,  438,  441,  450,  461, 
468,  498 

Consular  Service,  British,  339 
Corea,  168,  170,  201,  390 
Council,  Grand,  vide  Grand 
Coup  d'ttat,  169  et  seq.,  201-210,  213, 
438,  451,  505,  511 

Court  Ceremonies,  58,  75,  130,  153,  168, 
178,  206,  208,  212,  218,  355,  412, 
450,  462,  492 


Court  in  exile,  97,  344 
Court  of  Astronomers,  34,  117,  493 
Court  physicians,  217-8,  448,  457 
Court’s  return  to  Peking,  353,  357,  394, 
399,  404-11,  486 
Criminal  Code,  431 
Czar’s  Coronation,  182 

Dalai  Lama,  448,  452,  454-5 
Decrees  : — 

1860  : 24,  26,  27,  28,  29 

1861 : 34,  42,  44,  45,  46,  54,  60 

1864  : 67,  86 

1865  : 60,  62 
1866:  89 
1869 : 92,  93 

1872  : (T’ung  Chih’s  majority)  117 

1873  : (Foreign  Ministers’  audiences) 
115 

1874  : (T’ung  Chih’s  illness)  120 
1884 : (Dismissal  of  Prince  Kung) 

154 

1889  : (Position  of  Emperor’s  father) 
164 

1894  : (Tzft  Hsi’s  60th  birthday)  168 
(Re  Censor  An  Wei-chun)  175 
1898  : (Death  of  Prince  Kung)  183 
(Chinese  versus  Manchus)  231 
(Coup  d’etat)  207,  221 
(K’ang  Yu-wei)  204,  226 
(Reform  Edicts)  186-7,  196-7,  199 
(Re  lawsuits)  240 
(The  Boxers  charter)  241,  243 
(Tzh  Hsi’s  policy)  237 
(Weng  T’ung-ho)  188 
(Yuan  Shih-k’ai)  203 

1900  : (Heir  Apparent)  303 
(Boxers  Punished)  364,  367 
(Disowning  Boxers)  331 
(Expiatory)  349 

(Flight  to  Hsi-an)  354 
(Return  to  Peking)  357 
(Yangtsze  Viceroys)  330 

1901  : (Conversion  to  Reform)  419- 
424,  426 

(Cancels  Boxer  Edicts)  375 
(Penitential)  376 

1902  : (Re  Jung  Lu)  414 
(Reforms)  416 

1903  : (Death  of  Jung  Lu)  437 

1905  : (Constitutional  Government) 
431-2 

1908  : (Death  of  Kuang  Hsu)  460 
(Imperial  Succession)  462 
( Regency)  465 

(Tztl  Hsi’s  Valedictory)  467-9 
(Valedictory)  461 


518 


INDEX 


Deth&ve,  Dr.,  217 

Diplomatic  Body,  241,  265,  335,  401, 
412-3,  452,  495 

ladies  of,  214,  241,  290,  412,  434,  495 
District  magistrates,  199,  205,  235,  240, 
243,  441 

“ Divine  Mother,”  240 
Du  Chaylard,  268 
Dynastic  annals,  338,  437,  477 

Edicts,  vide  Decrees 
Educational  Reform,  430,  505 
Elephant,  Tztl  Hsi’s,  454 
Elgin,  Lord,  12,  24-5 
Emperor  of  Japan,  telegram  to,  333, 
335,  337 

Emperor  of  Russia,  telegram  to,  333, 
335 

Emperor’s  education,  87,  107,  127,  233 
Empress  Consort  (Tzu  An),  vide  Tztl 
An 

Empress  Dowager,  vide  Tztl  Hsi,  and 
Yehonala 

Empress  Dowager,  widow  of  Kuang 
Hsii  (Lung  Yu),  4,  301,  447, 
464-5 

Empress  Grand  Dowager  (Tztl  Hsi),  464 
Empress  Mother,  35,  150,  177 
Empress  of  Kuang  Hsii,  163,  177,  209, 
301,  346,  447 

Empress  of  the  East,  vide  Tztl  An 
Empress  of  the  West,  vide  Tztl  Hsi 
En  Hai,  271,  288,  305 
En  Ming,  En  Ch’u,  En  Ch’un,  En  Lin, 
sons  of  Ching  Shan,  251-303 
Etiquette,  vide  Audiences,  Ceremonies, 
Court,  &c. 

Eunuchs,  place  of  origin,  85 
all  Manchus,  429 

Chief  Eunuch  An  Te-hai,  38,  63,  85, 
88,  90  et  seq.,  122,  154,  259 
Li  Lien-ying,  82,  84-5,  94-5,  97-8, 
208.  267,  300,  453,  472 
and  Dalai  Lama,  448 
and  Pearl  Concubine,  300 
and  the  Navy  funds,  169,  196 
at  Hsi-an,  355,  360 
collecting  tribute,  402 
corrupt  practices  of,  353,  495 
denounced  by  Censor,  174 
during  flight  of  Court,  341 
hostility  to  Emperor  of,  100,  179, 
199 

in  disgrace,  102 

power  of,  103,  151,  162,  360,  435 
supports  Boxers,  258,  263,  279 
Wei  Chung,  83 


Eunuchs  ( continued ) — 

Decree  against,  89 
duties  at  audiences,  85 
Eunuch  Sun,  184,  356 
evil  influences  of,  81  et  seq.,  119,  494 
Memorial  denouncing,  107 
under  K’ang  Hsi,  83 
under  Ming  dynasty,  81,  152,  466 
European  morals,  &c.,  Ill,  268 
Ever-vietorious  army,  66 
Examinations,  system  of,  180.  187,  190, 
192,  235-6,  429,  484 
Extra-territoriality,  430 

Flight  of  Court  (1860),  18,  27 
(1900),  300,  302,  340-62 
Foot-binding,  Edict  re,  428 
Foreign  Office,  vide  Waiwupu  and 
Tsungli  Yamen 

French  Cathedral,  Peking,  destroyed, 
276,  293 

Funeral  of  Hsien-Feng,  38,  61 
J ung  Lu,  437 
TzU  Hsi,  465,  470-5,  515 
T’ung  Chih,  501 

Gendarmerie,  Peking,  150,  276 
German  Emperor,  384 
German  Minister,  vide  Baron  von 
Ketteler 

Giers,  de,  Mr.,  336 
Ginseng,  441 

Goddess  of  Mercy,  Tztl  Hsi  as,  455 
Gordon,  General,  11,  66,  67,  73 
Government  Gazette,  mde  Official 
Grand  Council,  44,  159,  266,  275,  297, 
464 

Gros,  Baron,  25 

Han  dynasty,  52,  391 
Hanlin  academy,  282,  293,  483 
Hanlin  diarist  (1860),  14  et  seq. 

Hart,  Sir  R.,  510 

“Heavenly  King,”  vide  Hung  Hsiu- 
ch’uan 

Heir  Apparent,  253,  255,  257,  274-8, 
281,  289,  303^4,  349,  358-9,  360, 
381,  451,  457,  511 
deposed,  382 
Hereditary  rank,  56 
Hillier,  Sir  W„  171 
Hills,  Eastern,  471 
Honan  fu,  Court  at,  399 
Honorific  titles, Tzfl  Hsi’s,  55,  469,  490 
Household,  Imperial,  vide  Imperial 
House  laws,  dynastic,  90,  119,  122, 128, 
133,  143,  159,  174,  381,  444,  462 


519 


INDEX 


Hsi-an,  Court  at,  101,  108,  354-5,  358, 
492,  496 

Hsien-Feng,  Emperor,  2,  8,  11,  467 
at  Jehol,  23,  24,  30 
burial,  61,  472 
death  of,  35,  85 
eunuchs  under,  85 
heir  born  to,  12 
tomb  of,  149 

Hsiian-hua  fu,  Court  at,  342,  346 
Prefect  of,  247 

Hsuan-Pung,  Emperor,  444,  459,  462 
Hsu  Chih-ching,  221 
Hsii  Ching-ch’eng,  269,  281,  291-2,  294, 
307-26,  377 
Hsii  Shih-ch’ang,  6-7 
Hsii  T’ung,  180-1,  253,  257,  263,  270, 
302,  324,  366,  511 

Hsii  Ying-ku’ei,  190,  197,  202,  207,  232, 
246 

Hsii  Yung-yi,  296 
Huai-lai,  Court  at,  340-3 
Huai  Ta  Pu,  194,  197,  202,  207 
Hui  Chang,  230 

Hui  Cheng  (Tzti  Hsi’s  father),  2 
Hundred  Days,  the,  213 
Hung  Hsiu-ch’uan,  67,  69,  71-3 

“ I-CHENG-WANG,”  56,  60 
I-Ho  Yuang,  vide  Summer  Palace 
Ili,  Russians  at,  112,  181,  501-3 
Imperial  Clan  Court,  32,  44,  48,  213 
Imperial  Clans,  122,  187,  267,  325,  326, 
418,  425,  447,  481 

Imperial  Clansmen,  40,  47,  54,  60,  91, 
123,  158,  212,  326,  429 
Imperial  Commissioner,  370 
Imperial  Decrees,  vide  Decrees 
Imperial  Guards,  38 
Imperial  Household,  tribute  to,  86,  97, 
99,  104,  359,  361 
accounts  of,  87,  103,  495 
Comptrollers  of,  87-8,  121,  151,  251, 
259,  457 

eunuchs  in,  81  et  seq. 

Imperial  Succession,  vide  Succession 
Imperial  Tombs,  vide  Tombs 
Incantations  of  Boxers,  279,  315 
Inspector  General  of  Customs,  170,  510 
Intermarriage,  Chinese  and  Manchus, 
428,  491 

International  jealousies,  333,  392 
Iron-capped  princes,  2,  6,  182 
Ito,  Prince,  391,  438 

Jade,  Emperor,  258,  270 
Jadot,  Monsieur,  407,  410-11 


James,  Professor,  272 
Japan,  war  with,  vide  Wars 
Jehol,  Court  at,  14  et  seq.,  27,  439,  484 
Imperial  Treasures  at,  301 
Su  Shun’s  Palace  at,  45 
Tsai  Yiian  conspiracy  at,  30-40 
Judicial  reform,  430,  461 
Jung  Lu,  121,  124 
and  Eunuch  An  Te-hai,  85,  104 
and  Legations,  224,  266,  285 
and  Reformers,  221,  223,  231,  440 
and  Tsai  Yuan  Conspiracy,  32,  37,  40 
and  Weng  T’ung-ho,  181 
at  T’ai-Yiian  fu,  350,  352 
audience  with  Kuang  Hsii,  185 
commander-in-chief,  222,  302,  352 
death  of,  415 
his  corrupt  practices,  352 
his  daughter,  302,  447,  458 
his  wives,  274,  352,  458,  493 
illness  of,  404 
in  disgrace,  150-1 
intimacy  with  Yehonala,  8,  225 
opposes  Boxers,  195,  224,  246,  260, 
266,  440 

relations  with  Emperor,  295,  352 
with  foreigners,  334,  413 
restored,  168 

Tartar  General,  Hsi-an,  103,  168, 
440 

telegram  to  Yangtsze  Viceroys,  277 
Tzti  Hsi’s  adviser,  224,  246,  297,  354, 
387,  413 

valedictory  memorial,  438-442 
Viceroy  of  Chih-li,  188,  440 
withholds  artillery  from  Boxers,  284, 
291 

Kai-Feng,  Court  at,  104 
K’ang-Hsi,  Emperor,  37,  48,  74,  146, 
190,  268,  346 

Kang  Yi,  178,  195,  241,  256-300,  354, 
7 365 

K’ang  Yu-wei,  2,  8,  84,  184 
character  of,  192 
flight  from  Peking,  204 
plot  against  Tzti  Hsi,  198,  225,  244, 
293,  421,  440,  445,  511 
Kansuh  soldiery,  251,  262,  271,  276, 
316,  360,  509 
Kashgar,  fall  of,  509 
Kauffmann,  General,  508 
Ketteler,  vide  Baron  von 
Kiaochao  Bay,  seizure  of,  193,  390 
Ko  Pao-hua,  365,  370 
Kotow,  111 
“ Kowshing,”  s.s.,  171 

520 


INDEX 


Kuang  Hsu,  Emperor,  minority  of,  51, 
128,  149 

and  eunuchs,  82,  85,  110 
a prisoner,  207,  211 
assumes  government,  181,  489 
at  Hsi-an  fu,  358 
character  of,  105,  143 
death  of,  128,  443,  480 
education  of,  127,  152 
elected  by  Tztl  Hsi,  128,  129,  439 
foreign  sympathy  for,  241 
funeral  of,  471,  473 
his  brothers,  386,  515 
his  concubines,  183 
his  consort,  163,  177,  209,  301,  346 
his  disposition,  179,  358,  415 
his  mother,  166 
majority  of,  164 
marriage  of,  161 
opposed  to  Boxers,  269 
personal  appearance  of,  218,  359 
physical  defects,  128 
plots  against  Tzti  Hsi,  198,  202 
relations  with  Chang  Chih-tung,  278 
Heir  Apparent,  281 
Jung  Lu,  352 
Pearl  Concubine,  300 
Reformers,  181,  424 
proposed  deposition  of,  252,  257,  274 
relations  with  Tzft  Hsi,  176,  438,  449 
sickness  of,  216,  383,  443  4,  448, 
459 

succession  to,  462 
Kuanshih,  Court  at,  340 
Kuan  Wen,  68 
Kuei  Ching,  119,  121 
Kuei  Hsiang,  Duke,  6,  161,  209,  415 
Kuei  Liang,  24—5,  41 
Kuei  Pao,  120 
Kung,  Duke,  357 

Kung,  Prince  (candidate  for  Throne, 
1908),  5,  458 

Kung,  Prince  (son  of  Tao-Kuang)  20, 
126,  178 

Adviser  to  the  Government,  56,  154 
assists  Yehonala  against  Tsai  Yuan, 
33  et  seq. 
at  Jehol,  32 
death  of,  183 
degraded,  59,  155 

his  daughter,  Princess  Imperial,  56, 
95 

in  retirement,  157 
plenipotentiary,  27-29 
quarreL  with  Tzii  Hsi,  95,  149,  488 
re-instated,  61,  63 
K’un  Ming  Lake,  178,  204 


Lake  Palace,  206 
Lanchou  fu,  372,  396,  509 
Lan,  Duke,  vide  Tsai  Lan 
Lawsuits,  edict  re,  239 
Legation  Guards,  256,  313,  332 
Legations  at  Peking,  110,  214,  263,  271 
et  seq.,  298,  433 

Liang  Ch’i-ch’ao,  196,  208,  327,  505 
Liao  Shou-heng,  178,  185 
Li  Ching-fang,  173 
Lien  Yuan,  296 
Li  Hsiu-ch’eng,  69,  71-73 
Li  Hung-chang,  76-7,  99,  100,  123,  170, 
172,  176,  192,  201,  239,  336,  384, 
387-9,  434,  501,  505 
death  of,  399 

Li  Hung-tsao,  156,  180,  193 
Li  Lien-ying,  vide  Eunuchs 
Lin  Hsii,  Reformer,  202,  205 
Li  Ping-heng,  102,  246,  286,  292,  293-4, 
297,  343,  348,  366,  505 
Li,  Prince,  157,  178,  262,  271,  275,  292 
Li  Shan,  269,  285,  296 
Literati,  213,  235,  398,  418,  425,  492, 
502 

Li  Tuan-fen,  202,  228-9 
Liu  Kuang-ti,  202 

Liu  K’un-yi,  Viceroy,  220,  233,  274-5, 
279,  327,  334,  395 
Li  Wan-tsai,  69 
Lu  Ch’uan-lin,  354,  358-9,  458 
Lii,  Empress,  52 
Lii  Hai-huan,  385 

Lung  Yu,  Empress,  150, 177,  301,  464-5 
“ Lustrous  ” Concubine,  163,  408,  452 

Magic  arts  of  Boxers,  247,  261,  279 
Mahomedan  rebellion,  74,  117,  321,  503, 
507-509 
Ma  Hsin-yi,  78 

Manchu  Field  Force,  131,  167,  305 
Clansmen,  4,  268 
soldiery,  182,  228,  271 
Manchurian  provinces,  170,  176,  396, 
490,  503,  507 

Manchus  versus  Chinese,  166,  230,  270, 
421,  427,  477 

Masquerades,  ride  Palace  Theatricals 
Mausolea,  vide  Tombs 
Ma  Yu-k’un,  General,  302,  343 
Memorials  : — 

An  Wei-chun,  172 
Censorate,  271 
Hsii  Ying-ku’ei,  192 
Hui  Chang,  230 
Jung  Lu,  350,  436,  438-42 
Li  Hung-chang,  389 


521 


INDEX 


Memorials  ( continued ) : — 

Li  Tuan-fen,  229 
Prince  Ch’un,  165,  384 
Re  Eunuchs,  86,  88,  107 
Southern  Viceroys,  394-5 
Tseng  Quo-fan,  72,  74 
Wu  K’o-tu,  110  et  seq.,  142-7 
Yiian  Ch’ang  and  Hsu  Cliing-ch’eng, 
292-3,  307-26 
Yii  Lu,  Viceroy,  264 
Mencius,  quoted,  111,  163,  187,  273, 
284,  287-8,  514 

Military  re-organisation,  194,  228,  386 
Ming  dynasty,  144,  186,  246,  253,  312, 
428,  431,  466 

Mining  Bureau,  Peking,  196 
Ministers,  foreign,  vide  Diplomatic 
Body 

Missionaries,  78,  241,  255,  287,  292, 
318,  329,  415,  505,  513 
Mission  to  Berlin,  383-386 
abroad  (1905),  431 
Morrison,  Dr.,  vide  “Times” 

Muyanga,  2,  9 


Nanking  re-captured,  48,  66  et  seq. 

Na  T’ung,  31,  264-5,  285 
Navy  funds,  98 

naval  re-organisation,  163,  167,  196, 
386,  503 

Ning  Shou  Palace,  301,  403,  496 
Niuhulu,  7,  10 

North  and  South  factions,  180  et  seq. 
Nurhachu,  1,  4,  5,  371,  429 


“ Ocean  Terrace,”  207,  455,  460 
Official  Gazettes,  196,  204,  222 
Old  Buddha,  vide  Tztt  Hsi,  also 
Yehonala, 

Opium  smoking  (Tzu  Hsi),  411,  496, 
504 

abolition  of,  430,  497,  509 


Palace  eunuchs,  vide  Eunuchs 
orgies,  90,  120 
politics,  4,  184,  231,  353 
Theatricals,  87,  88,  256,  356,  400, 
454-5 

Palace  harem,  9,  162,  408,  429 

P’an  Tsu-yin,  180 

Pao-Ting  Fu,  Court  at,  405 

Pao  Yun,  147,  156 

Parkes  (Sir),  Harry,  16,  21,  271 

Peace  negotiations,  342,  356,  381,  400 


Peace  protocol,  357,  364,  376,  383,  398, 
401,  478 

Pearl  Concubine,  163,  209,  300,  403 
Peking,  capture  of  (1860),  14,  22 
bombardment  (1900),  297 
Peking  University,  187,  194 
P’eng  Yu-lin,  68 
Penitential  Decree,  376 
Mission,  384-6 
Phoenix  flag,  92 

“ P’i  Hsiao,”  Li,  vide  Li  Lien-ying 
(under  eunuchs) 

Plot  against  TzQ  Hsi,  225 
Po  Ch’un,  31 
Police,  Peking,  6,  512 
Port  Arthur,  99 
Portrait  of  TzO  Hsi,  290,  483 
Portsmouth  Treaty,  506 
Post-roads,  banishment  to,  176,  209,  228 
Press  Bureau,  Shanghai,  204,  511 
Press,  native,  109,  196,  229,  433,  477, 
491 

foreign,  433,  448 
Princess  Imperial,  178,  262,  493 
Privy  Purse,  40,  45,  98,  162,  353,  355, 
495 

P’u  Chun,  vide  Heir  Apparent 
P’u  Lun,  Prince,  5,  122-3,  125,  300, 
342,  446-7,  458-9 
P’u  T’ung,  Prince,  361 
P’u  Yi  (Emperor  Hsuan  T’ung),  444, 
459,  462 


Hallway  journey,  Court’s,  401,  404-11, 
414 

Reactionaries,  vide  Conservatives 
Rebellion,  vide  Taiping,  Mahomedan, 
&c. 

Red  Girdles,  vide  Aisin  Gioros 
Reform  Decrees,  185-200 
Repeal  of,  209,  222 

Reform  Movement,  108,  169,  190-215, 
220,  230,  418,  424,  430,  441,  469 
Regency,  Joint  of  Empresses  Dowager, 
4,  44,  51  et  seq.,  65,  94,  117,  118, 
121,  127,  468 

Regency  of  Tsai  Yuan,  30  et  seq.,  42,  439 
Regency  of  Tzft  Hsi,  148  et  seq.,  180 
Regent,  Prince  Ch’un  (1908),  5,  447, 
458-9,  462,  473 
Relief  of  Legations,  298,  334 
Republic,  Chinese,  245 
Revolutionary  Movement,  194,  227,  237, 
245,  249,  457 

Rewards  for  killing  Europeans,  100, 
271,  276,  281,  285,  331,  365 


522 


INDEX 


Russian  Policy,  23,  82,  171,  176,  181, 
336,  396,  434,  502-3 
Russians  at  Ili,  112,  181,  501-3 

Sakota,  9,  61 
Schools,  vide  Colleges 
Scrolls,  honorific,  &c.,  372-3,  451,  506 
Seal,  Imperial,  33,  35,  40,  42 
Seng-Ko-Lin  Ch’in,  Prince,  15,  20,  21, 
25,  28 

Seymour,  Admiral,  332 
Shansi,  Court  in,  346 

Yu  Hsien,  Governor  of,  373 
Shao  Yii-lien,  173 
Sheu  Chin,  Reformer,  490 
Sheng  Hsuan-huai,  407 
Sheng  pao,  General,  20,  391,  484 
Shensi,  famine  in,  105,  416 
Rebellion  in,  117 
Shih  Hsu,  458 
Shimonoseki  Treaty,  391 
Shun-Chih,  Emperor,  37,  83,  133,  146 
Siege  of  Nanking,  68-9,  71 
Su-Chou  fu,  507 
Silkworms,  God  of,  206 
Small-pox,  120 

Southern  provinces  and  Reform,  169, 
185,  219,  229,  253,  418,  490 
Southern  Viceroys,  277,  329,  359,  394-5, 
506 

“Spring  and  Autumn”  Classic,  288, 
318,  514 

Squeezing  by  officials,  495,  510 
Students,  178,  430,  457 
Succession,  Imperial,  5,  115,  119,  122, 
128,  129,  132,  134,  141,  304,  381, 
444,  462,  487 
Sugiyama,  262 
Suicide,  patriotic,  134 
Summer  Palace,  burnt  by  Allies, 20, 42, 389 
rebuilding  of,  99,  128,  168:  356,  493 
Tztt  Hsi’s  life  at,  198,  301,  451 
Sun  Chia-nai,  253,  358,  510-12 
Sung  Ch’ing,  General,  350 
Sung  dynasty,  133,  143,  190,  236,  391 
Sung,  Eunuch,  300 
Sung  Po-lu,  Censor,  190,  195,  208 
Sung  Yu-lien,  204 
Sun  Yat-sen,  Dr.,  227 
Sun  Yu-wen,  157 

Su  Shun,  usurping  Regent,  30  et  seq.,  48, 
156,  496 

Ta-A-Ko,  vide  Heir  Apparent 
Ta  Chi,  Concubine,  225 
Taiping  rebellion,  11,  37,  48,  64-80, 
276,  321,  467,  485,  492,  513 


Tai-Tsung,  Empress,  37 
T’ai-Yuan  fu,  Court  at,  348,  496 
Taku  Forts,  264,  323,  327,  333 
T’an  Chung-lin,  Viceroy,  245 
T’ang  dynasty,  141,  216,  347 
Tang  Shao-yi,  82,  496 
T’an  Ssu-t’ung,  Reformer,  202,  245 
T’an  Ting-hsiang,  Viceroy,  24 
Tao-Kuang,  Emperor,  8,  122,  184,  251, 
291,  458 
his  widow,  11 
T’ao  Mo,  Viceroy,  107-8 
Taxation,  system  of,  441 
Temple  of  Heaven,  445 
“ The  Chinese  Crisis  from  Within,”  2, 
477 

Tientsin,  fighting  at,  282,  289,  290,  325 
Tientsin  massacre,  76-7 
Tien  Ts’ung,  Emperor,  1 
Times  correspondent,  Peking,  82,  446, 
488 

Times,  The,  quoted,  216,  219,  389,  404- 
11,  471-75,  495,  501 
Ting,  Admiral,  99 
Ting  Pao-chen,  91-3 
T’ing  Yung,  247 

Tombs,  Imperial,  150,  471,  473,  487 
Hsien-Feng’s,  61,  149 
T’ung-Chih’s,  136 
Tztl  Hsi’s,  456 
Tongking,  154,  166 
Train-bands,  242-3,  248,  253 
Transvaal  war,  289 
Treasure  in  Palace,  301,  347,  403 
Treaties,  Commercial,  111,  383 
Treaty  of  Lividia,  502-3 
of  Portsmouth,  506 
of  Shimonoseki,  391 
of  Tientsin,  23,  114 
Trial  of  Reformers,  220 
Tribute,  provincial,  97,  104,  359,  361, 
398,  402,  452,  496 
Troops,  Chihli,  75,  78,  182,  197 
Tsai  Ch’u,  Prince,  213 
Tsai  Feng,  vide  Prince  Ch’un 
Tsai  Lan,  Duke,  100,  251-2,  261-3,  270, 
272,  292,  294,  360,  364 
Tsai  Lien,  “ Beileh,”  252,  282 
Tsai  Tse,  Duke,  431 
Tsai  Tun,  Duke,  49 
Tsai  Ying,  “Beileh,”  252,  282 
Tsai  Yuan,  Prince,  21,  27,  30 
Chief  Regent,  36 

conspiracy  of,  3,  30  et  seq.,  212,  492 
death  of,  47 

Ts’en  Ch’un-hsiian,  101,  347-8,  355,  359, 
360,  370 


523 


INDEX 


Tseng  Kuo-ch’uan,  68 
Tseng  Kuo-fan,  Viceroy,  11,  28,  37,  64, 
80,  223,  483,  492,  502,  507 
Tseng,  Marquis,  64,  79,  99 
Tseng  Tzu,  146 

Tso  Tsung-t’ang,  64,  138,  140,  483,  503, 
507-510 

Tsungli  Yamen,  42,  60,  190,  278,  334 
Tuan  Fang,  4,  119,  287,  454,  465,  512, 
515 

Tuan  Hua,  Prince,  21,  30  et  seq.,  49, 
439 

Tuan,  Prince  (Boxer)  100,  224,  251- 
303,  364 
his  wife,  343 
in  banishment,  365 
relations  with  Tzti  Hsi,  273,  283,  291, 
343 

son  of,  Heir  Apparent,  253,  303-4 
Tu  Mu,  146 

T’ung-Chih,  Emperor,  35,  52,  54,  84, 
115,  119,  467,  487 
death  of,  121,  439 
funeral  and  burial  of,  135,  138 
marries  A-Lu-Te,  118,  494 
succession  to,  130,  303,  382,  458, 
461-2,  487 
unborn  heir  of,  122 

Tung  Fu-hsiang,  General,  261-2,  272, 
281,  284-5,  288,  316,  323,  350, 
362,  366,  509 
Tung  Wen  College,  493 
T’ung  Yfian-ch’un,  Censor,  38,  43 
Tun,  Prince,  2,  131,  251 
Turkestan,  221,  229,  365,  502 
Tzti  An  (Empress  Dowager,  of  the  East), 
35,  55,  75,  92,  94,  118,  121, 148-9 
and  A-Lu-Te,  121 
and  Prince  Kung,  93 
Co-Regent  with  Tzti  Hsi,  44,  475 
death  of,  152 
tomb  of,  472,  487 
valedictory  decree,  152 
Tzti  Hsi,  Empress  Dowager,  (.see  also 
Yehonala) 

appoints  Kuang  Hsu’s  successor,  252, 
257,  382 

burial  and  tomb  of,  150,  470-5,  515 
charm  of  manner,  215,  478,  497 
compared  with  Napoleon,  486 
compared  with  Queen  Elizabeth,  160, 
166,  481,  498 
contemplates  suicide,  297 
courage,  285,  487,  488 
death  of,  464-7,  498 
despotic  nature,  57,  184 
diet  and  habits,  356,  411,  496 


Tzti  Hsi  ( continued ) : — 

Empress  Dowager  and  Co-Regent,  35, 
44,  51  et  seq. 

extravagance,  189,  198,  228,  494 
feminine  vanity,  496 
fits  of  rage,  94,  259,  265,  281,  289, 
294,  300,  480,  489,  497 
flies  from  Peking,  296-7,  340  et  seq. 
fond  of  painting,  259,  285 
gentleness,  53,  239,  259,  480 
her  eunuchs,  81  et  seq.,  90,  95-6,  198, 
267,  289,  300 

her  favourites,  91,  96,  102,  293,  364, 
483 

her  private  fortune,  81,  301,  495 
her  Privy  Purse,  40,  45,  98,  162,  301, 
398,  434 

her  sisters,  11,  123,  126,  179 
impartiality,  231,  484 
inconsistency,  257 
indecision,  260,  328,  387 
in  retirement,  161 

kindness  of  heart,  282,  286,  358,  478, 
481,  489 
last  words,  466 

life  at  summer  palace,  157, 161-2,  198, 
288 

love  of  literature,  492-3 
love  of  theatre,  88,  91,  256,  259,  356, 
400,  454-5,  492 

names  and  titles  of,  13,  55,  469,  490 
opium  smoking,  411,  496 
parentage,  childhood  and  education, 
2 7 8-9 

penitent,  337,  383,  389,  392,  416-7, 
445 

personal  appearance,  359 
policy  towards  Manchus,  231 
political  activity,  239,  244 
prestige  of  469,  488 
profligacy  of  Court,  84,  189,  203,  225, 
244,  481 

quarrels  with  Co-Regent,  94,  148-9 
rebukes  the  Censors,  166 
receives  wives  of  foreign  Ministers, 
214,  290,  401,  412,  434,  495 
reform  policy,  375,  389,  394,  416,  420, 
425 

relations  with  Boxers,  250-300,  358, 
364,  419 

relations  with  Jung  Lu,  vide  Jung  Lu 
relations  with  Kuang  Hsii,  176,  438, 
449 

relations  with  Legations,  291,  328, 
401 

relations  with  Prince  Kung,  57  et  seq., 
91  et  seq. 


524 


INDEX 


TzO  Hsi  ( continued ) : — 

relations  with  Prince  Tuan,  278,  283, 
291,  328,  343 
seventieth  birthday,  227 
sickness  of,  443,  455-6 
sixtieth  birthday,  167,  510 
statecraft,  62,  237,  327 
superstitious  nature,  65,  279,  387,  409, 
456,  481,  485,  487 

thrifty  instincts,  45,  105,  405,  434, 
481,  495 

Tsai  Yuan  conspiracy,  30  et  seq. 
vindictiveness,  44,  243,  305,  490 
violates  succession  laws,  43,  126,  132, 
445,  487 

woman  of  moods,  62,  259 

Vernacular  Press,  vide  Press 
Victoria,  Queen,  333,  337,  448,  492 


Wang  Chao,  Reformer,  197,  232,  449 
Wang  Wen-shao,  194,  247,  278,  298, 
340,  342,  354,  402 
Wan  Li,  Emperor,  1 
War,  with  England  and  France  (1860) 
14  et  seq. 
of  Boxers,  266 
Russo-Japanese,  506 
with  France,  154,  166,  505 
with  Japan,  98,  157,  167-8,  170,  180, 
249,  510 

Wei  Chung,  Eunuch,  83 
Weihaiwei,  99,  390 
“ Wen  Ching,”  2,  477,  479 
Weng  T’ung-ho,  151,  156-7,  178  et  seq., 
233-5,  505,  510 
Wen  Hsi,  120 

Wen  Lien,  282,  289,  298,  301 
Wen  T’i,  Censor,  194,  400 
Western  learning,  187,  191,  199 
White  Lily  sect,  247,  311,  321 
Winter  Palace,  198,  260 
Women,  in  the  Palace,  232 
not  allowed  with  army,  485 
not  allowed  with  Imperial  cortege,  45 
rulers,  52,  466 

Wu,  Empress,  52,  189,  270,  472 


Wu  K’o-tu,  110  et  seq.,  132  et  seq.,  445, 
461,  506 

suicide  of,  135,  137 
Wu  San-kuei,  74 
Wu  Ta-ch’eng,  163,  165 
Wu-T’ai  shan,  350 

Yakoub  Beg,  509 
Yang  Ju,  330 
Yang  Jui,  202,  220,  225 
Yangkunu,  Prince,  1 
Yang  Shen-hsiu,  190,  195 
Yangtsze  provinces,  78,  328 
under  Tapings,  67 
Viceroys,  vide  Southern 
Yehonala  Clan,  2-4,  122,  158,  163,  166, 
213,  465,  515 

Yehonala,  Concubine  Imperial,  1 to  13 
et  seq.,  26-7  (vide  Tztl  Hsi) 
her  sisters,  11,  123,  126 
Yeh,  Viceroy,  12,  24 
Yellow  Emperor,  145 
Yellow  Girdles,  vide  Aisin  Gioros 
Yellow  River,  163,  238,  397,  400,  509 
Yellow  Sedan-chair,  164 
paper  decrees,  243 
Turban  sect,  314 

“ Yi  ” Concubine  (vide  Yehonala), 
17,  31 

Yin  Chang,  384-5 
Ying  Nieu,  366-7,  372 
Ying  Tsung,  Emperor,  125 
Yi,  Prince,  vide  Tsai  Yuan,  27,  48 
“Young  China,”  178,  418,  433,  476, 
491 

Yiian  Ch’ang,  269,  270,  273,  281,  292 
294,  307-26,  377 
Yiian  Dynasty,  314 

Yiian  Shih-k’ai,  82,  171,  201,  203  etseq., 
311,  334,  400,  402,  410,  429,  451, 
459,  460 

Yu-Ch’uan  pu  (Ministry  of  Communica- 
tions), 430 

Yii  Hsien,  252,  254,  260,  273,  287,  291, 
311,  323,  348-9,  365,  372 
Yii  Lu,  Viceroy,  195,  257,  264,  282,  292, 
297,  312,  323,  343 
Yiinnan,  Rebellion  in,  117 


525 


Richard  Clay  and  Sons,  Limited, 
Brunswick -street,  s.e.,  and 

BUNGAY,  SUFFOLK. 


Date  Due 




r i* 

<|) 

